Jochen Prantl
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199287680
- eISBN:
- 9780191603723
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199287686.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter analyzes the institutional setting of the United Nations. The underlying assumption is that the Security Council can best be described as a Janus-faced structure of both an open system ...
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This chapter analyzes the institutional setting of the United Nations. The underlying assumption is that the Security Council can best be described as a Janus-faced structure of both an open system and a closed shop. This notion reflects the Council’s sensitivity towards external change, while the restrictive provisions of the Charter constrain the possibilities of formal adaptation. The chapter examines: (1) the role of great powers in international organizations, (2) the role and function of the Security Council according to the Charter of the United Nations, and (3) the ‘constitutional practice’ of the Council, elaborating on certain variants of the collective security scheme as envisioned in the Charter.Less
This chapter analyzes the institutional setting of the United Nations. The underlying assumption is that the Security Council can best be described as a Janus-faced structure of both an open system and a closed shop. This notion reflects the Council’s sensitivity towards external change, while the restrictive provisions of the Charter constrain the possibilities of formal adaptation. The chapter examines: (1) the role of great powers in international organizations, (2) the role and function of the Security Council according to the Charter of the United Nations, and (3) the ‘constitutional practice’ of the Council, elaborating on certain variants of the collective security scheme as envisioned in the Charter.
Jochen Prantl
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199287680
- eISBN:
- 9780191603723
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199287686.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter examines the question of what triggered the emergence of informal groups of states in the form of the advisory committees in the 1950s, and argues that their establishment has to be seen ...
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This chapter examines the question of what triggered the emergence of informal groups of states in the form of the advisory committees in the 1950s, and argues that their establishment has to be seen against the background of great power tensions in the Security Council. The early stages of UN peacekeeping saw a shift of governance from the Security Council to the Secretary-General and the General Assembly, which fostered the emergence of informal ad hoc groupings of states. The formation of advisory committees reflected the desire of the Secretary-General to strengthen his voice vis-á-vis the Security Council. When the lack of unanimity of the permanent members prevented the Council from assuming its responsibilities, the General Assembly took charge by recommending collective measures. However, when the Security Council was able to act, its resolutions and mandates entrusted to the Secretary-General often reflected a political compromise based on the lowest common denominator among its members. The workings of the two advisory committees established in the context of crises at the Suez Canal (1956-67) and in the Congo (1960-4) illustrate these points further.Less
This chapter examines the question of what triggered the emergence of informal groups of states in the form of the advisory committees in the 1950s, and argues that their establishment has to be seen against the background of great power tensions in the Security Council. The early stages of UN peacekeeping saw a shift of governance from the Security Council to the Secretary-General and the General Assembly, which fostered the emergence of informal ad hoc groupings of states. The formation of advisory committees reflected the desire of the Secretary-General to strengthen his voice vis-á-vis the Security Council. When the lack of unanimity of the permanent members prevented the Council from assuming its responsibilities, the General Assembly took charge by recommending collective measures. However, when the Security Council was able to act, its resolutions and mandates entrusted to the Secretary-General often reflected a political compromise based on the lowest common denominator among its members. The workings of the two advisory committees established in the context of crises at the Suez Canal (1956-67) and in the Congo (1960-4) illustrate these points further.
David Little
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199275359
- eISBN:
- 9780191603686
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199275351.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Little raises many questions of international legality in addressing the finer concepts of peace enforcing, peacekeeping, peacemaking, and peace building. He accentuates the rule of law, democracy, ...
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Little raises many questions of international legality in addressing the finer concepts of peace enforcing, peacekeeping, peacemaking, and peace building. He accentuates the rule of law, democracy, and human rights as foundations for each of these stages towards a Just Peace. Looking towards collectively accepted international treaties for a concept of justice, Little taps into a notion of legal validity that is at least partially composed of a legitimacy that emanates from the people themselves. Although there are valid reasons for questioning who has been allowed to participate in the process developing international law, protecting the human rights of all, and labelling it justice certainly does not seem to create an untenable starting point. In fact, this approach that looks to protect the rights of all can be quite constructive because, ultimately, it is the people involved in a conflict who will determine whether a peace is just, and therefore lasting.Less
Little raises many questions of international legality in addressing the finer concepts of peace enforcing, peacekeeping, peacemaking, and peace building. He accentuates the rule of law, democracy, and human rights as foundations for each of these stages towards a Just Peace. Looking towards collectively accepted international treaties for a concept of justice, Little taps into a notion of legal validity that is at least partially composed of a legitimacy that emanates from the people themselves. Although there are valid reasons for questioning who has been allowed to participate in the process developing international law, protecting the human rights of all, and labelling it justice certainly does not seem to create an untenable starting point. In fact, this approach that looks to protect the rights of all can be quite constructive because, ultimately, it is the people involved in a conflict who will determine whether a peace is just, and therefore lasting.
David M. Malone
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199278572
- eISBN:
- 9780191604119
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199278571.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter discusses the third phase of UN involvement in Iraq, characterized by creeping unilateralism, occurring within the context of a more multidisciplinary approach to peace operations. That ...
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This chapter discusses the third phase of UN involvement in Iraq, characterized by creeping unilateralism, occurring within the context of a more multidisciplinary approach to peace operations. That approach often incorporated humanitarian objectives into peace operations, as reflected in the deployment of UN ‘Guards’ to northern Iraq; but it was also characterized by the early resort (or reversion) by several Security Council members to unilateral action. The chapter specifically examines the imposition by France, the United Kingdom, and the United States of no-fly zones over Iraq in 1991 and 1992, and the launch of Operation Provide Comfort to protect Kurdish refugees in northern Iraq. This creeping unilateralism was a harbinger of further unilateral enforcement measures to come that would sunder the unity of the Security Council’s purpose on Iraq by 1998.Less
This chapter discusses the third phase of UN involvement in Iraq, characterized by creeping unilateralism, occurring within the context of a more multidisciplinary approach to peace operations. That approach often incorporated humanitarian objectives into peace operations, as reflected in the deployment of UN ‘Guards’ to northern Iraq; but it was also characterized by the early resort (or reversion) by several Security Council members to unilateral action. The chapter specifically examines the imposition by France, the United Kingdom, and the United States of no-fly zones over Iraq in 1991 and 1992, and the launch of Operation Provide Comfort to protect Kurdish refugees in northern Iraq. This creeping unilateralism was a harbinger of further unilateral enforcement measures to come that would sunder the unity of the Security Council’s purpose on Iraq by 1998.
Thorsten Benner, Stephan Mergenthaler, and Philipp Rotmann
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199594887
- eISBN:
- 9780191729065
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199594887.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Peace operations are the UN's flagship activity. Over the past decade, UN blue helmets have been dispatched to evermore challenging environments from the Congo to Timor to perform an expanding set of ...
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Peace operations are the UN's flagship activity. Over the past decade, UN blue helmets have been dispatched to evermore challenging environments from the Congo to Timor to perform an expanding set of tasks. From protecting civilians in the midst of violent conflict to rebuilding state institutions after war, a new range of tasks has transformed the business of the blue helmets into an inherently knowledge-based venture. But all too often, the UN blue helmets, policemen, and other civilian officials have been ‘flying blind’ in their efforts to stabilize countries ravaged by war. The UN realized the need to put knowledge, guidance and doctrine, and reflection on failures and successes at the center of the institution. Building on an innovative multidisciplinary framework, this study provides a first comprehensive account of learning in peacekeeping. Covering the crucial past decade of expansion in peace operations, it zooms into a dozen cases of attempted learning across four crucial domains: police assistance, judicial reform, reintegration of former combatants, and mission integration. Throughout the different cases, the study analyzes the role of key variables as enablers and stumbling blocks for learning: bureaucratic politics, the learning infrastructure, leadership, as well as power and interests of member states. Building on five years of research and access to key documents and decision-makers, the book presents a vivid portrait of an international bureaucracy struggling to turn itself into a learning organization.Less
Peace operations are the UN's flagship activity. Over the past decade, UN blue helmets have been dispatched to evermore challenging environments from the Congo to Timor to perform an expanding set of tasks. From protecting civilians in the midst of violent conflict to rebuilding state institutions after war, a new range of tasks has transformed the business of the blue helmets into an inherently knowledge-based venture. But all too often, the UN blue helmets, policemen, and other civilian officials have been ‘flying blind’ in their efforts to stabilize countries ravaged by war. The UN realized the need to put knowledge, guidance and doctrine, and reflection on failures and successes at the center of the institution. Building on an innovative multidisciplinary framework, this study provides a first comprehensive account of learning in peacekeeping. Covering the crucial past decade of expansion in peace operations, it zooms into a dozen cases of attempted learning across four crucial domains: police assistance, judicial reform, reintegration of former combatants, and mission integration. Throughout the different cases, the study analyzes the role of key variables as enablers and stumbling blocks for learning: bureaucratic politics, the learning infrastructure, leadership, as well as power and interests of member states. Building on five years of research and access to key documents and decision-makers, the book presents a vivid portrait of an international bureaucracy struggling to turn itself into a learning organization.
Annica Kronsell
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199846061
- eISBN:
- 9780199933099
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199846061.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This book explores the post-national defense and its gender implications. A characteristic of the post-national defense is that less attention is paid to the defense of the territory and more to the ...
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This book explores the post-national defense and its gender implications. A characteristic of the post-national defense is that less attention is paid to the defense of the territory and more to the security situation outside its borders, often in cooperation with other states. It is exemplified with Sweden and the EU as empirical cases. The main research question is how gender aspects and UN SCR 1325 has influenced the way that the post-national defense organizes its practices and the policies pursued? A feminist constructivist institutional approach is the theoretical base. By combining theories on gender, masculinity, militarism, and cosmopolitanism in rich case studies it improves the theory’s complexity and shows its applicability. UN SCR 1325 has been integrated in training and education of the troops of the post-national defense. Gender has been mainstreamed in post-national military practice but at the same time re-interpreted as meaning women, often also women in distant places. This book also shows how militaries have used (hetero)sexuality as an important resource in combat effectiveness. This is a challenge for the post-national defense that engages in peace tasks because military organizations have the use of weapons and violence as its core professional skills. Furthermore, this military training has been tightly connected with masculinity. When gender is equated with women it becomes difficult to raise issues about masculinity, violence and sexuality, an equally important aspect in a gender analysis of the post-national defense.Less
This book explores the post-national defense and its gender implications. A characteristic of the post-national defense is that less attention is paid to the defense of the territory and more to the security situation outside its borders, often in cooperation with other states. It is exemplified with Sweden and the EU as empirical cases. The main research question is how gender aspects and UN SCR 1325 has influenced the way that the post-national defense organizes its practices and the policies pursued? A feminist constructivist institutional approach is the theoretical base. By combining theories on gender, masculinity, militarism, and cosmopolitanism in rich case studies it improves the theory’s complexity and shows its applicability. UN SCR 1325 has been integrated in training and education of the troops of the post-national defense. Gender has been mainstreamed in post-national military practice but at the same time re-interpreted as meaning women, often also women in distant places. This book also shows how militaries have used (hetero)sexuality as an important resource in combat effectiveness. This is a challenge for the post-national defense that engages in peace tasks because military organizations have the use of weapons and violence as its core professional skills. Furthermore, this military training has been tightly connected with masculinity. When gender is equated with women it becomes difficult to raise issues about masculinity, violence and sexuality, an equally important aspect in a gender analysis of the post-national defense.
Philip Alston and Euan Macdonald (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199552719
- eISBN:
- 9780191721090
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199552719.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Human Rights and Immigration, Public International Law
The imperatives of sovereignty, human rights, and national security very often pull in different directions, yet the relations between these three different notions are considerably more subtle than ...
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The imperatives of sovereignty, human rights, and national security very often pull in different directions, yet the relations between these three different notions are considerably more subtle than those of simple opposition. Rather, their interaction may at times be contradictory, at others tense, and at others even complementary. This collection presents an analysis of the irreducible dilemmas posed by the foundational challenges of sovereignty, human rights, and security, not merely in terms of the formal doctrine of their disciplines, but also of the manner in which they can be configured in order to achieve persuasive legitimacy as to both methods and results. The chapters in this volume represent an attempt to face up to these dilemmas in all of their complexity, and to suggest ways in which they can be confronted productively both in the abstract and in the concrete circumstances of particular cases. This book is of huge topical importance in the post 9/11 era and in the wake of the Kosovan declaration of independence. It looks at the impact of national security needs on the development of the international legal regime.Less
The imperatives of sovereignty, human rights, and national security very often pull in different directions, yet the relations between these three different notions are considerably more subtle than those of simple opposition. Rather, their interaction may at times be contradictory, at others tense, and at others even complementary. This collection presents an analysis of the irreducible dilemmas posed by the foundational challenges of sovereignty, human rights, and security, not merely in terms of the formal doctrine of their disciplines, but also of the manner in which they can be configured in order to achieve persuasive legitimacy as to both methods and results. The chapters in this volume represent an attempt to face up to these dilemmas in all of their complexity, and to suggest ways in which they can be confronted productively both in the abstract and in the concrete circumstances of particular cases. This book is of huge topical importance in the post 9/11 era and in the wake of the Kosovan declaration of independence. It looks at the impact of national security needs on the development of the international legal regime.
Jason Ralph
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199214310
- eISBN:
- 9780191706615
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199214310.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
In stark contrast to American policy, European states have embraced the ICC. This chapter examines what this tells us about Europe as an actor on the global state. Drawing on Andrew Linklater's ...
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In stark contrast to American policy, European states have embraced the ICC. This chapter examines what this tells us about Europe as an actor on the global state. Drawing on Andrew Linklater's conception of a post‐Westphalian political association, the chapter examines how the European Union and its member governments have interacted with Westphalian states like the US on matters relating to the ICC. In particular the chapter focuses on the political dilemmas created by US attempts to exempt its citizens from the ICC's jurisdiction and it uses these as case studies to illustrate how support for the Court impacts on our understanding of good international citizenship. The chapter offers detailed accounts of the debate on bilateral non‐surrender or bilateral immunity agreements, the debate at the Security Council on exemptions for peacekeepers, and the Security Council's decision to refer the situation in Darfur to the ICC.Less
In stark contrast to American policy, European states have embraced the ICC. This chapter examines what this tells us about Europe as an actor on the global state. Drawing on Andrew Linklater's conception of a post‐Westphalian political association, the chapter examines how the European Union and its member governments have interacted with Westphalian states like the US on matters relating to the ICC. In particular the chapter focuses on the political dilemmas created by US attempts to exempt its citizens from the ICC's jurisdiction and it uses these as case studies to illustrate how support for the Court impacts on our understanding of good international citizenship. The chapter offers detailed accounts of the debate on bilateral non‐surrender or bilateral immunity agreements, the debate at the Security Council on exemptions for peacekeepers, and the Security Council's decision to refer the situation in Darfur to the ICC.
Simon Chesterman
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199263486
- eISBN:
- 9780191600999
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199263485.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Considers the evolution of Council practice in the area of transitional administration. As in much of the Council's work, practice has led theory , with some members of the Council and the wider UN ...
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Considers the evolution of Council practice in the area of transitional administration. As in much of the Council's work, practice has led theory , with some members of the Council and the wider UN community apparently allergic to the development of doctrine. The chapter also provides a brief account of the various operations that have taken place under the auspices of the Council and of other bodies since the Second World War. Analysis of these operations tends to be chronological or organized by the scope of powers assumed by the international presence. In keeping with the call for political clarity in such operations, this book takes a thematic approach, addressing five distinct political purposes for which a transitional administration (or comparable mission) has been established.Less
Considers the evolution of Council practice in the area of transitional administration. As in much of the Council's work, practice has led theory , with some members of the Council and the wider UN community apparently allergic to the development of doctrine. The chapter also provides a brief account of the various operations that have taken place under the auspices of the Council and of other bodies since the Second World War. Analysis of these operations tends to be chronological or organized by the scope of powers assumed by the international presence. In keeping with the call for political clarity in such operations, this book takes a thematic approach, addressing five distinct political purposes for which a transitional administration (or comparable mission) has been established.
Simon Chesterman
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199263486
- eISBN:
- 9780191600999
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199263485.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Unless security is established on the ground, none of the political purposes of a transitional administration can be achieved. Nevertheless, as this chapter shows, the response of military ...
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Unless security is established on the ground, none of the political purposes of a transitional administration can be achieved. Nevertheless, as this chapter shows, the response of military authorities to the security vacuum that follows the collapse or defeat of state institutions has been varied. With respect to forces operating under UN command, this reflects an equivocation over the use of force that has run through the history of UN peace operations, persuading some that the organization is simply unsuited to military operations. At the same time, the armed forces of many countries (and their civilian commanders‐in‐chief) have resisted taking on ‘policing’ functions. The military is rightly reluctant to embrace law and order duties that are outside its expertise, but failure to do so may irreparably damage the credibility of the international presence and thus undermine the political goals that justified the original military engagement.Less
Unless security is established on the ground, none of the political purposes of a transitional administration can be achieved. Nevertheless, as this chapter shows, the response of military authorities to the security vacuum that follows the collapse or defeat of state institutions has been varied. With respect to forces operating under UN command, this reflects an equivocation over the use of force that has run through the history of UN peace operations, persuading some that the organization is simply unsuited to military operations. At the same time, the armed forces of many countries (and their civilian commanders‐in‐chief) have resisted taking on ‘policing’ functions. The military is rightly reluctant to embrace law and order duties that are outside its expertise, but failure to do so may irreparably damage the credibility of the international presence and thus undermine the political goals that justified the original military engagement.
Sir Adam Roberts
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199267217
- eISBN:
- 9780191601118
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199267219.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Demonstrates that the United Nations has been at the centre of key field operations and policy debates relating to humanitarian intervention since the end of the Cold War. However, the issue of ...
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Demonstrates that the United Nations has been at the centre of key field operations and policy debates relating to humanitarian intervention since the end of the Cold War. However, the issue of humanitarian intervention also poses a challenge to the UN and its member states, and could even undermine the organization. At the heart of the UN’s difficulty is a delicate balance between the rights of individuals and the rights of states. For its first 45 years, the body was associated with the principle of non-intervention and the non-use of force, yet, since 1990, it has endorsed a series of interventions for humanitarian purposes. After considering the history and causes of this shift, the author discusses nine cases of intervention between 1990 and 2001. These cases reveal a number of issues and controversies, including reliance on the UN Security Council for authorization, the stance of the UN Secretary General, and the impact of the 2002 National Security Strategy of the United States.Less
Demonstrates that the United Nations has been at the centre of key field operations and policy debates relating to humanitarian intervention since the end of the Cold War. However, the issue of humanitarian intervention also poses a challenge to the UN and its member states, and could even undermine the organization. At the heart of the UN’s difficulty is a delicate balance between the rights of individuals and the rights of states. For its first 45 years, the body was associated with the principle of non-intervention and the non-use of force, yet, since 1990, it has endorsed a series of interventions for humanitarian purposes. After considering the history and causes of this shift, the author discusses nine cases of intervention between 1990 and 2001. These cases reveal a number of issues and controversies, including reliance on the UN Security Council for authorization, the stance of the UN Secretary General, and the impact of the 2002 National Security Strategy of the United States.
Richard Caplan
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- July 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199263455
- eISBN:
- 9780191602726
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199263450.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
introduces the term ‘international administration’ and distinguishes it from peacekeeping, state- and nation-building, and military occupation. Also discusses the political and strategic context out ...
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introduces the term ‘international administration’ and distinguishes it from peacekeeping, state- and nation-building, and military occupation. Also discusses the political and strategic context out of which international territorial administration emerged in the mid-1990s. An increase in the importance that many states attach to humanitarian norms as matters of international concern and a marked disregard for sovereignty as a barrier to humanitarian interference have facilitated the pursuit of policies of a highly intrusive nature, including the establishment of international administrations. States have also been motivated by considerations of national interest: a strong international presence in the Balkans and in East Timor has served to buffer regional states from the effects of instability, notably refugee flows and trans-border crime. The chapter concludes with an overview of the contents of the book.Less
introduces the term ‘international administration’ and distinguishes it from peacekeeping, state- and nation-building, and military occupation. Also discusses the political and strategic context out of which international territorial administration emerged in the mid-1990s. An increase in the importance that many states attach to humanitarian norms as matters of international concern and a marked disregard for sovereignty as a barrier to humanitarian interference have facilitated the pursuit of policies of a highly intrusive nature, including the establishment of international administrations. States have also been motivated by considerations of national interest: a strong international presence in the Balkans and in East Timor has served to buffer regional states from the effects of instability, notably refugee flows and trans-border crime. The chapter concludes with an overview of the contents of the book.
Sydney D. Bailey and Sam Daws
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198280736
- eISBN:
- 9780191598746
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198280734.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The Procedure of the UN Security Council is the definitive book of its kind and has been widely used by UN practitioners and scholars for over twenty years. This new revised and ...
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The Procedure of the UN Security Council is the definitive book of its kind and has been widely used by UN practitioners and scholars for over twenty years. This new revised and thoroughly updated third edition encompasses the many changes in Council procedure that have occurred since the end of the Cold War, which ushered in new possibilities for international co‐operation, and increased recourse to the UN. The last decade has seen the Gulf War and a plethora of new and often complex peacekeeping operations, from Bosnia to Rwanda, and such increased demands and associated expectations have placed a spotlight on the role and functioning of the Security Council. Recent years have seen a greater recourse to informal consultations of Council members prior to Council meetings, and the search for consensual Council decision‐making has led to differences of opinion on both procedural and substantive matters being dealt with largely during such consultations. This has produced calls from non‐members for greater Council transparency. Other proposals, both from within and outside the UN, have advocated reforms to the Council's composition or working methods to ensure its continued effectiveness and legitimacy. The new edition attempts to reflect the many recent developments in the procedure of the Security Council, while still reflecting the considerable continuity that exists with the past. In particular, to illustrate and illuminate aspects of Council procedure, many examples have been used from the UN's early years, since this was the time when many of the original precedents were created. Some of the anecdotes that touch on the human side of Council diplomacy have also been retained. The new edition includes new information on the following: the Provisional Rules of Procedure; public and private meetings; consultations and briefings with non‐members and troop‐contributors, including transparency, Presidential briefings, and orientation debates; informal consultations and ‘Arria formula’ meetings; the appointment of the Secretary‐General of the UN; relationships with the UN General Assembly, the UN International Court of Justice, the UN Trusteeship Council, and the UN Military Staff Committee; subsidiary organs, including sanctions committees; the veto and Security Council membership; Chapter VII resolutions, UN peacekeeping and UN‐authorized enforcement; Council enlargement and de jure and de facto Charter amendments; changes in Council documentation; and ad hoc and regional groupings in the Council.Less
The Procedure of the UN Security Council is the definitive book of its kind and has been widely used by UN practitioners and scholars for over twenty years. This new revised and thoroughly updated third edition encompasses the many changes in Council procedure that have occurred since the end of the Cold War, which ushered in new possibilities for international co‐operation, and increased recourse to the UN. The last decade has seen the Gulf War and a plethora of new and often complex peacekeeping operations, from Bosnia to Rwanda, and such increased demands and associated expectations have placed a spotlight on the role and functioning of the Security Council. Recent years have seen a greater recourse to informal consultations of Council members prior to Council meetings, and the search for consensual Council decision‐making has led to differences of opinion on both procedural and substantive matters being dealt with largely during such consultations. This has produced calls from non‐members for greater Council transparency. Other proposals, both from within and outside the UN, have advocated reforms to the Council's composition or working methods to ensure its continued effectiveness and legitimacy. The new edition attempts to reflect the many recent developments in the procedure of the Security Council, while still reflecting the considerable continuity that exists with the past. In particular, to illustrate and illuminate aspects of Council procedure, many examples have been used from the UN's early years, since this was the time when many of the original precedents were created. Some of the anecdotes that touch on the human side of Council diplomacy have also been retained. The new edition includes new information on the following: the Provisional Rules of Procedure; public and private meetings; consultations and briefings with non‐members and troop‐contributors, including transparency, Presidential briefings, and orientation debates; informal consultations and ‘Arria formula’ meetings; the appointment of the Secretary‐General of the UN; relationships with the UN General Assembly, the UN International Court of Justice, the UN Trusteeship Council, and the UN Military Staff Committee; subsidiary organs, including sanctions committees; the veto and Security Council membership; Chapter VII resolutions, UN peacekeeping and UN‐authorized enforcement; Council enlargement and de jure and de facto Charter amendments; changes in Council documentation; and ad hoc and regional groupings in the Council.
Arthur C. Helton
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199250318
- eISBN:
- 9780191599477
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199250316.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The primary international organization involved with refugees is the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), which was established in 1950 to protect and assist refugees and supervise ...
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The primary international organization involved with refugees is the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), which was established in 1950 to protect and assist refugees and supervise the implementation of the UN refugee treaty regime. In terms of the broader international system, without significant institutional change, increased financial support and renewed commitment on the part of Member States, the UN will not be capable of executing the critical peacekeeping and peace‐building tasks assigned to it in the coming years.To promote greater coherence in the making and implementing of forced migration policy, a new intellectual capacity is needed. The proposal made by the author is for the establishment of Strategic Humanitarian Action and Research (SHARE), a humanitarian action think tank. SHARE would be both a planning resource and an archive of lessons learned, which ultimately could become an intergovernmental mechanism. It would craft responses to fill the gaps that regularly emerge in post‐crisis situations, particularly in post‐crisis situations when emergency relief is ending, but before the development of a fully functioning state.Less
The primary international organization involved with refugees is the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), which was established in 1950 to protect and assist refugees and supervise the implementation of the UN refugee treaty regime. In terms of the broader international system, without significant institutional change, increased financial support and renewed commitment on the part of Member States, the UN will not be capable of executing the critical peacekeeping and peace‐building tasks assigned to it in the coming years.
To promote greater coherence in the making and implementing of forced migration policy, a new intellectual capacity is needed. The proposal made by the author is for the establishment of Strategic Humanitarian Action and Research (SHARE), a humanitarian action think tank. SHARE would be both a planning resource and an archive of lessons learned, which ultimately could become an intergovernmental mechanism. It would craft responses to fill the gaps that regularly emerge in post‐crisis situations, particularly in post‐crisis situations when emergency relief is ending, but before the development of a fully functioning state.
Edward C. Luck
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199261437
- eISBN:
- 9780191599309
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199261431.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Considers how domestic political processes affect American behaviour in and towards multilateral organizations. The author first discusses the nature of American exceptionalism and looks at the ways ...
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Considers how domestic political processes affect American behaviour in and towards multilateral organizations. The author first discusses the nature of American exceptionalism and looks at the ways in which what he describes as a deeply ingrained sense of American exceptionalism coupled with pragmatism affects the country's approach to multilateral institutions. An examination is then made of the ups and downs of US policies towards UN over the course of the 1990s, the contrasting politics of the 1994 decision to join the newly created World Trade Organization (WTO), and US financial withholdings in the 1990s and the steps taken towards partial payment of the resulting arrears in 1999–2000. Far more positive attitudes are noted towards the WTO than the UN, the latter being perceived as a riskier venue for the promotion of US interests. It is concluded that, while the US is generally reluctant to defer to multilateral processes, it cannot be accused of being hostile to all forms of multilateral organization: it is pragmatic and peacekeeping case‐specific in its choice of foreign policy tools.Less
Considers how domestic political processes affect American behaviour in and towards multilateral organizations. The author first discusses the nature of American exceptionalism and looks at the ways in which what he describes as a deeply ingrained sense of American exceptionalism coupled with pragmatism affects the country's approach to multilateral institutions. An examination is then made of the ups and downs of US policies towards UN over the course of the 1990s, the contrasting politics of the 1994 decision to join the newly created World Trade Organization (WTO), and US financial withholdings in the 1990s and the steps taken towards partial payment of the resulting arrears in 1999–2000. Far more positive attitudes are noted towards the WTO than the UN, the latter being perceived as a riskier venue for the promotion of US interests. It is concluded that, while the US is generally reluctant to defer to multilateral processes, it cannot be accused of being hostile to all forms of multilateral organization: it is pragmatic and peacekeeping case‐specific in its choice of foreign policy tools.
Sydney D. Bailey and Sam Daws
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198280736
- eISBN:
- 9780191598746
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198280734.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Discusses subsidiary organs of the UN Security Council, the establishment of which is empowered by Article 29 of the UN Charter. The first section of the chapter describes organs concerned with ...
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Discusses subsidiary organs of the UN Security Council, the establishment of which is empowered by Article 29 of the UN Charter. The first section of the chapter describes organs concerned with Council procedure: the Committee of Experts (details are tabulated of tasks entrusted to this committee and of its reports for the period 1946–1996); and the Committee on Council Meetings away from Headquarters. The second section describes the organs concerned with membership: the Committee on Admission of New Members (details are tabulated of applications for membership from 1946 to 1996); and the Committee of Experts established for the admission of mini‐States. The third section describes organs concerned with the maintenance of international peace and security: fact‐finding missions; peacekeeping operations; international tribunals; sanctions committees; UN peace‐enforcement; and other miscellaneous organs for the maintenance of international peace and security. The last section describes one other subsidiary body of the UN Security Council: the Informal Working Group of the Security Council concerning the Council's documentation and other procedural questions.Less
Discusses subsidiary organs of the UN Security Council, the establishment of which is empowered by Article 29 of the UN Charter. The first section of the chapter describes organs concerned with Council procedure: the Committee of Experts (details are tabulated of tasks entrusted to this committee and of its reports for the period 1946–1996); and the Committee on Council Meetings away from Headquarters. The second section describes the organs concerned with membership: the Committee on Admission of New Members (details are tabulated of applications for membership from 1946 to 1996); and the Committee of Experts established for the admission of mini‐States. The third section describes organs concerned with the maintenance of international peace and security: fact‐finding missions; peacekeeping operations; international tribunals; sanctions committees; UN peace‐enforcement; and other miscellaneous organs for the maintenance of international peace and security. The last section describes one other subsidiary body of the UN Security Council: the Informal Working Group of the Security Council concerning the Council's documentation and other procedural questions.
William Bain
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199260263
- eISBN:
- 9780191600975
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199260265.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
On 1 Nov 1994, the UN Trusteeship Council voted to suspend operations after Palau, the last remaining trust territory, attained independence. The sovereign state has emerged out of decolonization as ...
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On 1 Nov 1994, the UN Trusteeship Council voted to suspend operations after Palau, the last remaining trust territory, attained independence. The sovereign state has emerged out of decolonization as the supreme form of political organization in post‐colonial international society—an international society in which dominions, colonies, principalities, free cities, and, of course, mandates and trust territories have all but vanished. However, the ostensible failure of this post‐colonial project—the fact that the promise of peace and prosperity held out by independent statehood is too often betrayed by appalling violence and absolute poverty—has reinvigorated interest in trusteeship as a way of responding to problems of international disorder and injustice. The purpose of this chapter is threefold: first, it examines the principal dilemma of decolonization that has resulted in a renewed interest in trusteeship; second, it considers this renewed interest in trusteeship in the context of international involvement in administering Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, and, until recently, East Timor; third, it reflects upon the normative implications that a resurrected practice of trusteeship carries for a society of states that is premised on the juridical equality of all its members. The five sections of the chapter are: The False Promise of post‐Colonial Independence; Innovation and Convention—the case for trusteeship in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, and East Timor; The New International Legitimacy—the resurrection of trusteeship; A Universal Society of States?; and Answering the Call of Humanity.Less
On 1 Nov 1994, the UN Trusteeship Council voted to suspend operations after Palau, the last remaining trust territory, attained independence. The sovereign state has emerged out of decolonization as the supreme form of political organization in post‐colonial international society—an international society in which dominions, colonies, principalities, free cities, and, of course, mandates and trust territories have all but vanished. However, the ostensible failure of this post‐colonial project—the fact that the promise of peace and prosperity held out by independent statehood is too often betrayed by appalling violence and absolute poverty—has reinvigorated interest in trusteeship as a way of responding to problems of international disorder and injustice. The purpose of this chapter is threefold: first, it examines the principal dilemma of decolonization that has resulted in a renewed interest in trusteeship; second, it considers this renewed interest in trusteeship in the context of international involvement in administering Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, and, until recently, East Timor; third, it reflects upon the normative implications that a resurrected practice of trusteeship carries for a society of states that is premised on the juridical equality of all its members. The five sections of the chapter are: The False Promise of post‐Colonial Independence; Innovation and Convention—the case for trusteeship in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, and East Timor; The New International Legitimacy—the resurrection of trusteeship; A Universal Society of States?; and Answering the Call of Humanity.
Daniel Philpott
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195395914
- eISBN:
- 9780199776801
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195395914.003.0000
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Daniel Philpott introduces this volume with the search for a definition of strategic peacebuilding, arguing that holism is its defining characteristic. He first critically examines the notion of the ...
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Daniel Philpott introduces this volume with the search for a definition of strategic peacebuilding, arguing that holism is its defining characteristic. He first critically examines the notion of the “liberal peace” which pervades the dominant thinking of peacekeeping operations, international institutions such as the United Nations, and western governments. Philpott argues that although these institutions have moved toward more holistic approaches, they have not fully conceptualized an approach to peacebuilding that is “strategic,” meaning it purposefully strengthens integration and coordination among diverse and interdependent activities, policies, and time horizons. Philpott concludes with a conceptual map of the book, which evidences the constructive diversity of arguments presented in the succeeding chapters for innovative ways in which different sectors, actors and policies can link together fruitfully—in other words, strategically.Less
Daniel Philpott introduces this volume with the search for a definition of strategic peacebuilding, arguing that holism is its defining characteristic. He first critically examines the notion of the “liberal peace” which pervades the dominant thinking of peacekeeping operations, international institutions such as the United Nations, and western governments. Philpott argues that although these institutions have moved toward more holistic approaches, they have not fully conceptualized an approach to peacebuilding that is “strategic,” meaning it purposefully strengthens integration and coordination among diverse and interdependent activities, policies, and time horizons. Philpott concludes with a conceptual map of the book, which evidences the constructive diversity of arguments presented in the succeeding chapters for innovative ways in which different sectors, actors and policies can link together fruitfully—in other words, strategically.
Nicholas Sambanis
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195395914
- eISBN:
- 9780199776801
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195395914.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter analyzes results from a quantitative study on UN peacekeeping (Doyle and Sambanis) to assess the extent to which UN peacekeeping operations are strategic. Although UN missions are ...
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This chapter analyzes results from a quantitative study on UN peacekeeping (Doyle and Sambanis) to assess the extent to which UN peacekeeping operations are strategic. Although UN missions are important for achieving self-sustaining or “participatory” peace in the short-term, they fail to positively influence long-term war avoidance. Sambanis argues that the type of UN mission deployed often fails to correspond to the peacebuilding ecology of the conflict. In order for UN operations to become strategic, they must consider the relationship between three key factors in a post-war environment: the depth of hostilities, local capacity for peacebuilding, and resulting requirements for international assistance. Along with these three dimensions—the “peacebuilding triangle”—Sambanis argues that UN interventions must increase their capacity to promote rapid economic growth if they are to achieve sustainable peace.Less
This chapter analyzes results from a quantitative study on UN peacekeeping (Doyle and Sambanis) to assess the extent to which UN peacekeeping operations are strategic. Although UN missions are important for achieving self-sustaining or “participatory” peace in the short-term, they fail to positively influence long-term war avoidance. Sambanis argues that the type of UN mission deployed often fails to correspond to the peacebuilding ecology of the conflict. In order for UN operations to become strategic, they must consider the relationship between three key factors in a post-war environment: the depth of hostilities, local capacity for peacebuilding, and resulting requirements for international assistance. Along with these three dimensions—the “peacebuilding triangle”—Sambanis argues that UN interventions must increase their capacity to promote rapid economic growth if they are to achieve sustainable peace.
Oisín Tansey
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199561032
- eISBN:
- 9780191721496
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199561032.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Democratization
This chapter explores two issues that are at the heart of this study, namely the rise of international administration of territory as a practice in international relations, and the similarly ...
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This chapter explores two issues that are at the heart of this study, namely the rise of international administration of territory as a practice in international relations, and the similarly significant emergence of democracy as the preferred form of governance for many in the international community. The first section explores the changing nature of international administration during the 20th century, and culminates in an examination of contemporary international administration missions and a discussion of the particular cases that will be examined in the following chapters. The second section explores the rise of the norm of democracy and the practice of international democracy promotion, addressing the shift in both international ideas and practices regarding democratic governance and the increasing role of international authorities in relation to domestic processes of regime change.Less
This chapter explores two issues that are at the heart of this study, namely the rise of international administration of territory as a practice in international relations, and the similarly significant emergence of democracy as the preferred form of governance for many in the international community. The first section explores the changing nature of international administration during the 20th century, and culminates in an examination of contemporary international administration missions and a discussion of the particular cases that will be examined in the following chapters. The second section explores the rise of the norm of democracy and the practice of international democracy promotion, addressing the shift in both international ideas and practices regarding democratic governance and the increasing role of international authorities in relation to domestic processes of regime change.
