David Little
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199275359
- eISBN:
- 9780191603686
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199275351.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Little raises many questions of international legality in addressing the finer concepts of peace enforcing, peacekeeping, peacemaking, and peace building. He accentuates the rule of law, democracy, ...
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Little raises many questions of international legality in addressing the finer concepts of peace enforcing, peacekeeping, peacemaking, and peace building. He accentuates the rule of law, democracy, and human rights as foundations for each of these stages towards a Just Peace. Looking towards collectively accepted international treaties for a concept of justice, Little taps into a notion of legal validity that is at least partially composed of a legitimacy that emanates from the people themselves. Although there are valid reasons for questioning who has been allowed to participate in the process developing international law, protecting the human rights of all, and labelling it justice certainly does not seem to create an untenable starting point. In fact, this approach that looks to protect the rights of all can be quite constructive because, ultimately, it is the people involved in a conflict who will determine whether a peace is just, and therefore lasting.Less
Little raises many questions of international legality in addressing the finer concepts of peace enforcing, peacekeeping, peacemaking, and peace building. He accentuates the rule of law, democracy, and human rights as foundations for each of these stages towards a Just Peace. Looking towards collectively accepted international treaties for a concept of justice, Little taps into a notion of legal validity that is at least partially composed of a legitimacy that emanates from the people themselves. Although there are valid reasons for questioning who has been allowed to participate in the process developing international law, protecting the human rights of all, and labelling it justice certainly does not seem to create an untenable starting point. In fact, this approach that looks to protect the rights of all can be quite constructive because, ultimately, it is the people involved in a conflict who will determine whether a peace is just, and therefore lasting.
Arthur C. Helton
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199250318
- eISBN:
- 9780191599477
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199250316.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The primary international organization involved with refugees is the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), which was established in 1950 to protect and assist refugees and supervise ...
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The primary international organization involved with refugees is the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), which was established in 1950 to protect and assist refugees and supervise the implementation of the UN refugee treaty regime. In terms of the broader international system, without significant institutional change, increased financial support and renewed commitment on the part of Member States, the UN will not be capable of executing the critical peacekeeping and peace‐building tasks assigned to it in the coming years.To promote greater coherence in the making and implementing of forced migration policy, a new intellectual capacity is needed. The proposal made by the author is for the establishment of Strategic Humanitarian Action and Research (SHARE), a humanitarian action think tank. SHARE would be both a planning resource and an archive of lessons learned, which ultimately could become an intergovernmental mechanism. It would craft responses to fill the gaps that regularly emerge in post‐crisis situations, particularly in post‐crisis situations when emergency relief is ending, but before the development of a fully functioning state.Less
The primary international organization involved with refugees is the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), which was established in 1950 to protect and assist refugees and supervise the implementation of the UN refugee treaty regime. In terms of the broader international system, without significant institutional change, increased financial support and renewed commitment on the part of Member States, the UN will not be capable of executing the critical peacekeeping and peace‐building tasks assigned to it in the coming years.
To promote greater coherence in the making and implementing of forced migration policy, a new intellectual capacity is needed. The proposal made by the author is for the establishment of Strategic Humanitarian Action and Research (SHARE), a humanitarian action think tank. SHARE would be both a planning resource and an archive of lessons learned, which ultimately could become an intergovernmental mechanism. It would craft responses to fill the gaps that regularly emerge in post‐crisis situations, particularly in post‐crisis situations when emergency relief is ending, but before the development of a fully functioning state.
Reimund Seidelmann
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199244096
- eISBN:
- 9780191600371
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019924409X.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Describes the interrelation between security and democratic consolidation as a process in specific national and regional contexts. The analysis combines a systematic approach to hypothesis building ...
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Describes the interrelation between security and democratic consolidation as a process in specific national and regional contexts. The analysis combines a systematic approach to hypothesis building with an empirically based discussion, and seeks to place developments in Eastern Europe into a wider analytical framework. The chapter argues that the relationship between security and democracy in Eastern Europe is based on the concept of dual conditionality. The relationship is a reciprocal one in which security conditions democratic development as much as democratic consolidation conditions regional security and peace building. Finally, the chapter discusses several caveats concerning the interrelation between security and democratic consolidation in Eastern Europe.Less
Describes the interrelation between security and democratic consolidation as a process in specific national and regional contexts. The analysis combines a systematic approach to hypothesis building with an empirically based discussion, and seeks to place developments in Eastern Europe into a wider analytical framework. The chapter argues that the relationship between security and democracy in Eastern Europe is based on the concept of dual conditionality. The relationship is a reciprocal one in which security conditions democratic development as much as democratic consolidation conditions regional security and peace building. Finally, the chapter discusses several caveats concerning the interrelation between security and democratic consolidation in Eastern Europe.
Maanuel Hassassian
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195125924
- eISBN:
- 9780199833894
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195125924.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) began to develop in Palestine after the Israeli occupation of the West Bank and Gaza Strip in 1967, but only a few of these can be considered peace and ...
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Nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) began to develop in Palestine after the Israeli occupation of the West Bank and Gaza Strip in 1967, but only a few of these can be considered peace and conflict‐resolution organizations (P/CROs). P/CRO growth was hindered by the culture of antagonism with Israel, the neopatriarchal structure of Palestinian society and the autocracy of the Palestinian Authority, and the Israeli occupation's stifling effect on civil society, and many Palestinians have preferred armed resistance. P/CROs were usually internally democratic; ideology played an important role in success or failure, most relied on international funding, and all either regarded themselves as complementing the Palestinian Authority or monitoring it. P/CRO activities included human rights advocacy, the representation of Palestinian interests to the international community, and domestic consciousness raising. However, the P/CRO contribution to peace building has been insignificant, and the true Palestinian “peace camp” is the Palestinian Authority.Less
Nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) began to develop in Palestine after the Israeli occupation of the West Bank and Gaza Strip in 1967, but only a few of these can be considered peace and conflict‐resolution organizations (P/CROs). P/CRO growth was hindered by the culture of antagonism with Israel, the neopatriarchal structure of Palestinian society and the autocracy of the Palestinian Authority, and the Israeli occupation's stifling effect on civil society, and many Palestinians have preferred armed resistance. P/CROs were usually internally democratic; ideology played an important role in success or failure, most relied on international funding, and all either regarded themselves as complementing the Palestinian Authority or monitoring it. P/CRO activities included human rights advocacy, the representation of Palestinian interests to the international community, and domestic consciousness raising. However, the P/CRO contribution to peace building has been insignificant, and the true Palestinian “peace camp” is the Palestinian Authority.
Alexander L. Fattal
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780226590509
- eISBN:
- 9780226590783
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226590783.001.0001
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Latin American Cultural Anthropology
Guerrilla Marketing argues that counterinsurgency and marketing have merged together in Colombia. More specifically the book analyzes a government program to persuade FARC guerrillas to defect from ...
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Guerrilla Marketing argues that counterinsurgency and marketing have merged together in Colombia. More specifically the book analyzes a government program to persuade FARC guerrillas to defect from the rebel movement while also rebranding the Colombian army as a humanitarian actor. This program in the Ministry of Defense has partnered with Lowe/SSP3, an advertising firm that has managed the brands of Mazda and RedBull in Colombia. The partnership pitches a new life to guerrilla fighters, one as consumer citizens and entrepreneurial subjects. Those who abandon the insurgency’s ranks are coaxed into informing on their former comrades, providing the military valuable strategic and tactical intelligence. The book develops the concept of brand warfare to describe the fusion of counterinsurgency and consumer culture into an affective assemblage that is key to understanding governance in the early twenty-first century. Guerrilla Marketing follows stories from the perspective of former and active guerrillas from the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), military officers, marketers, peace negotiators in Havana, and exiles living in unexpected places, such as rural Sweden. Testimonials, and their accompanying drawings by Colombian artist Lucas Ospina, separate the chapters. In its conclusion the book analyzes the implications for other war-torn countries, criticizing how Colombia has reframed demobilization in a way that weaponizes the peace-building ethos of the policy. The epilogue contemplates the book’s implications for Colombia’s post-peace accord future by analyzing the FARC’s own guerrilla marketing at its tenth and final conference as a guerrilla army.Less
Guerrilla Marketing argues that counterinsurgency and marketing have merged together in Colombia. More specifically the book analyzes a government program to persuade FARC guerrillas to defect from the rebel movement while also rebranding the Colombian army as a humanitarian actor. This program in the Ministry of Defense has partnered with Lowe/SSP3, an advertising firm that has managed the brands of Mazda and RedBull in Colombia. The partnership pitches a new life to guerrilla fighters, one as consumer citizens and entrepreneurial subjects. Those who abandon the insurgency’s ranks are coaxed into informing on their former comrades, providing the military valuable strategic and tactical intelligence. The book develops the concept of brand warfare to describe the fusion of counterinsurgency and consumer culture into an affective assemblage that is key to understanding governance in the early twenty-first century. Guerrilla Marketing follows stories from the perspective of former and active guerrillas from the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), military officers, marketers, peace negotiators in Havana, and exiles living in unexpected places, such as rural Sweden. Testimonials, and their accompanying drawings by Colombian artist Lucas Ospina, separate the chapters. In its conclusion the book analyzes the implications for other war-torn countries, criticizing how Colombia has reframed demobilization in a way that weaponizes the peace-building ethos of the policy. The epilogue contemplates the book’s implications for Colombia’s post-peace accord future by analyzing the FARC’s own guerrilla marketing at its tenth and final conference as a guerrilla army.
Jacqui True
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199755929
- eISBN:
- 9780199979516
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199755929.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Chapter 8 examines the spike of sexual and gender-based violence in postconflict and peace-building environments. Despite recent UN Security Council resolutions, the invisibility of this violence ...
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Chapter 8 examines the spike of sexual and gender-based violence in postconflict and peace-building environments. Despite recent UN Security Council resolutions, the invisibility of this violence against women during and after conflict marginalizes women in postconflict state-building and economic reconstruction processes. This economic and political marginalization of women exacerbates violence after conflict and hinders these peace-building efforts. The first part of the chapter applies the political economy approach of the book to reveal how gendered peacekeeping economies exacerbate violence against women. It critiques the prioritization of law and order over social and economic opportunities. The second part examines the role of women in peace-building decision making and economic reconstruction in places as diverse as East Timor; Aceh, Indonesia; Mindanao province in the Philippines; Iraq; Afghanistan; Colombia; Guatemala; the Congo; and Darfur. The chapter concludes by critically assessing two approaches to postconflict prevention of violence against women: the “good practice” of placing women peacekeepers in postconflict zones and the role of reparations in ensuring women's equal access to postconflict development.Less
Chapter 8 examines the spike of sexual and gender-based violence in postconflict and peace-building environments. Despite recent UN Security Council resolutions, the invisibility of this violence against women during and after conflict marginalizes women in postconflict state-building and economic reconstruction processes. This economic and political marginalization of women exacerbates violence after conflict and hinders these peace-building efforts. The first part of the chapter applies the political economy approach of the book to reveal how gendered peacekeeping economies exacerbate violence against women. It critiques the prioritization of law and order over social and economic opportunities. The second part examines the role of women in peace-building decision making and economic reconstruction in places as diverse as East Timor; Aceh, Indonesia; Mindanao province in the Philippines; Iraq; Afghanistan; Colombia; Guatemala; the Congo; and Darfur. The chapter concludes by critically assessing two approaches to postconflict prevention of violence against women: the “good practice” of placing women peacekeepers in postconflict zones and the role of reparations in ensuring women's equal access to postconflict development.
Graham Dawson, Jo Dover, and Stephen Hopkins (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780719096310
- eISBN:
- 9781526120809
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719096310.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
For the three decades of the Northern Ireland ‘Troubles’ (1968–98), the United Kingdom experienced within its borders a profound and polarizing conflict. Yet relatively little research has addressed ...
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For the three decades of the Northern Ireland ‘Troubles’ (1968–98), the United Kingdom experienced within its borders a profound and polarizing conflict. Yet relatively little research has addressed the complex effects, legacies and memories of this conflict in Britain. It occupies a marginal position in British social, cultural and political history, and the experiences and understandings of those in or from Britain who fought in it, were injured or harmed by it, or campaigned against it, have been neglected both in wider scholarship and in public policy. In the peace process since 1994, British initiatives towards ‘post-conflict’ remembering have been limited and fragmented.
This ground-breaking book provides the first comprehensive investigation of the history and memory of the Troubles in Britain. It examines the impacts of the conflict upon individual lives, political and social relationships, communities and culture in Britain; and explores how the people of Britain (including its Irish communities) have responded to, and engaged with the conflict, in the context of contested political narratives produced by the State and its opponents.Setting an agenda for further research and public debate, the book demonstrates that ‘unfinished business’ from the conflicted past persists unaddressed in Britain; and advocates the importance of acknowledging legacies, understanding histories, and engaging with memories in the context of peace-building and reconciliation. Contributors include scholars from a wide range of disciplines (social, political and cultural history; politics; media, film and cultural studies; law; literature; performing arts; sociology; peace studies); activists, artists, writers and peace-builders; and people with direct personal experience of the conflict.Less
For the three decades of the Northern Ireland ‘Troubles’ (1968–98), the United Kingdom experienced within its borders a profound and polarizing conflict. Yet relatively little research has addressed the complex effects, legacies and memories of this conflict in Britain. It occupies a marginal position in British social, cultural and political history, and the experiences and understandings of those in or from Britain who fought in it, were injured or harmed by it, or campaigned against it, have been neglected both in wider scholarship and in public policy. In the peace process since 1994, British initiatives towards ‘post-conflict’ remembering have been limited and fragmented.
This ground-breaking book provides the first comprehensive investigation of the history and memory of the Troubles in Britain. It examines the impacts of the conflict upon individual lives, political and social relationships, communities and culture in Britain; and explores how the people of Britain (including its Irish communities) have responded to, and engaged with the conflict, in the context of contested political narratives produced by the State and its opponents.Setting an agenda for further research and public debate, the book demonstrates that ‘unfinished business’ from the conflicted past persists unaddressed in Britain; and advocates the importance of acknowledging legacies, understanding histories, and engaging with memories in the context of peace-building and reconciliation. Contributors include scholars from a wide range of disciplines (social, political and cultural history; politics; media, film and cultural studies; law; literature; performing arts; sociology; peace studies); activists, artists, writers and peace-builders; and people with direct personal experience of the conflict.
David McCann and Cillian McGrattan (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780719099519
- eISBN:
- 9781526124128
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719099519.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
Version 1 The ‘Sunningdale experiment’ of 1973-74 witnessed the first attempt at establishing peace in Northern Ireland based on power-sharing. However, its provisions, particularly the cross-border ...
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Version 1 The ‘Sunningdale experiment’ of 1973-74 witnessed the first attempt at establishing peace in Northern Ireland based on power-sharing. However, its provisions, particularly the cross-border ‘Council of Ireland’, proved to be a step too far. The experiment floundered amidst ongoing paramilitary-led violence and collapsed in May 1974 as a result of the Ulster Workers’ Council Strike. Yet, many of the ideas first articulated in this period would resonate in later attempts to cultivate peace and foster a democratic. This collection asks what became of those ideas and what lessons can we learn looking back on Sunningdale over forty years hence.
Drawing on a range of new scholarship from some of the key political historians working on the period, this book presents a series of reflections on how key protagonists struggled with ideas concerning ‘power-sharing’ and an ‘Irish dimension’ and how those struggles inhibited a deepening of democracy and the ending of violence for so long. The book will be essential reading for any student of the Northern Irish conflict and for readers with a general interest in the contemporary history of British-Irish governmental relations.Less
Version 1 The ‘Sunningdale experiment’ of 1973-74 witnessed the first attempt at establishing peace in Northern Ireland based on power-sharing. However, its provisions, particularly the cross-border ‘Council of Ireland’, proved to be a step too far. The experiment floundered amidst ongoing paramilitary-led violence and collapsed in May 1974 as a result of the Ulster Workers’ Council Strike. Yet, many of the ideas first articulated in this period would resonate in later attempts to cultivate peace and foster a democratic. This collection asks what became of those ideas and what lessons can we learn looking back on Sunningdale over forty years hence.
Drawing on a range of new scholarship from some of the key political historians working on the period, this book presents a series of reflections on how key protagonists struggled with ideas concerning ‘power-sharing’ and an ‘Irish dimension’ and how those struggles inhibited a deepening of democracy and the ending of violence for so long. The book will be essential reading for any student of the Northern Irish conflict and for readers with a general interest in the contemporary history of British-Irish governmental relations.
William A. Schabas
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199571826
- eISBN:
- 9780191728839
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199571826.003.0024
- Subject:
- Law, Criminal Law and Criminology, Philosophy of Law
International criminal justice has barely engaged with the discipline of criminology, and vice versa. Probably this is because the phenomenon of international crimes is viewed within the field as ...
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International criminal justice has barely engaged with the discipline of criminology, and vice versa. Probably this is because the phenomenon of international crimes is viewed within the field as more a matter of politics than sociology. On the legal side, there is an attempt by some of the lawyers to exclude the social sciences, by reducing prosecution to absolute principles and dismissing the relevance of factors such as peace building, reconciliation, and social reinsertion of offenders. Sometimes this is done in the name of legal rigour and sometimes its proponents invoke the rights of victims as justification. This chapter argues that international criminal law could benefit from greater openness to the social sciences. Criminologists might break some paths here by developing more sophisticated approaches to the specifics of crime when perpetrated in time of conflict, or by brutal regimes.Less
International criminal justice has barely engaged with the discipline of criminology, and vice versa. Probably this is because the phenomenon of international crimes is viewed within the field as more a matter of politics than sociology. On the legal side, there is an attempt by some of the lawyers to exclude the social sciences, by reducing prosecution to absolute principles and dismissing the relevance of factors such as peace building, reconciliation, and social reinsertion of offenders. Sometimes this is done in the name of legal rigour and sometimes its proponents invoke the rights of victims as justification. This chapter argues that international criminal law could benefit from greater openness to the social sciences. Criminologists might break some paths here by developing more sophisticated approaches to the specifics of crime when perpetrated in time of conflict, or by brutal regimes.
Christian Davenport, Erik Melander, and Patrick Regan
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- June 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780190680121
- eISBN:
- 9780190680169
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190680121.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The idea of studying peace—rather than studying war, genocide, and political violence and then inferring about peace—has gained considerable traction in the past few years, after languishing in the ...
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The idea of studying peace—rather than studying war, genocide, and political violence and then inferring about peace—has gained considerable traction in the past few years, after languishing in the shadows of conflict studies for decades. But how should peace be studied? The book offers a parallax view of how we think about peace and the complexities that surround the concept—that is, the book explores the topic from different positions at the same time. Toward this end, the authors review existing literature and provide insights into how peace should be conceptualized—particularly as something more than the absence of conflict. They provide an approach that can help scholars overcome what the authors see as the initial shock of unpacking the “zero” in the war–peace model of conflict studies. Additionally, they provide a framework for understanding how peace and conflict have and have not been related to one another in the literature. Finally, they put forward three alternative ways that peace can be studied, thereby avoiding any attempt to control the emerging peace research agenda and, rather, assisting in and encouraging thinking about a topic we all have some opinions on but that has yet to be measured and analyzed in a way comparable to that of political conflict and violence.Less
The idea of studying peace—rather than studying war, genocide, and political violence and then inferring about peace—has gained considerable traction in the past few years, after languishing in the shadows of conflict studies for decades. But how should peace be studied? The book offers a parallax view of how we think about peace and the complexities that surround the concept—that is, the book explores the topic from different positions at the same time. Toward this end, the authors review existing literature and provide insights into how peace should be conceptualized—particularly as something more than the absence of conflict. They provide an approach that can help scholars overcome what the authors see as the initial shock of unpacking the “zero” in the war–peace model of conflict studies. Additionally, they provide a framework for understanding how peace and conflict have and have not been related to one another in the literature. Finally, they put forward three alternative ways that peace can be studied, thereby avoiding any attempt to control the emerging peace research agenda and, rather, assisting in and encouraging thinking about a topic we all have some opinions on but that has yet to be measured and analyzed in a way comparable to that of political conflict and violence.
Oliver P. Richmond and Jason Franks
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748638765
- eISBN:
- 9780748652761
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748638765.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
After considering the critical study of liberal peace, this chapter outlines in detail the foundations and intellectual origins of liberal peace theory. It then moves beyond this literature by ...
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After considering the critical study of liberal peace, this chapter outlines in detail the foundations and intellectual origins of liberal peace theory. It then moves beyond this literature by introducing a conceptual framework for ‘liberal peace transitions’ that explains both the individual components of liberal peace and the different forms of liberal peace that can be derived from these components. This book examines the nature of the peace created through different aspects of contemporary peacebuilding. It examines the development of the discourse of the liberal peace and compares this evolution with the development of practical approaches for peace, in the context of peacebuilding, the work of international organisations, donors, agencies, non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and the contributions of key liberal states.Less
After considering the critical study of liberal peace, this chapter outlines in detail the foundations and intellectual origins of liberal peace theory. It then moves beyond this literature by introducing a conceptual framework for ‘liberal peace transitions’ that explains both the individual components of liberal peace and the different forms of liberal peace that can be derived from these components. This book examines the nature of the peace created through different aspects of contemporary peacebuilding. It examines the development of the discourse of the liberal peace and compares this evolution with the development of practical approaches for peace, in the context of peacebuilding, the work of international organisations, donors, agencies, non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and the contributions of key liberal states.
Milada Anna Vachudova
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199260942
- eISBN:
- 9780191698705
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199260942.003.0006
- Subject:
- Law, EU Law
This chapter explores how the EU has worked to anchor the seven Balkan states into the process of European integration. Since 1999, the clear prospect of EU membership has provided a relatively ...
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This chapter explores how the EU has worked to anchor the seven Balkan states into the process of European integration. Since 1999, the clear prospect of EU membership has provided a relatively constant set of incentives for elites to pursue strategies of regional peace-building, ethnic tolerance, and economic reform. Before 1999, this prospect was much less clear — and the logic of qualifying for membership certainly failed to overpower domestic forces with very different political agendas in Croatia or Serbia. The prospect of eventual EU membership failed to motivate leaders in many Balkan states to follow a path of reform compatible with joining the EU as rapidly as possible. But it did not fail to motivate all of them.Less
This chapter explores how the EU has worked to anchor the seven Balkan states into the process of European integration. Since 1999, the clear prospect of EU membership has provided a relatively constant set of incentives for elites to pursue strategies of regional peace-building, ethnic tolerance, and economic reform. Before 1999, this prospect was much less clear — and the logic of qualifying for membership certainly failed to overpower domestic forces with very different political agendas in Croatia or Serbia. The prospect of eventual EU membership failed to motivate leaders in many Balkan states to follow a path of reform compatible with joining the EU as rapidly as possible. But it did not fail to motivate all of them.
Ashok Gladston Xavier
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9781847427182
- eISBN:
- 9781447303558
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781847427182.003.0007
- Subject:
- Social Work, Social Policy
This chapter looks at three projects that are being run by social workers in Sri Lanka to build community robustness, women's engagement and post-conflict cross-community engagement. By focusing on ...
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This chapter looks at three projects that are being run by social workers in Sri Lanka to build community robustness, women's engagement and post-conflict cross-community engagement. By focusing on grassroots community building shaped by values of non-violent resistance and social justice, it argues that community social work models have had a significant impact in building cross-community support networks and tackling issues of in-built suspicion and rivalry between the different communities. First, the chapter provides a background to Sri Lankan society and the roots of the conflicts that have shaped the island since independence in 1948. It then discusses issues confronting peace-building initiatives as well as philosophical foundations of social work interventions.Less
This chapter looks at three projects that are being run by social workers in Sri Lanka to build community robustness, women's engagement and post-conflict cross-community engagement. By focusing on grassroots community building shaped by values of non-violent resistance and social justice, it argues that community social work models have had a significant impact in building cross-community support networks and tackling issues of in-built suspicion and rivalry between the different communities. First, the chapter provides a background to Sri Lankan society and the roots of the conflicts that have shaped the island since independence in 1948. It then discusses issues confronting peace-building initiatives as well as philosophical foundations of social work interventions.
Paul Latawski and Martin A. Smith
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719059797
- eISBN:
- 9781781700631
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719059797.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) has taken a prominent security role in international attempts to make work the political settlements in Bosnia, Kosovo and, to a lesser extent, ...
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The North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) has taken a prominent security role in international attempts to make work the political settlements in Bosnia, Kosovo and, to a lesser extent, Macedonia. Just as NATO's ‘humanitarian intervention’ over Kosovo highlighted the normative tension between the doctrine of non-intervention in sovereign states versus efforts to promote respect for human rights that transcend state boundaries, the subsequent efforts at peace-building have revealed other normative conundrums. For NATO and other international institutions, this has made South East Europe a normative labyrinth where democracy, ‘stateness’, identity and security are difficult to bring together. This chapter examines the international attempts at peace-building in the former Yugoslavia by focusing on the challenges to efforts to bring lasting stability posed by democratisation, ethnic nationalism and the promotion of security. It also discusses the Dayton agreement and its impact on human rights and multiculturalism in Bosnia, the Stability Pact, and nationalism's relationship to democratic norms.Less
The North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) has taken a prominent security role in international attempts to make work the political settlements in Bosnia, Kosovo and, to a lesser extent, Macedonia. Just as NATO's ‘humanitarian intervention’ over Kosovo highlighted the normative tension between the doctrine of non-intervention in sovereign states versus efforts to promote respect for human rights that transcend state boundaries, the subsequent efforts at peace-building have revealed other normative conundrums. For NATO and other international institutions, this has made South East Europe a normative labyrinth where democracy, ‘stateness’, identity and security are difficult to bring together. This chapter examines the international attempts at peace-building in the former Yugoslavia by focusing on the challenges to efforts to bring lasting stability posed by democratisation, ethnic nationalism and the promotion of security. It also discusses the Dayton agreement and its impact on human rights and multiculturalism in Bosnia, the Stability Pact, and nationalism's relationship to democratic norms.
Katy Long
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199673315
- eISBN:
- 9780191756139
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199673315.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter considers the current political framing of refugee repatriation in the first decade of the twenty-first century. It focuses on recent attempts by the international community to establish ...
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This chapter considers the current political framing of refugee repatriation in the first decade of the twenty-first century. It focuses on recent attempts by the international community to establish a link between refugee repatriation and state building, particularly in post-conflict settings such as South Sudan and Afghanistan. The chapter charts how in this context refugee return is once more being used to reinforce nation-state understandings of citizenship and rights by linking repatriation to peace-building and development, but at the same time how international actors, including UNHCR, are having to adapt and respond to refugees’ continued use of mobility after their repatriation. However, the chapter concludes that despite these innovations, refugee repatriation – particularly to fragile states emerging from decades of civil conflict – is still often driven by host and donor states who are fixated on physical return and securing their own national space, rather than in securing refugees’ liberal freedoms.Less
This chapter considers the current political framing of refugee repatriation in the first decade of the twenty-first century. It focuses on recent attempts by the international community to establish a link between refugee repatriation and state building, particularly in post-conflict settings such as South Sudan and Afghanistan. The chapter charts how in this context refugee return is once more being used to reinforce nation-state understandings of citizenship and rights by linking repatriation to peace-building and development, but at the same time how international actors, including UNHCR, are having to adapt and respond to refugees’ continued use of mobility after their repatriation. However, the chapter concludes that despite these innovations, refugee repatriation – particularly to fragile states emerging from decades of civil conflict – is still often driven by host and donor states who are fixated on physical return and securing their own national space, rather than in securing refugees’ liberal freedoms.
Dana Burde
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- November 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780231169288
- eISBN:
- 9780231537513
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231169288.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Conflict Politics and Policy
Foreign-backed funding for education does not always stabilize a country and enhance its state-building efforts. This book shows how aid to education in Afghanistan bolstered conflict both ...
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Foreign-backed funding for education does not always stabilize a country and enhance its state-building efforts. This book shows how aid to education in Afghanistan bolstered conflict both deliberately in the 1980s through violence-infused, anti-Soviet curricula and inadvertently in the 2000s through misguided stabilization programs. It also reveals how dominant humanitarian models that determine what counts as appropriate aid have limited attention and resources toward education, in some cases fueling programs that undermine their goals. For education to promote peace in Afghanistan, the book argues that we must expand equal access to quality community-based education and support programs that increase girls' and boys' attendance at school. Referring to a recent U.S. effort that has produced strong results in these areas, the book commends the program's efficient administration and good quality, and its neutral curriculum, which can reduce conflict and build peace in lasting ways. Drawing on up-to-date research on humanitarian education work amid conflict zones around the world and incorporating insights gleaned from extensive fieldwork in Afghanistan and Pakistan, the book recalculates and improves a popular formula for peace.Less
Foreign-backed funding for education does not always stabilize a country and enhance its state-building efforts. This book shows how aid to education in Afghanistan bolstered conflict both deliberately in the 1980s through violence-infused, anti-Soviet curricula and inadvertently in the 2000s through misguided stabilization programs. It also reveals how dominant humanitarian models that determine what counts as appropriate aid have limited attention and resources toward education, in some cases fueling programs that undermine their goals. For education to promote peace in Afghanistan, the book argues that we must expand equal access to quality community-based education and support programs that increase girls' and boys' attendance at school. Referring to a recent U.S. effort that has produced strong results in these areas, the book commends the program's efficient administration and good quality, and its neutral curriculum, which can reduce conflict and build peace in lasting ways. Drawing on up-to-date research on humanitarian education work amid conflict zones around the world and incorporating insights gleaned from extensive fieldwork in Afghanistan and Pakistan, the book recalculates and improves a popular formula for peace.
Noah Coburn and Anna Larson
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- November 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780231166201
- eISBN:
- 9780231535748
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231166201.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This introductory chapter deconstructs the notion of democratization as a post-conflict operation geared toward peace, especially with regard to the political climate in Afghanistan. Democracy—and ...
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This introductory chapter deconstructs the notion of democratization as a post-conflict operation geared toward peace, especially with regard to the political climate in Afghanistan. Democracy—and specifically the “political ritual” of holding elections—has become the default template for international interventions in peace-building. Yet in many instances, elections in Afghanistan have encouraged violence, stagnation, and the inequitable distribution of resources, conditions that most would consider very undemocratic. The problem here, however, lies in the failure to understand how Afghans perceive elections culturally. Sovereignty to the Afghans in particular entails the complex interactions of many different actors—such as tribal elders, the militia, merchants, party members, and so on—all of them engaged in enlarging their political capital by developing relations with government officials or institutions.Less
This introductory chapter deconstructs the notion of democratization as a post-conflict operation geared toward peace, especially with regard to the political climate in Afghanistan. Democracy—and specifically the “political ritual” of holding elections—has become the default template for international interventions in peace-building. Yet in many instances, elections in Afghanistan have encouraged violence, stagnation, and the inequitable distribution of resources, conditions that most would consider very undemocratic. The problem here, however, lies in the failure to understand how Afghans perceive elections culturally. Sovereignty to the Afghans in particular entails the complex interactions of many different actors—such as tribal elders, the militia, merchants, party members, and so on—all of them engaged in enlarging their political capital by developing relations with government officials or institutions.
John Coakley
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780719099519
- eISBN:
- 9781526124128
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719099519.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
At least in theory, the Sunningdale agreement of 1973 represented a high point, if not the high point, in institutionalising the relationship between the two parts of Ireland that had been ruptured ...
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At least in theory, the Sunningdale agreement of 1973 represented a high point, if not the high point, in institutionalising the relationship between the two parts of Ireland that had been ruptured in 1921. The planned Council of Ireland, incorporating a Council of Ministers and a Consultative Assembly, represented both an echo of the first Council of Ireland of the 1920s and a precursor of the North-South Ministerial Council of 1998. There were important respects in which the image of the Council represented the Achilles heel of the 1973 agreement: it provided a focal point for unionist anger, which was mobilised effectively to bring the whole agreement down. This paper looks at the significance of the Council of Ireland as a mechanism for reducing the negative consequences of the partition of Ireland, setting it in historical context. It explores changing attitudes towards institutions of this kind, viewed as a threat to their position in the United Kingdom by many unionists, as a “sell-out” that recognises partition by traditional nationalists, and as a sensible functional compromise by pragmatists on both sides.Less
At least in theory, the Sunningdale agreement of 1973 represented a high point, if not the high point, in institutionalising the relationship between the two parts of Ireland that had been ruptured in 1921. The planned Council of Ireland, incorporating a Council of Ministers and a Consultative Assembly, represented both an echo of the first Council of Ireland of the 1920s and a precursor of the North-South Ministerial Council of 1998. There were important respects in which the image of the Council represented the Achilles heel of the 1973 agreement: it provided a focal point for unionist anger, which was mobilised effectively to bring the whole agreement down. This paper looks at the significance of the Council of Ireland as a mechanism for reducing the negative consequences of the partition of Ireland, setting it in historical context. It explores changing attitudes towards institutions of this kind, viewed as a threat to their position in the United Kingdom by many unionists, as a “sell-out” that recognises partition by traditional nationalists, and as a sensible functional compromise by pragmatists on both sides.
Graham Dawson and Stephen Hopkins
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780719096310
- eISBN:
- 9781526120809
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719096310.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
The introduction, and the book more generally, addresses a paradox: that the Northern Ireland conflict, commonly known as ‘the Troubles’, has had profound and shaping impacts upon politics, culture ...
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The introduction, and the book more generally, addresses a paradox: that the Northern Ireland conflict, commonly known as ‘the Troubles’, has had profound and shaping impacts upon politics, culture and the lives of many thousands of people in Great Britain, producing lasting legacies that continue to resonate nearly half a century after the eruption of political violence in 1968-9; but that engagements with the conflict, and with its ‘post-conflict’ transformation, from within Britain have been limited, lacking, frequently problematic, often troubled, in ways that are not fully grasped or considered.
The book, then, has four main aims: to investigate the history of responses to, engagements with, and memories of the Northern Irish conflict in Britain; to explore absences and weaknesses or silences in this history; to promote a wider academic and public debate in Britain concerning the significance of this history, and the lessons to be learned from the post-conflict efforts to ‘deal with the past’ in Northern Ireland; and to provoke reflection on the significance of opening up hitherto unexamined histories and memories of the Troubles, and the ways in which ongoing conflicts between competing understandings of the past might be addressed and negotiated.Less
The introduction, and the book more generally, addresses a paradox: that the Northern Ireland conflict, commonly known as ‘the Troubles’, has had profound and shaping impacts upon politics, culture and the lives of many thousands of people in Great Britain, producing lasting legacies that continue to resonate nearly half a century after the eruption of political violence in 1968-9; but that engagements with the conflict, and with its ‘post-conflict’ transformation, from within Britain have been limited, lacking, frequently problematic, often troubled, in ways that are not fully grasped or considered.
The book, then, has four main aims: to investigate the history of responses to, engagements with, and memories of the Northern Irish conflict in Britain; to explore absences and weaknesses or silences in this history; to promote a wider academic and public debate in Britain concerning the significance of this history, and the lessons to be learned from the post-conflict efforts to ‘deal with the past’ in Northern Ireland; and to provoke reflection on the significance of opening up hitherto unexamined histories and memories of the Troubles, and the ways in which ongoing conflicts between competing understandings of the past might be addressed and negotiated.
Dana Burde
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- November 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780231169288
- eISBN:
- 9780231537513
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231169288.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Conflict Politics and Policy
This introductory chapter presents an overview of this study which is premised on reframing the importance of education in state-building and peace-building efforts in Afghanistan. Despite the ...
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This introductory chapter presents an overview of this study which is premised on reframing the importance of education in state-building and peace-building efforts in Afghanistan. Despite the language barrier, religion permeates every aspect of Afghan society, which is evident in how the comprehension of the Qur'an became an imperative religious expression. Typically, the most literate and only educated person in Afghan villages is the mullah, who has the ill-reputation of monopolizing education through mosque schools. This monopoly would mean power, respect, a modest income, and a relatively comfortable lifestyle. For this reason, education has often been central in the power struggles in Afghanistan. These domestic power struggles, which later on included increased militancy and violence, gained international attention since the September 11 attacks of al-Qaeda. Since then, the United States has intervened in the tensions in Afghanistan through aid to education.Less
This introductory chapter presents an overview of this study which is premised on reframing the importance of education in state-building and peace-building efforts in Afghanistan. Despite the language barrier, religion permeates every aspect of Afghan society, which is evident in how the comprehension of the Qur'an became an imperative religious expression. Typically, the most literate and only educated person in Afghan villages is the mullah, who has the ill-reputation of monopolizing education through mosque schools. This monopoly would mean power, respect, a modest income, and a relatively comfortable lifestyle. For this reason, education has often been central in the power struggles in Afghanistan. These domestic power struggles, which later on included increased militancy and violence, gained international attention since the September 11 attacks of al-Qaeda. Since then, the United States has intervened in the tensions in Afghanistan through aid to education.
