Kylie Richardson
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199291960
- eISBN:
- 9780191710551
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199291960.003.0006
- Subject:
- Linguistics, Syntax and Morphology
This chapter summarizes the main syntactic claims in the book, namely that the accusative case is linked to the status of ν as [quantized] (a feature which signals that the event structure of a ...
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This chapter summarizes the main syntactic claims in the book, namely that the accusative case is linked to the status of ν as [quantized] (a feature which signals that the event structure of a ‘base’ verb is compositional), and the instrumental case on a predicate in East Slavic is the morphological manifestation of a [+bounded] aspectual phrase in the syntax.Less
This chapter summarizes the main syntactic claims in the book, namely that the accusative case is linked to the status of ν as [quantized] (a feature which signals that the event structure of a ‘base’ verb is compositional), and the instrumental case on a predicate in East Slavic is the morphological manifestation of a [+bounded] aspectual phrase in the syntax.
Kylie Richardson
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199291960
- eISBN:
- 9780191710551
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199291960.003.0003
- Subject:
- Linguistics, Syntax and Morphology
This chapter demonstrates that in the Slavic languages the accusative case arises on the internal argument of a ‘base’ verb whose event structure (lexical/semantic aspect) is compositional, whereas ...
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This chapter demonstrates that in the Slavic languages the accusative case arises on the internal argument of a ‘base’ verb whose event structure (lexical/semantic aspect) is compositional, whereas lexical case-marking occurs with atelic base verbs whose event structure is never compositional. A syntactic analysis is provided to account for this pattern.Less
This chapter demonstrates that in the Slavic languages the accusative case arises on the internal argument of a ‘base’ verb whose event structure (lexical/semantic aspect) is compositional, whereas lexical case-marking occurs with atelic base verbs whose event structure is never compositional. A syntactic analysis is provided to account for this pattern.
Maria Luisa Zubizarreta
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199746736
- eISBN:
- 9780199949519
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199746736.003.0009
- Subject:
- Linguistics, Syntax and Morphology
This chapter investigates the area between CP and IP. It proposes to dissociate Nominative case from Phi features and introduces a new functional projection (i.e., PhiP). This projection, which is ...
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This chapter investigates the area between CP and IP. It proposes to dissociate Nominative case from Phi features and introduces a new functional projection (i.e., PhiP). This projection, which is located in the left-most edge of the I-domain (immediately above TP and right below the Pol projection), hosts the Subject of Predication in its Specifier. The head position of PhiP is where V moves in languages with a rich verbal inflectional agreement, and where the EPP feature is merged. This analysis means that, among other phenomena, the VSO order in Modern Spanish and the subject-inversion phenomenon in Spanish and Italian interrogatives can be described formally in this chapter.Less
This chapter investigates the area between CP and IP. It proposes to dissociate Nominative case from Phi features and introduces a new functional projection (i.e., PhiP). This projection, which is located in the left-most edge of the I-domain (immediately above TP and right below the Pol projection), hosts the Subject of Predication in its Specifier. The head position of PhiP is where V moves in languages with a rich verbal inflectional agreement, and where the EPP feature is merged. This analysis means that, among other phenomena, the VSO order in Modern Spanish and the subject-inversion phenomenon in Spanish and Italian interrogatives can be described formally in this chapter.
Ruth Kramer
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- October 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780199679935
- eISBN:
- 9780191760129
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199679935.001.0001
- Subject:
- Linguistics, Syntax and Morphology, Theoretical Linguistics
Phi features are crucial for syntax and morphology, and number and person have been the focus of a significant amount of theoretical research. However, gender has received less attention, with the ...
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Phi features are crucial for syntax and morphology, and number and person have been the focus of a significant amount of theoretical research. However, gender has received less attention, with the result that critical questions concerning its morphosyntax remain open. This book presents a cross-linguistic analysis of gender that aims to address these open questions. The book argues that gender features are syntactically located on the n head (“little n”), which serves to nominalize category-neutral roots. Those gender features are either interpretable (in the case of natural gender) or uninterpretable (like the gender of an inanimate noun in Spanish). Adopting Distributed Morphology, the book lays out how the gender features on n map onto the gender features relevant for morphological exponence. The analysis is motivated with an in-depth case study of Amharic, which poses challenges for previous gender analyses and provides clear support for gender on n. The proposals generate a typology of two- and three-gender systems, and the various types are illustrated with a genetically diverse set of languages. Finally, further evidence for gender being on n is provided from case studies of Somali and Romanian, as well as from the interaction of gender with nominalizations and declension class. Overall, the book provides one of the first large-scale, cross-linguistically oriented, theoretical approaches to the morphosyntax of gender.Less
Phi features are crucial for syntax and morphology, and number and person have been the focus of a significant amount of theoretical research. However, gender has received less attention, with the result that critical questions concerning its morphosyntax remain open. This book presents a cross-linguistic analysis of gender that aims to address these open questions. The book argues that gender features are syntactically located on the n head (“little n”), which serves to nominalize category-neutral roots. Those gender features are either interpretable (in the case of natural gender) or uninterpretable (like the gender of an inanimate noun in Spanish). Adopting Distributed Morphology, the book lays out how the gender features on n map onto the gender features relevant for morphological exponence. The analysis is motivated with an in-depth case study of Amharic, which poses challenges for previous gender analyses and provides clear support for gender on n. The proposals generate a typology of two- and three-gender systems, and the various types are illustrated with a genetically diverse set of languages. Finally, further evidence for gender being on n is provided from case studies of Somali and Romanian, as well as from the interaction of gender with nominalizations and declension class. Overall, the book provides one of the first large-scale, cross-linguistically oriented, theoretical approaches to the morphosyntax of gender.
Omer Preminger
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- January 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780262027403
- eISBN:
- 9780262323192
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- The MIT Press
- DOI:
- 10.7551/mitpress/9780262027403.003.0002
- Subject:
- Linguistics, Theoretical Linguistics
This chapter introduces the central explanandum of the monograph: the obligatory nature of predicate-argument agreement in phi-features (person, number, gender/noun-class). The chapter begins by ...
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This chapter introduces the central explanandum of the monograph: the obligatory nature of predicate-argument agreement in phi-features (person, number, gender/noun-class). The chapter begins by providing a working definition of the term agreement. It then proceeds to present three different models to capture its obligatoriness: derivational time-bombs, violable constraints, and obligatory operations. Finally, the notion of “failed agreement” is introduced, and its significance in teasing apart these different models is highlighted.Less
This chapter introduces the central explanandum of the monograph: the obligatory nature of predicate-argument agreement in phi-features (person, number, gender/noun-class). The chapter begins by providing a working definition of the term agreement. It then proceeds to present three different models to capture its obligatoriness: derivational time-bombs, violable constraints, and obligatory operations. Finally, the notion of “failed agreement” is introduced, and its significance in teasing apart these different models is highlighted.
Ruth Kramer
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- October 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780199679935
- eISBN:
- 9780191760129
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199679935.003.0001
- Subject:
- Linguistics, Syntax and Morphology, Theoretical Linguistics
This chapter introduces the major themes of the book. It begins with some basic definitions of gender, natural gender, and arbitrary gender, and then places the book in the context of previous ...
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This chapter introduces the major themes of the book. It begins with some basic definitions of gender, natural gender, and arbitrary gender, and then places the book in the context of previous research. The main proposals of the book are laid out: gender is on the nominalizing head n, natural gender is interpretable whereas arbitrary gender is uninterpretable, and these assumptions allow for a typology of two- to three-gender systems. The chapter also provides background on the frameworks adopted in the book (Minimalism and Distributed Morphology), and limitatations in scope are clearly identified (e.g. the book does not focus on the mechanisms of gender agreement). The chapter concludes with a preview of the remaining content of the book, organized as chapter summaries.Less
This chapter introduces the major themes of the book. It begins with some basic definitions of gender, natural gender, and arbitrary gender, and then places the book in the context of previous research. The main proposals of the book are laid out: gender is on the nominalizing head n, natural gender is interpretable whereas arbitrary gender is uninterpretable, and these assumptions allow for a typology of two- to three-gender systems. The chapter also provides background on the frameworks adopted in the book (Minimalism and Distributed Morphology), and limitatations in scope are clearly identified (e.g. the book does not focus on the mechanisms of gender agreement). The chapter concludes with a preview of the remaining content of the book, organized as chapter summaries.
Ruth Kramer
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- October 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780199679935
- eISBN:
- 9780191760129
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199679935.003.0006
- Subject:
- Linguistics, Syntax and Morphology, Theoretical Linguistics
This chapter continues to investigate the cross-linguistic predictions of the morphosyntactic analysis of gender developed in Chapter 3. Chapter 3 proposed that Amharic contains a n that has an ...
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This chapter continues to investigate the cross-linguistic predictions of the morphosyntactic analysis of gender developed in Chapter 3. Chapter 3 proposed that Amharic contains a n that has an uninterpretable feminine gender feature, in order to explain feminine arbitrary gender; in contrast, masculine arbitrary gender is assigned by morphological default in the context of a n that lacks gender features. This chapter provides further examples of two-gender languages that contain uninterpretable gender features, including Spanish (Romance), which is like Amharic in that it has an uninterpretable feminine feature. In contrast, Maa (Nilo-Saharan) has a n with an uninterpretable masculine feature. The scope of the chapter also extends to animacy-based gender systems; it is suggested that Algonquian languages like Fox have a gender system that includes a n with an uninterpretable animacy feature. One interesting consequence of these proposals is that the animacy feature must be privative.Less
This chapter continues to investigate the cross-linguistic predictions of the morphosyntactic analysis of gender developed in Chapter 3. Chapter 3 proposed that Amharic contains a n that has an uninterpretable feminine gender feature, in order to explain feminine arbitrary gender; in contrast, masculine arbitrary gender is assigned by morphological default in the context of a n that lacks gender features. This chapter provides further examples of two-gender languages that contain uninterpretable gender features, including Spanish (Romance), which is like Amharic in that it has an uninterpretable feminine feature. In contrast, Maa (Nilo-Saharan) has a n with an uninterpretable masculine feature. The scope of the chapter also extends to animacy-based gender systems; it is suggested that Algonquian languages like Fox have a gender system that includes a n with an uninterpretable animacy feature. One interesting consequence of these proposals is that the animacy feature must be privative.
Éric Mathieu
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- December 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780198828105
- eISBN:
- 9780191866777
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198828105.003.0001
- Subject:
- Linguistics, Syntax and Morphology, Theoretical Linguistics
Chapter 1 discusses the latest relevant concepts needed for a good understanding of gender, noun classification, and also number, in current theoretical linguistics. The structure of the volume is ...
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Chapter 1 discusses the latest relevant concepts needed for a good understanding of gender, noun classification, and also number, in current theoretical linguistics. The structure of the volume is presented: it is divided into three parts, each addressing a particular theoretical question that arises when we study gender and noun classification in context. This chapter demonstrates how each of the chapters in the volume speaks to these theoretical questions: (1) What is the role of gender? (2) Where is gender located in the nominal spine? (3) How is gender interpreted?Less
Chapter 1 discusses the latest relevant concepts needed for a good understanding of gender, noun classification, and also number, in current theoretical linguistics. The structure of the volume is presented: it is divided into three parts, each addressing a particular theoretical question that arises when we study gender and noun classification in context. This chapter demonstrates how each of the chapters in the volume speaks to these theoretical questions: (1) What is the role of gender? (2) Where is gender located in the nominal spine? (3) How is gender interpreted?
Daniela Isac
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- November 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780198733263
- eISBN:
- 9780191797798
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198733263.003.0009
- Subject:
- Linguistics, Syntax and Morphology, Theoretical Linguistics
This chapter analyzes subjunctive imperatives in terms of the features discussed in previous chapters. Subjunctive imperatives differ from true imperatives with respect to the interpretation of their ...
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This chapter analyzes subjunctive imperatives in terms of the features discussed in previous chapters. Subjunctive imperatives differ from true imperatives with respect to the interpretation of their subject (subjunctives are not restricted to 2nd person subjects) and their compatibility with negation (subjunctives are compatible with negation to a higher degree than true imperatives). This chapter proposes that these differences follow from the fact that the Mod head bears phi-features in subjunctive imperatives and from the fact that subjunctive imperatives can check the EPP feature on Mod by a subjunctive particle which is merged higher than Neg. This chapter also discusses truncated subjunctives (forms that require a particle in the affirmative, but not in the negative) and proposes that their restriction to 2nd person subjects can be accounted for by the fact that negation has a blocking effect on the transfer of phi-features from Mod to a lower inflectional head.Less
This chapter analyzes subjunctive imperatives in terms of the features discussed in previous chapters. Subjunctive imperatives differ from true imperatives with respect to the interpretation of their subject (subjunctives are not restricted to 2nd person subjects) and their compatibility with negation (subjunctives are compatible with negation to a higher degree than true imperatives). This chapter proposes that these differences follow from the fact that the Mod head bears phi-features in subjunctive imperatives and from the fact that subjunctive imperatives can check the EPP feature on Mod by a subjunctive particle which is merged higher than Neg. This chapter also discusses truncated subjunctives (forms that require a particle in the affirmative, but not in the negative) and proposes that their restriction to 2nd person subjects can be accounted for by the fact that negation has a blocking effect on the transfer of phi-features from Mod to a lower inflectional head.
José Camacho
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780190465889
- eISBN:
- 9780190465919
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190465889.003.0002
- Subject:
- Linguistics, Syntax and Morphology
This chapterpaper analyzes changes in the null subject parameter in Caribbean Spanish and Brazilian Portuguese varieties. These varieties have mixed null -subject properties that diverge from the ...
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This chapterpaper analyzes changes in the null subject parameter in Caribbean Spanish and Brazilian Portuguese varieties. These varieties have mixed null -subject properties that diverge from the null -subject varieties of General Spanish and European Portuguese. Assuming a Minimalist framework that ascribes parametric variation to differences in lexical settings, change is triggered by an increased frequency of overt pronominals and driven by an anti-locality principle that prohibits a Spec, head configuration when the head and the specifier share agreement features. As a result of this principle, subject–-verb agreement with shared phi-features requires the subject to move to the periphery of the clause. When overt pronominals increase in frequency, they become semantically indistinguishable from null ones, inflection shifts from interpretable to unintepretable, the EPP is no longer satisfied, and subjects are displaced from Spec, TP to the left periphery, the morphological and pronominal systems are reorganized and generic null subjects become possible…Less
This chapterpaper analyzes changes in the null subject parameter in Caribbean Spanish and Brazilian Portuguese varieties. These varieties have mixed null -subject properties that diverge from the null -subject varieties of General Spanish and European Portuguese. Assuming a Minimalist framework that ascribes parametric variation to differences in lexical settings, change is triggered by an increased frequency of overt pronominals and driven by an anti-locality principle that prohibits a Spec, head configuration when the head and the specifier share agreement features. As a result of this principle, subject–-verb agreement with shared phi-features requires the subject to move to the periphery of the clause. When overt pronominals increase in frequency, they become semantically indistinguishable from null ones, inflection shifts from interpretable to unintepretable, the EPP is no longer satisfied, and subjects are displaced from Spec, TP to the left periphery, the morphological and pronominal systems are reorganized and generic null subjects become possible…
Daniela Isac
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- November 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780198733263
- eISBN:
- 9780191797798
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198733263.003.0010
- Subject:
- Linguistics, Syntax and Morphology, Theoretical Linguistics
This chapter proposes an analysis of infinitive imperatives in terms of the same features and syntactic heads that were shown in previous chapters to be relevant for true imperatives and subjunctive ...
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This chapter proposes an analysis of infinitive imperatives in terms of the same features and syntactic heads that were shown in previous chapters to be relevant for true imperatives and subjunctive imperatives. All infinitive imperatives have a Mod head that lacks phi-features. However, depending on whether the Mod head bears an [Aspect] feature or not, two types of infinitive imperatives are distinguished. If an [Aspect] feature is present in Mod, it is valued as Generic and licenses a Gen operator that binds the individual variable introduced by the subject. Hence, the subject of such infinitive imperatives is interpreted generically. On the other hand, if Mod lacks [Aspect] (as in the case of negative, “truncated” infinitives), no generic interpretation is available and the subject is valued as 2nd person (identical to the Addressee), just like in true imperatives.Less
This chapter proposes an analysis of infinitive imperatives in terms of the same features and syntactic heads that were shown in previous chapters to be relevant for true imperatives and subjunctive imperatives. All infinitive imperatives have a Mod head that lacks phi-features. However, depending on whether the Mod head bears an [Aspect] feature or not, two types of infinitive imperatives are distinguished. If an [Aspect] feature is present in Mod, it is valued as Generic and licenses a Gen operator that binds the individual variable introduced by the subject. Hence, the subject of such infinitive imperatives is interpreted generically. On the other hand, if Mod lacks [Aspect] (as in the case of negative, “truncated” infinitives), no generic interpretation is available and the subject is valued as 2nd person (identical to the Addressee), just like in true imperatives.
