Desmond King
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198292494
- eISBN:
- 9780191599682
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019829249X.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Desmond King argues that the US federal government was inherently unequal in their treatment of Black Americans both in its own ranks as well as through federal programmes, especially before the ...
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Desmond King argues that the US federal government was inherently unequal in their treatment of Black Americans both in its own ranks as well as through federal programmes, especially before the 1960s; instead of thwarting segregated race relations, he maintains, the federal government participated in their maintenance and diffusion. Using extensive and original archival sources, King documents how Black American employees were segregated in federal government departments, the US Armed Forces, federal penitentiaries, and within housing and service programmes. In addition, King argues that the federal government played a role in sustaining and fostering segregated race relations to an extent little acknowledged by scholars. Finally, he argues and demonstrates that the universality of segregated race relations in the Federal government is often overlooked by a disproportionate emphasis upon their presence in the South. The book concludes with an analysis of the consequences of these trends for understanding the US federal government and race relations as well as data documenting the relative improvements for Black Americans employed by the government.Less
Desmond King argues that the US federal government was inherently unequal in their treatment of Black Americans both in its own ranks as well as through federal programmes, especially before the 1960s; instead of thwarting segregated race relations, he maintains, the federal government participated in their maintenance and diffusion. Using extensive and original archival sources, King documents how Black American employees were segregated in federal government departments, the US Armed Forces, federal penitentiaries, and within housing and service programmes. In addition, King argues that the federal government played a role in sustaining and fostering segregated race relations to an extent little acknowledged by scholars. Finally, he argues and demonstrates that the universality of segregated race relations in the Federal government is often overlooked by a disproportionate emphasis upon their presence in the South. The book concludes with an analysis of the consequences of these trends for understanding the US federal government and race relations as well as data documenting the relative improvements for Black Americans employed by the government.
Frances Finnegan
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195174601
- eISBN:
- 9780199849901
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195174601.003.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, History of Christianity
The two major responses to prostitution in nineteenth-century Britain were the so called Rescue or Penitentiary Movement, and the Contagious Diseases legislation. In Ireland, admittedly, women had ...
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The two major responses to prostitution in nineteenth-century Britain were the so called Rescue or Penitentiary Movement, and the Contagious Diseases legislation. In Ireland, admittedly, women had little involvement in outside Rescue Work. Nevertheless, they were extremely active in “recommending” women to Magdalen Asylums; and more significantly, where family members were responsible for such admissions, 72% of those “brought” to the Good Shepherd Homes were consigned to the institutions by female relatives. Further, the largest, most successful and most enduring Refuges to which penitents were confined were staffed and managed exclusively by nuns. Continuing to operate even when the Women's Movement was at its height, the Magdalen System in Ireland lingered on unnoticed, its victims not, apparently, a matter of concern. Tragically, scores of penitents (or “ladies” as they were latterly called) were still in the Homes in the early 1990s, when these once thriving empires were belatedly sold.Less
The two major responses to prostitution in nineteenth-century Britain were the so called Rescue or Penitentiary Movement, and the Contagious Diseases legislation. In Ireland, admittedly, women had little involvement in outside Rescue Work. Nevertheless, they were extremely active in “recommending” women to Magdalen Asylums; and more significantly, where family members were responsible for such admissions, 72% of those “brought” to the Good Shepherd Homes were consigned to the institutions by female relatives. Further, the largest, most successful and most enduring Refuges to which penitents were confined were staffed and managed exclusively by nuns. Continuing to operate even when the Women's Movement was at its height, the Magdalen System in Ireland lingered on unnoticed, its victims not, apparently, a matter of concern. Tragically, scores of penitents (or “ladies” as they were latterly called) were still in the Homes in the early 1990s, when these once thriving empires were belatedly sold.
Desmond King
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198292494
- eISBN:
- 9780191599682
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019829249X.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
King analyses segregation in federal prisons—institutions that he argues reproduced segregationist pressures ever since the 1930 establishment of the Bureau of Prisons through the 1960s, even in ...
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King analyses segregation in federal prisons—institutions that he argues reproduced segregationist pressures ever since the 1930 establishment of the Bureau of Prisons through the 1960s, even in those penitentiaries located in parts of the country outside the South. After discussing the origins of federal penitentiaries, King presents a statistical profile and racial composition of inmates in federal prisons before the legal ‘separate but equal’ doctrine. He then considers how the segregated system operated in federal prisons and how attempts at integration were carried out.Less
King analyses segregation in federal prisons—institutions that he argues reproduced segregationist pressures ever since the 1930 establishment of the Bureau of Prisons through the 1960s, even in those penitentiaries located in parts of the country outside the South. After discussing the origins of federal penitentiaries, King presents a statistical profile and racial composition of inmates in federal prisons before the legal ‘separate but equal’ doctrine. He then considers how the segregated system operated in federal prisons and how attempts at integration were carried out.
Colin Dayan
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691070919
- eISBN:
- 9781400838592
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691070919.003.0003
- Subject:
- Literature, Criticism/Theory
This chapter argues that to the extent that probable cause and due process protections of the Constitution were ignored and abolished in service to the war on terror, the directive achieving such ...
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This chapter argues that to the extent that probable cause and due process protections of the Constitution were ignored and abolished in service to the war on terror, the directive achieving such ends is illegal by any post-Magna Carta standard. Yet, today, legal boundaries are equated with the legitimacy of the government's goals. It is not an absence of law but an abundance of it that allows government to engage in seemingly illegal practices. The chapter then explores this hyperlegal negation of civil existence. The negation of civil existence requires that a person be made “superfluous.” To be made superfluous is to be outside the pale of human empathy. It is in the mind-destroying setting of the supermax penitentiary that the state attempts to take away awareness, will, and responsibility and thereby institute the superfluousness sanctioned by law.Less
This chapter argues that to the extent that probable cause and due process protections of the Constitution were ignored and abolished in service to the war on terror, the directive achieving such ends is illegal by any post-Magna Carta standard. Yet, today, legal boundaries are equated with the legitimacy of the government's goals. It is not an absence of law but an abundance of it that allows government to engage in seemingly illegal practices. The chapter then explores this hyperlegal negation of civil existence. The negation of civil existence requires that a person be made “superfluous.” To be made superfluous is to be outside the pale of human empathy. It is in the mind-destroying setting of the supermax penitentiary that the state attempts to take away awareness, will, and responsibility and thereby institute the superfluousness sanctioned by law.
David d'Avray
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780198208211
- eISBN:
- 9780191716690
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198208211.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Medieval History
This study shows how marriage symbolism emerged from the world of texts to become a social force affecting ordinary people. The book covers the whole medieval period but identifies the decades around ...
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This study shows how marriage symbolism emerged from the world of texts to become a social force affecting ordinary people. The book covers the whole medieval period but identifies the decades around 1200 as decisive. New arguments for regarding preaching as a real mass medium in the period c.1200 onwards are presented, building on the author's Medieval Marriage Sermons (Oxford, 2001). In marriage sermons symbolism was crucial, but it also became a social force through law, and lay behind the combination of monogamy with indissolubility, which made the medieval Church's marriage system a unique development in world history. Symbolism is not presented as an explanation on its own: it interacted with other causal factors, notably the 11th-cenury Gregorian Reform's drive for celibacy, which made the higher clergy into a sort of ‘third gender’ and less sympathetic to patriarchal polygamous tendencies. Sexual intercourse as a symbol of Christ's union with the Church became central not just in mysticism but in society as structured by Canon Law. Marriage symbolism also explains some apparently bizarre rules such as the exemption from capital punishment of clerics in Minor Orders even if they were married — provided that they married a virgin not a widow, and that they did not remarry if their wife died. The rules about blessing second marriages are also connected with this nexus of thought. The book is based on a wide range of manuscript sources: sermons, canon law commentaries, Registers of the Apostolic Penitentiary, papal bulls, a Gaol Delivery roll, and pastoral handbooks.Less
This study shows how marriage symbolism emerged from the world of texts to become a social force affecting ordinary people. The book covers the whole medieval period but identifies the decades around 1200 as decisive. New arguments for regarding preaching as a real mass medium in the period c.1200 onwards are presented, building on the author's Medieval Marriage Sermons (Oxford, 2001). In marriage sermons symbolism was crucial, but it also became a social force through law, and lay behind the combination of monogamy with indissolubility, which made the medieval Church's marriage system a unique development in world history. Symbolism is not presented as an explanation on its own: it interacted with other causal factors, notably the 11th-cenury Gregorian Reform's drive for celibacy, which made the higher clergy into a sort of ‘third gender’ and less sympathetic to patriarchal polygamous tendencies. Sexual intercourse as a symbol of Christ's union with the Church became central not just in mysticism but in society as structured by Canon Law. Marriage symbolism also explains some apparently bizarre rules such as the exemption from capital punishment of clerics in Minor Orders even if they were married — provided that they married a virgin not a widow, and that they did not remarry if their wife died. The rules about blessing second marriages are also connected with this nexus of thought. The book is based on a wide range of manuscript sources: sermons, canon law commentaries, Registers of the Apostolic Penitentiary, papal bulls, a Gaol Delivery roll, and pastoral handbooks.
D. L. d'Avray
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780198208211
- eISBN:
- 9780191716690
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198208211.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, European Medieval History
In the later Middle Ages there was a strange exception to the rule that marriages were indissoluble. A non-consummated marriage could be dissolved even if there were no question of impotence on ...
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In the later Middle Ages there was a strange exception to the rule that marriages were indissoluble. A non-consummated marriage could be dissolved even if there were no question of impotence on either side if the husband or wife chose to enter a religious order. From the 15th century on this developed into a papal power to dissolve unconsummated marriages for other reasons too. The intellectual origins of this development can be traced back to marriage symbolism: only a consummated marriage fully mirrors the passionate union of Christ and the Church, so that only a consummated marriage is fully indissoluble. The Carolingian marriage guru Hincmar of Reims played an early role in forming this doctrine. Alexander III in the 12th century made the ruling about entry into a religious order. Martin V may have been the first to dissolve valid but unconsummated marriages for other reasons. The practice developed further in the early modern period. The main contribution of the chapter is to show that this by-way of Canon Law is more relevant to social history than might be supposed. The evidence of the Apostolic Penitentiary Registers is one of the sources used to demonstrate this.Less
In the later Middle Ages there was a strange exception to the rule that marriages were indissoluble. A non-consummated marriage could be dissolved even if there were no question of impotence on either side if the husband or wife chose to enter a religious order. From the 15th century on this developed into a papal power to dissolve unconsummated marriages for other reasons too. The intellectual origins of this development can be traced back to marriage symbolism: only a consummated marriage fully mirrors the passionate union of Christ and the Church, so that only a consummated marriage is fully indissoluble. The Carolingian marriage guru Hincmar of Reims played an early role in forming this doctrine. Alexander III in the 12th century made the ruling about entry into a religious order. Martin V may have been the first to dissolve valid but unconsummated marriages for other reasons. The practice developed further in the early modern period. The main contribution of the chapter is to show that this by-way of Canon Law is more relevant to social history than might be supposed. The evidence of the Apostolic Penitentiary Registers is one of the sources used to demonstrate this.
Janet Semple
- Published in print:
- 1993
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198273875
- eISBN:
- 9780191684074
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198273875.003.0013
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This concluding chapter criticizes the penitentiary built at Jeremy Bentham's proposed site for his panopticon at the Salisbury estate in Millbank, England. The ground in the area was swampy and ...
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This concluding chapter criticizes the penitentiary built at Jeremy Bentham's proposed site for his panopticon at the Salisbury estate in Millbank, England. The ground in the area was swampy and unable to sustain the building, which increased the penitentiary's cost to 500,000 British pounds. The building was so full of dark corners and passages, innumerable doors and gates and winding staircases that warders sometimes got lost inside it. The management was no more successful than the architecture. The discipline was so lax that in 1817 the inmates rose in open mutiny.Less
This concluding chapter criticizes the penitentiary built at Jeremy Bentham's proposed site for his panopticon at the Salisbury estate in Millbank, England. The ground in the area was swampy and unable to sustain the building, which increased the penitentiary's cost to 500,000 British pounds. The building was so full of dark corners and passages, innumerable doors and gates and winding staircases that warders sometimes got lost inside it. The management was no more successful than the architecture. The discipline was so lax that in 1817 the inmates rose in open mutiny.
Janet Semple
- Published in print:
- 1993
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198273875
- eISBN:
- 9780191684074
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198273875.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter discusses Jeremy Bentham's legislative pamphlet titled A View of the Hard Labour Bill and the passage of the Penitentiary Act of 1779 in England. The pamphlet is often dismissed as part ...
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This chapter discusses Jeremy Bentham's legislative pamphlet titled A View of the Hard Labour Bill and the passage of the Penitentiary Act of 1779 in England. The pamphlet is often dismissed as part of Bentham's obsession with prisons but recent analyses suggest that it provides insights into the fundamental theme of Bentham's thought. L. J. Hume considers the pamphlet as a significant contribution to the ongoing debate on the nature of the modern state and links it with Bentham's abortive scheme for a Board of Shipping. Ross Harrison contends that the duty and interest junction principle originated in Bentham's comments on the provision in the bill that makes the level of the governor's salary dependent on the profits made by the prison.Less
This chapter discusses Jeremy Bentham's legislative pamphlet titled A View of the Hard Labour Bill and the passage of the Penitentiary Act of 1779 in England. The pamphlet is often dismissed as part of Bentham's obsession with prisons but recent analyses suggest that it provides insights into the fundamental theme of Bentham's thought. L. J. Hume considers the pamphlet as a significant contribution to the ongoing debate on the nature of the modern state and links it with Bentham's abortive scheme for a Board of Shipping. Ross Harrison contends that the duty and interest junction principle originated in Bentham's comments on the provision in the bill that makes the level of the governor's salary dependent on the profits made by the prison.
Janet Semple
- Published in print:
- 1993
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198273875
- eISBN:
- 9780191684074
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198273875.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter discusses the similarity between the Penitentiary Act of 1779, drafted by English prison reformist John Howard, and Jeremy Bentham's panopticon. The Act and the panopticon both ...
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This chapter discusses the similarity between the Penitentiary Act of 1779, drafted by English prison reformist John Howard, and Jeremy Bentham's panopticon. The Act and the panopticon both originated from the rational utilitarianism of the Enlightenment and the ideas of the prison reformers were inspired by Christianity and a concern for the individual soul. Howard's penitentiary and Bentham's panopticon are products of the same climate of ideas and assumptions that men are responsible for their actions and not subject to subconscious imperatives or the playthings of irresistible economic forces.Less
This chapter discusses the similarity between the Penitentiary Act of 1779, drafted by English prison reformist John Howard, and Jeremy Bentham's panopticon. The Act and the panopticon both originated from the rational utilitarianism of the Enlightenment and the ideas of the prison reformers were inspired by Christianity and a concern for the individual soul. Howard's penitentiary and Bentham's panopticon are products of the same climate of ideas and assumptions that men are responsible for their actions and not subject to subconscious imperatives or the playthings of irresistible economic forces.
Frances Finnegan
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195174601
- eISBN:
- 9780199849901
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195174601.003.0002
- Subject:
- Religion, History of Christianity
There were alarming estimates on prostitution in Britain throughout the nineteenth century. This chapter presents the history of the Female Penitentiary system in England from its beginnings in the ...
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There were alarming estimates on prostitution in Britain throughout the nineteenth century. This chapter presents the history of the Female Penitentiary system in England from its beginnings in the 1750s. The issue of continued demand for prostitutes was barely confronted, so absorbed were moralists with the disgraceful and more visible evidence of supply. Thus, Rescue Workers insisted on individual moral (rather than radical social) reform. The Homes themselves had little impact on prostitution over the period. The term “patented villains” might, perhaps, more aptly be applied to those engaged in Rescue Work, than to the “loathsome sinners” they empowered themselves to save.Less
There were alarming estimates on prostitution in Britain throughout the nineteenth century. This chapter presents the history of the Female Penitentiary system in England from its beginnings in the 1750s. The issue of continued demand for prostitutes was barely confronted, so absorbed were moralists with the disgraceful and more visible evidence of supply. Thus, Rescue Workers insisted on individual moral (rather than radical social) reform. The Homes themselves had little impact on prostitution over the period. The term “patented villains” might, perhaps, more aptly be applied to those engaged in Rescue Work, than to the “loathsome sinners” they empowered themselves to save.
David Polizzi
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9781447337539
- eISBN:
- 9781447337553
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781447337539.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Law, Crime and Deviance
Solitary confinement has been used in correctional practice since the very inception of the penitentiary system in the United States. However, by the late 1840’s, it usefulness as a rehabilitative ...
More
Solitary confinement has been used in correctional practice since the very inception of the penitentiary system in the United States. However, by the late 1840’s, it usefulness as a rehabilitative strategy was placed into question. By the late 1880’s, it’s utility as a mode of rationalized retribution quickly became the sole function of this type of correctional strategy. By the 1980’s, a number of states in the U.S began to build supermax penitentiaries. Within the current context, isolated confinement has become a regular correctional strategy of every state correctional system in the U.S., including the federal supermax facility located in Colorado. As the use of solitary and supermax confinement became more mainstream, the U.S. Supreme Court was often called upon to determine if this type of correctional strategy violated constitutional protection. Though the Supreme Court has moved rather slowly on this issue, it has begun to prohibit certain individuals to be placed in this type of confinement due to the psychological damage it can impose on certain individuals. What has been consistently observed both historically and within the context of personal accounts of this experience is the profound effects of isolated confinement. The phenomenology of this event is evoked within the relationality between the structural limitations of the physical space of solitary and individual experience. Within this context, the most basic aspects of embodied existence—the possibility of human touch, the possibility of bodily movement by which to take up the world and the absence of direct intersubjective experience—are denied.Less
Solitary confinement has been used in correctional practice since the very inception of the penitentiary system in the United States. However, by the late 1840’s, it usefulness as a rehabilitative strategy was placed into question. By the late 1880’s, it’s utility as a mode of rationalized retribution quickly became the sole function of this type of correctional strategy. By the 1980’s, a number of states in the U.S began to build supermax penitentiaries. Within the current context, isolated confinement has become a regular correctional strategy of every state correctional system in the U.S., including the federal supermax facility located in Colorado. As the use of solitary and supermax confinement became more mainstream, the U.S. Supreme Court was often called upon to determine if this type of correctional strategy violated constitutional protection. Though the Supreme Court has moved rather slowly on this issue, it has begun to prohibit certain individuals to be placed in this type of confinement due to the psychological damage it can impose on certain individuals. What has been consistently observed both historically and within the context of personal accounts of this experience is the profound effects of isolated confinement. The phenomenology of this event is evoked within the relationality between the structural limitations of the physical space of solitary and individual experience. Within this context, the most basic aspects of embodied existence—the possibility of human touch, the possibility of bodily movement by which to take up the world and the absence of direct intersubjective experience—are denied.
Anita L. Allen
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195141375
- eISBN:
- 9780199918126
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195141375.003.0002
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Feminist Philosophy, General
This chapter argues that states of seclusion can sometimes amount to coerced unpopular privacy, giving rise to concerns about the legitimacy. Western societies once imposed unwanted, pathological ...
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This chapter argues that states of seclusion can sometimes amount to coerced unpopular privacy, giving rise to concerns about the legitimacy. Western societies once imposed unwanted, pathological seclusion on modern women, but have moved significantly beyond the worst of the unhappy hausfrau state. Attention properly shifts to other, still highly vulnerable groups of men, women and children forced into seclusion, isolation and confinement. Government imposes unwanted seclusion on women and men who are put away because they have broken the law, gotten sick, or become insane. Unwanted seclusion, whether it is a super Max prison cell, a mental hospital or quarantine, can be lonely and isolating in ways that philosophers like on Hannah Arendt helped us understand,. It can also be cruel and inhumane in ways countless lawyers and many psychologists illuminate it. The traditional feminist critique of domestic seclusion invites the discourse of "freedom and servitude" into the assessment of unpopular seclusion of all sorts. It counsels penetrating supposed havens for signs of hell, whose tortures and violence, degree of autonomy or incessant interruption government may have the capacity and authority to abate.Less
This chapter argues that states of seclusion can sometimes amount to coerced unpopular privacy, giving rise to concerns about the legitimacy. Western societies once imposed unwanted, pathological seclusion on modern women, but have moved significantly beyond the worst of the unhappy hausfrau state. Attention properly shifts to other, still highly vulnerable groups of men, women and children forced into seclusion, isolation and confinement. Government imposes unwanted seclusion on women and men who are put away because they have broken the law, gotten sick, or become insane. Unwanted seclusion, whether it is a super Max prison cell, a mental hospital or quarantine, can be lonely and isolating in ways that philosophers like on Hannah Arendt helped us understand,. It can also be cruel and inhumane in ways countless lawyers and many psychologists illuminate it. The traditional feminist critique of domestic seclusion invites the discourse of "freedom and servitude" into the assessment of unpopular seclusion of all sorts. It counsels penetrating supposed havens for signs of hell, whose tortures and violence, degree of autonomy or incessant interruption government may have the capacity and authority to abate.
David Polizzi
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9781447337539
- eISBN:
- 9781447337553
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781447337539.003.0006
- Subject:
- Sociology, Law, Crime and Deviance
Solitary confinement evokes a manner of human torture that does not need to include the actual presence of another individual to inflict this physical or psychological harm. Its sole intent is to ...
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Solitary confinement evokes a manner of human torture that does not need to include the actual presence of another individual to inflict this physical or psychological harm. Its sole intent is to inflict harm and wear down the individual so confined. First it takes away the world and or time, then it takes the human self as well.Less
Solitary confinement evokes a manner of human torture that does not need to include the actual presence of another individual to inflict this physical or psychological harm. Its sole intent is to inflict harm and wear down the individual so confined. First it takes away the world and or time, then it takes the human self as well.
Anna Dickinson
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780813134246
- eISBN:
- 9780813135946
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813134246.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, American History: Civil War
This chapter details how Dickinson and Bernard started in Norfolk, and traveled through Wilmington, Raleigh, and Charlotte in North Carolina. In Wilmington, a black man invoked in Dickinson the ...
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This chapter details how Dickinson and Bernard started in Norfolk, and traveled through Wilmington, Raleigh, and Charlotte in North Carolina. In Wilmington, a black man invoked in Dickinson the recently passed Civil Rights Act of 1875 to demand a ticket to Dickinson's lecture in the “white” section. This provoked great controversy and lead Dickinson to comment on the efficacy of the new legislation. In Raleigh she inspected the state's public buildings, toured the famous Tarboro house, and inquired about the racial composition in the state penitentiary. In Charlotte, Dickinson described an episode where a light-skinned African American S.C. legislator had barely escaped an angry mob when they heard he was staying in a local hotel. This story lead her to further commentary on the Civil Rights Act. Outside Charlotte she stopped at Salisbury, to visit the site of the infamous prison of war camp. Dickinson's description of this visit provides some of the most powerful moments in her journey.Less
This chapter details how Dickinson and Bernard started in Norfolk, and traveled through Wilmington, Raleigh, and Charlotte in North Carolina. In Wilmington, a black man invoked in Dickinson the recently passed Civil Rights Act of 1875 to demand a ticket to Dickinson's lecture in the “white” section. This provoked great controversy and lead Dickinson to comment on the efficacy of the new legislation. In Raleigh she inspected the state's public buildings, toured the famous Tarboro house, and inquired about the racial composition in the state penitentiary. In Charlotte, Dickinson described an episode where a light-skinned African American S.C. legislator had barely escaped an angry mob when they heard he was staying in a local hotel. This story lead her to further commentary on the Civil Rights Act. Outside Charlotte she stopped at Salisbury, to visit the site of the infamous prison of war camp. Dickinson's description of this visit provides some of the most powerful moments in her journey.
Jennifer Greiman
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780823230990
- eISBN:
- 9780823241156
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fordham/9780823230990.003.0005
- Subject:
- Literature, American, 19th Century Literature
Chattel slavery provided a model of lawful violence, against which other forms of exceptional penalty — capital punishment, solitary confinement — operated in the United States in the early decades ...
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Chattel slavery provided a model of lawful violence, against which other forms of exceptional penalty — capital punishment, solitary confinement — operated in the United States in the early decades of the nineteenth century. As the penal system learned from slavery, so reform movements in general began to partake of the rhetoric and practices of penitentiary reform, particularly insofar as sentiment and sympathy produced a kind of lingua franca for reform, shaping debates about technologies of punishment along with those on abolition, temperance, public education, and any number of reformist efforts. The condition staged in The Blithedale Romance is a crisis of empowerment in a society organized as both democratic and sovereign. The mimetic relations instituted at Blithedale involve them in enactments of sovereignty that produce what Tocqueville calls “a stranger among us.”Less
Chattel slavery provided a model of lawful violence, against which other forms of exceptional penalty — capital punishment, solitary confinement — operated in the United States in the early decades of the nineteenth century. As the penal system learned from slavery, so reform movements in general began to partake of the rhetoric and practices of penitentiary reform, particularly insofar as sentiment and sympathy produced a kind of lingua franca for reform, shaping debates about technologies of punishment along with those on abolition, temperance, public education, and any number of reformist efforts. The condition staged in The Blithedale Romance is a crisis of empowerment in a society organized as both democratic and sovereign. The mimetic relations instituted at Blithedale involve them in enactments of sovereignty that produce what Tocqueville calls “a stranger among us.”
Peter Zinoman
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520224124
- eISBN:
- 9780520925175
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520224124.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, Asian History
This chapter traces the possible origins of the ill-disciplined prison system in French Indochina. It explains that the establishment of a colonial prison system in French Indochina during the ...
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This chapter traces the possible origins of the ill-disciplined prison system in French Indochina. It explains that the establishment of a colonial prison system in French Indochina during the nineteenth century coincided with the emergence of the modern penitentiary in Europe and the U.S. which focused on modifying inmate behavior through a series of coercive and corrective practices. It also discusses the evolution of the colonial prison, the prisoner-of-war camp, and the tightfisted character of the colonial state and its stubborn refusal to provide the resources necessary for the creation of a truly disciplinary penal system.Less
This chapter traces the possible origins of the ill-disciplined prison system in French Indochina. It explains that the establishment of a colonial prison system in French Indochina during the nineteenth century coincided with the emergence of the modern penitentiary in Europe and the U.S. which focused on modifying inmate behavior through a series of coercive and corrective practices. It also discusses the evolution of the colonial prison, the prisoner-of-war camp, and the tightfisted character of the colonial state and its stubborn refusal to provide the resources necessary for the creation of a truly disciplinary penal system.
Peter Zinoman
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520224124
- eISBN:
- 9780520925175
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520224124.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, Asian History
This chapter focuses on the Thai Nguyen rebellion, the largest and most destructive anticolonial uprising in French Indochina. It describes how an eclectic band of political prisoners, common ...
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This chapter focuses on the Thai Nguyen rebellion, the largest and most destructive anticolonial uprising in French Indochina. It describes how an eclectic band of political prisoners, common criminals, and mutinous prison guards seized the Thai Nguyen Penitentiary in August 1917. Though the French forces were able to retake the penitentiary after five days of intense fighting, the mopping-up campaigns in the surrounding countryside stretched on for six months and led to hundreds of casualties on both sides. It suggests that the penitentiary provided a discrete site where traditional class and regional divisions might be overcome and new ideas of fraternity and community could develop, flourish, and serve as a powerful foundation for collective resistance to the colonial state.Less
This chapter focuses on the Thai Nguyen rebellion, the largest and most destructive anticolonial uprising in French Indochina. It describes how an eclectic band of political prisoners, common criminals, and mutinous prison guards seized the Thai Nguyen Penitentiary in August 1917. Though the French forces were able to retake the penitentiary after five days of intense fighting, the mopping-up campaigns in the surrounding countryside stretched on for six months and led to hundreds of casualties on both sides. It suggests that the penitentiary provided a discrete site where traditional class and regional divisions might be overcome and new ideas of fraternity and community could develop, flourish, and serve as a powerful foundation for collective resistance to the colonial state.
Daniel Burton-Rose
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520264281
- eISBN:
- 9780520936485
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520264281.003.0022
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
On February 26, 1976, an inmate tried to give Edward Allen Mead a note. Written on it was a proposal to riot, take hostages, and escape. The author of the proposal, Mark LaRue, had been involved in ...
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On February 26, 1976, an inmate tried to give Edward Allen Mead a note. Written on it was a proposal to riot, take hostages, and escape. The author of the proposal, Mark LaRue, had been involved in the takeover attempt at the Washington State Penitentiary on New Year's Eve of 1974. The takeover was intended to enforce the collective demands of the inmates—the same demands that the George Jackson Brigade would make six months later when it bombed the offices of the Washington Department of Corrections in Olympia. The state of Washington charged Mead with first-degree assault on police officers Joseph L. Abbott and Robert W. Mathews. Though he had indeed shot at the men, Mead claimed he was not guilty as charged. He argued that he had not shot with “intent to kill,” so it was second-degree assault of which he was guilty. During his trial, Mead took the U.S. government to task for its imperialism, but he was sentenced to two consecutive life terms. He was headed to the Washington State Penitentiary in Walla Walla.Less
On February 26, 1976, an inmate tried to give Edward Allen Mead a note. Written on it was a proposal to riot, take hostages, and escape. The author of the proposal, Mark LaRue, had been involved in the takeover attempt at the Washington State Penitentiary on New Year's Eve of 1974. The takeover was intended to enforce the collective demands of the inmates—the same demands that the George Jackson Brigade would make six months later when it bombed the offices of the Washington Department of Corrections in Olympia. The state of Washington charged Mead with first-degree assault on police officers Joseph L. Abbott and Robert W. Mathews. Though he had indeed shot at the men, Mead claimed he was not guilty as charged. He argued that he had not shot with “intent to kill,” so it was second-degree assault of which he was guilty. During his trial, Mead took the U.S. government to task for its imperialism, but he was sentenced to two consecutive life terms. He was headed to the Washington State Penitentiary in Walla Walla.
Daniel Burton-Rose
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520264281
- eISBN:
- 9780520936485
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520264281.003.0024
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
In returning to Seattle, the George Jackson Brigade chose a residence in South Seattle, near the Seattle-Tacoma airport. The perennial issue of prison struggle cropped up again in the late spring. As ...
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In returning to Seattle, the George Jackson Brigade chose a residence in South Seattle, near the Seattle-Tacoma airport. The perennial issue of prison struggle cropped up again in the late spring. As with the Brigade's first bombing—that in support of prisoners on June 1, 1975—the long-term isolation unit at the Washington State Penitentiary in Walla Walla was the flash point. A triumvirate of interests was in conflict: prisoners, caged for indefinite periods in dismal circumstances; prison guards, who despised and feared their charges and complained of a lack of support from their superiors; and policy makers in Olympia, whose dreams of reform became nightmarish realities when implemented. After the Brigade discovered an interlocking directorate joining the Seattle Times to Rainier National Bank, it decided to use actions against the bank's branches as a launching pad for its objections to the circumscribed public debate over prisoners' rights. This chapter discusses the Brigade's return to Seattle with a high-profile string of bombings.Less
In returning to Seattle, the George Jackson Brigade chose a residence in South Seattle, near the Seattle-Tacoma airport. The perennial issue of prison struggle cropped up again in the late spring. As with the Brigade's first bombing—that in support of prisoners on June 1, 1975—the long-term isolation unit at the Washington State Penitentiary in Walla Walla was the flash point. A triumvirate of interests was in conflict: prisoners, caged for indefinite periods in dismal circumstances; prison guards, who despised and feared their charges and complained of a lack of support from their superiors; and policy makers in Olympia, whose dreams of reform became nightmarish realities when implemented. After the Brigade discovered an interlocking directorate joining the Seattle Times to Rainier National Bank, it decided to use actions against the bank's branches as a launching pad for its objections to the circumscribed public debate over prisoners' rights. This chapter discusses the Brigade's return to Seattle with a high-profile string of bombings.
David Polizzi
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9781447337539
- eISBN:
- 9781447337553
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781447337539.003.0003
- Subject:
- Sociology, Law, Crime and Deviance
The phenomenology of solitary and supermax confinement reflects what Giorgio Agamben has defined as the state of exception. The state of exception is defined as the blurring of the legal and ...
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The phenomenology of solitary and supermax confinement reflects what Giorgio Agamben has defined as the state of exception. The state of exception is defined as the blurring of the legal and political order, which constructs a zone of indifference for those forced to endure this situation. This notion of the state of exception can be applied to the zone of indifference created by the Supreme Court, which seems unwilling to outlaw this harmful practice relative to 8th Amendment protections prohibiting cruel and unusual punishment and the political order which is all too inclined to continue use strategy. One of the central aspects of this “ecology of harm”, is the way in which the very structures of this type of confinement, helps to invite and legitimize abusive attitudes and behaviors in penitentiary staff.Less
The phenomenology of solitary and supermax confinement reflects what Giorgio Agamben has defined as the state of exception. The state of exception is defined as the blurring of the legal and political order, which constructs a zone of indifference for those forced to endure this situation. This notion of the state of exception can be applied to the zone of indifference created by the Supreme Court, which seems unwilling to outlaw this harmful practice relative to 8th Amendment protections prohibiting cruel and unusual punishment and the political order which is all too inclined to continue use strategy. One of the central aspects of this “ecology of harm”, is the way in which the very structures of this type of confinement, helps to invite and legitimize abusive attitudes and behaviors in penitentiary staff.
