Daniel Lefkowitz
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195121902
- eISBN:
- 9780199788347
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195121902.003.0007
- Subject:
- Linguistics, Sociolinguistics / Anthropological Linguistics
This chapter examines social variation in the use of two crucial phonological variables in the linguistic construction of Arabness, and therefore constitute a core trope in Israeli constructions of ...
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This chapter examines social variation in the use of two crucial phonological variables in the linguistic construction of Arabness, and therefore constitute a core trope in Israeli constructions of Self and Other. These phonological variables involve variable realizations of the two Hebrew pharyngeal phonemes ⁄☐⁄ (called “ayin”) and ⁄ħ⁄ (called “het”). For each pharyngeal and nonpharyngeal pronunciations are used. Data show that Jewish Israelis avoid pharyngealized forms, while Palestinian Israelis embrace them. The chapter explicates the strategic use to which variation in pharyngealization is put in social interaction, beginning with a discussion of the social and linguistic history of the pharyngeal phonemes.Less
This chapter examines social variation in the use of two crucial phonological variables in the linguistic construction of Arabness, and therefore constitute a core trope in Israeli constructions of Self and Other. These phonological variables involve variable realizations of the two Hebrew pharyngeal phonemes ⁄☐⁄ (called “ayin”) and ⁄ħ⁄ (called “het”). For each pharyngeal and nonpharyngeal pronunciations are used. Data show that Jewish Israelis avoid pharyngealized forms, while Palestinian Israelis embrace them. The chapter explicates the strategic use to which variation in pharyngealization is put in social interaction, beginning with a discussion of the social and linguistic history of the pharyngeal phonemes.
William H. Baxter and Laurent Sagart
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780199945375
- eISBN:
- 9780199369812
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199945375.003.0003
- Subject:
- Linguistics, Historical Linguistics
Chapter 3 gives an overview of the phonological and morphological aspects of the reconstruction, detailing its main features: for word onsets, the pharyngealization and velar/uvular hypotheses, ...
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Chapter 3 gives an overview of the phonological and morphological aspects of the reconstruction, detailing its main features: for word onsets, the pharyngealization and velar/uvular hypotheses, adapted from Norman and Pān Wùyún respectively; the different types of complex onsets and how they predict phonological distinctions lost in Middle Chinese, like the voiced aspirated and softened stops in Mĭn, the prenasalized initials of Hmong-Mien and the spirantized consonants of Vietnamese. For the rhymes, the hypothesis of a *-r coda, adapted from Starostin (1989), is introduced. The main Old Chinese morphological processes and the affixes which mark them are discussed and illustrated. Word families are defined as sets of words built on the same synchronic root; these are contrasted with historically related roots, which reflect fossilized morphological alternations from an earlier time, but which are no longer relatable by synchronic morphology in the Old Chinese period. The chapter ends on a discussion of the nature of the pre-Qín script and of issues relating to the interpretation of phonetic elements in the script.Less
Chapter 3 gives an overview of the phonological and morphological aspects of the reconstruction, detailing its main features: for word onsets, the pharyngealization and velar/uvular hypotheses, adapted from Norman and Pān Wùyún respectively; the different types of complex onsets and how they predict phonological distinctions lost in Middle Chinese, like the voiced aspirated and softened stops in Mĭn, the prenasalized initials of Hmong-Mien and the spirantized consonants of Vietnamese. For the rhymes, the hypothesis of a *-r coda, adapted from Starostin (1989), is introduced. The main Old Chinese morphological processes and the affixes which mark them are discussed and illustrated. Word families are defined as sets of words built on the same synchronic root; these are contrasted with historically related roots, which reflect fossilized morphological alternations from an earlier time, but which are no longer relatable by synchronic morphology in the Old Chinese period. The chapter ends on a discussion of the nature of the pre-Qín script and of issues relating to the interpretation of phonetic elements in the script.
