Sophia Dawkins
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780197266953
- eISBN:
- 9780191938191
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197266953.003.0014
- Subject:
- Political Science, Conflict Politics and Policy
When civil war swept South Sudan in December 2013, mediators and political elites embarked on an eighteen-month peace process. This produced seven agreements signed and broken as belligerents ...
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When civil war swept South Sudan in December 2013, mediators and political elites embarked on an eighteen-month peace process. This produced seven agreements signed and broken as belligerents targeted civilians. The final accord crumbled as violence escalated within the year. This chapter asks: Why negotiate and why mediate when talks beget slaughter? When belligerents seem uncommitted to a negotiated settlement, under what conditions do conflict parties and mediators retain a mutual interest in turning up at the peace table? The chapter sets the dynamics of elite negotiation against realities on the ground, piecing together civilian experiences from fatality counts and human rights reports. It uses these data to evaluate three theories about why mediators and negotiators kept South Sudan’s talks afloat: peace processes offer access to money, power and status; peace processes sustain neo-patrimonial bargaining; and peace processes empower stakeholders to condition each other’s commitments – for better or for worse.Less
When civil war swept South Sudan in December 2013, mediators and political elites embarked on an eighteen-month peace process. This produced seven agreements signed and broken as belligerents targeted civilians. The final accord crumbled as violence escalated within the year. This chapter asks: Why negotiate and why mediate when talks beget slaughter? When belligerents seem uncommitted to a negotiated settlement, under what conditions do conflict parties and mediators retain a mutual interest in turning up at the peace table? The chapter sets the dynamics of elite negotiation against realities on the ground, piecing together civilian experiences from fatality counts and human rights reports. It uses these data to evaluate three theories about why mediators and negotiators kept South Sudan’s talks afloat: peace processes offer access to money, power and status; peace processes sustain neo-patrimonial bargaining; and peace processes empower stakeholders to condition each other’s commitments – for better or for worse.
Robert C. Johansen
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195395914
- eISBN:
- 9780199776801
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195395914.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter examines the complex interplay between international judicial processes and peace. Johansen engages the debate on international judicial activism, evaluating specific cases, especially ...
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This chapter examines the complex interplay between international judicial processes and peace. Johansen engages the debate on international judicial activism, evaluating specific cases, especially the International Criminal Court’s indictment of leaders of the Lord’s Resistance Army in Uganda. Judicial proceedings have complex consequences for a wide range of conflict issues, including negotiating ceasefires, deterring future crimes, and prospects for post-conflict reconciliation. The author proposes guidelines for employing judicial processes to promote an end to conflict, based on a utilitarian ethic that gives priority to saving as many lives as possible. The guidelines consider how to advance peace and justice not only through judicial proceedings, but also when judicial proceedings are suspended.Less
This chapter examines the complex interplay between international judicial processes and peace. Johansen engages the debate on international judicial activism, evaluating specific cases, especially the International Criminal Court’s indictment of leaders of the Lord’s Resistance Army in Uganda. Judicial proceedings have complex consequences for a wide range of conflict issues, including negotiating ceasefires, deterring future crimes, and prospects for post-conflict reconciliation. The author proposes guidelines for employing judicial processes to promote an end to conflict, based on a utilitarian ethic that gives priority to saving as many lives as possible. The guidelines consider how to advance peace and justice not only through judicial proceedings, but also when judicial proceedings are suspended.
Rosalind Marsden
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780197266953
- eISBN:
- 9780191938191
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197266953.003.0013
- Subject:
- Political Science, Conflict Politics and Policy
This chapter provides a practitioner’s perspective on the negotiations leading to the 2011 Doha Document for Peace in Darfur (DDPD) and its aftermath. It explains how international actors constrained ...
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This chapter provides a practitioner’s perspective on the negotiations leading to the 2011 Doha Document for Peace in Darfur (DDPD) and its aftermath. It explains how international actors constrained peace in Darfur by framing Sudan’s conflicts on a north/south axis; by repeating past mistakes in mediation; and by focusing too much on clashes between government and rebel forces when the main threat to civilians came increasingly from government forces and proxy militias. It argues that international actors often pursued approaches that were at odds with each other and should have put more weight behind democratisation. It shows how the Bashir regime used the DDPD to provide cover for its pursuit of a military solution and manipulated implementation to strengthen its grip in Darfur. It also shows how some lessons from past experience are still valid as a new phase in Sudan’s peace process gets underway.Less
This chapter provides a practitioner’s perspective on the negotiations leading to the 2011 Doha Document for Peace in Darfur (DDPD) and its aftermath. It explains how international actors constrained peace in Darfur by framing Sudan’s conflicts on a north/south axis; by repeating past mistakes in mediation; and by focusing too much on clashes between government and rebel forces when the main threat to civilians came increasingly from government forces and proxy militias. It argues that international actors often pursued approaches that were at odds with each other and should have put more weight behind democratisation. It shows how the Bashir regime used the DDPD to provide cover for its pursuit of a military solution and manipulated implementation to strengthen its grip in Darfur. It also shows how some lessons from past experience are still valid as a new phase in Sudan’s peace process gets underway.
Padraig O'Malley
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199244348
- eISBN:
- 9780191599866
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199244340.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
Compares Northern Ireland's peace process with the transition to democracy in South Africa. The chapter details the ways in which Northern Ireland's political elites learnt from South Africa's ...
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Compares Northern Ireland's peace process with the transition to democracy in South Africa. The chapter details the ways in which Northern Ireland's political elites learnt from South Africa's negotiations, and argues that they have more to learn. It squarely rejects the claim of Irish republican militants that their position is analogous to that of South Africa's African National Congress.Less
Compares Northern Ireland's peace process with the transition to democracy in South Africa. The chapter details the ways in which Northern Ireland's political elites learnt from South Africa's negotiations, and argues that they have more to learn. It squarely rejects the claim of Irish republican militants that their position is analogous to that of South Africa's African National Congress.
Marc Lynch
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199244904
- eISBN:
- 9780191600050
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199244901.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Marc Lynch examines the Jordanian disengagement from the West Bank in 1988 as a case of state downsizing. The author focuses on international factors and elite politics on both sides of the Jordan ...
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Marc Lynch examines the Jordanian disengagement from the West Bank in 1988 as a case of state downsizing. The author focuses on international factors and elite politics on both sides of the Jordan River, drawing conclusions on the influences of state downsizing on the changing character of the Jordanian political regime under King Hussein and his son, Abdullah. The author examines the role of public sphere changes and the political identity, the entrepreneurs played in the process, and he outlines the reflexive institutional relationship of the disengagement on state institutions, political parties, the press, and professional organizations. Finally, he examines the role of the Arab–Israeli peace process for the formula of separation between Jordan and Palestine.Less
Marc Lynch examines the Jordanian disengagement from the West Bank in 1988 as a case of state downsizing. The author focuses on international factors and elite politics on both sides of the Jordan River, drawing conclusions on the influences of state downsizing on the changing character of the Jordanian political regime under King Hussein and his son, Abdullah. The author examines the role of public sphere changes and the political identity, the entrepreneurs played in the process, and he outlines the reflexive institutional relationship of the disengagement on state institutions, political parties, the press, and professional organizations. Finally, he examines the role of the Arab–Israeli peace process for the formula of separation between Jordan and Palestine.
Christine Bell
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199226832
- eISBN:
- 9780191710261
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199226832.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law
This book provides a comprehensive analysis of the use of peace agreements from a legal perspective. It describes and evaluates the development of contemporary peace processes and the peace ...
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This book provides a comprehensive analysis of the use of peace agreements from a legal perspective. It describes and evaluates the development of contemporary peace processes and the peace agreements that emerge. At its heart, the book grapples with the role of law in ending violent conflict and the broader questions this raises for the relationship of law to social change. Law potentially plays two key roles with respect to peace agreements. First, to the extent that peace agreements themselves form legal documents, law plays a role in the ‘enforcement’ or implementation of the peace agreement; second, international law has a relationship to peace agreement negotiation and content, in its regulatory guise. International law regulates self-determination, transitional justice, and the role of third parties. The book documents and analyses these two roles of law, revealing a complex and dynamic relationship between them. The practice of negotiating peace agreements is argued to be producing a new law of the peacemaker — or lex pacificatoria that connects developments in international law with new forms of domestic constitutional law in a set of hybrid relationships. This lex pacificatoria potentially forms part of a broader ‘law of peace’ that moves beyond the traditional concept of the law of peace as merely ‘the rest of international law’ once the laws of war are subtracted. The new lex pacificatoria stands as an account of the way in which international law shapes and is shaped by peace agreements. The book proposes an ambivalent response to this ‘new law’ which connects to contemporary debates about the force of international law and its appropriate relationship with domestic constitutionalism.Less
This book provides a comprehensive analysis of the use of peace agreements from a legal perspective. It describes and evaluates the development of contemporary peace processes and the peace agreements that emerge. At its heart, the book grapples with the role of law in ending violent conflict and the broader questions this raises for the relationship of law to social change. Law potentially plays two key roles with respect to peace agreements. First, to the extent that peace agreements themselves form legal documents, law plays a role in the ‘enforcement’ or implementation of the peace agreement; second, international law has a relationship to peace agreement negotiation and content, in its regulatory guise. International law regulates self-determination, transitional justice, and the role of third parties. The book documents and analyses these two roles of law, revealing a complex and dynamic relationship between them. The practice of negotiating peace agreements is argued to be producing a new law of the peacemaker — or lex pacificatoria that connects developments in international law with new forms of domestic constitutional law in a set of hybrid relationships. This lex pacificatoria potentially forms part of a broader ‘law of peace’ that moves beyond the traditional concept of the law of peace as merely ‘the rest of international law’ once the laws of war are subtracted. The new lex pacificatoria stands as an account of the way in which international law shapes and is shaped by peace agreements. The book proposes an ambivalent response to this ‘new law’ which connects to contemporary debates about the force of international law and its appropriate relationship with domestic constitutionalism.
Peter Wallensteen
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195395914
- eISBN:
- 9780199776801
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195395914.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Wallensteen argues that further defining and specifying key concepts in peacebuilding will result in increased consistency and contribute to the development of policy-relevant strategies for peace. ...
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Wallensteen argues that further defining and specifying key concepts in peacebuilding will result in increased consistency and contribute to the development of policy-relevant strategies for peace. He suggests that any analysis of peacebuilding efforts should employ a typology of conflicts that distinguishes between interstate war, internal conflict, and new state formation. It should also consider that the state is central to many wars, so it is essential to distinguish among the specific aims or ambitions of post-conflict peacebuilding: limited forms of state-building, democracy-building, security-building, nation-building, and market-building. A review of current research on sustainable peace processes highlights the importance of four factors: how the previous war ended; whether the causes of the war have been addressed; the impact of international actors on local state-building, including the timing of democratization; and the extent to which the regional context is conducive to peacebuilding.Less
Wallensteen argues that further defining and specifying key concepts in peacebuilding will result in increased consistency and contribute to the development of policy-relevant strategies for peace. He suggests that any analysis of peacebuilding efforts should employ a typology of conflicts that distinguishes between interstate war, internal conflict, and new state formation. It should also consider that the state is central to many wars, so it is essential to distinguish among the specific aims or ambitions of post-conflict peacebuilding: limited forms of state-building, democracy-building, security-building, nation-building, and market-building. A review of current research on sustainable peace processes highlights the importance of four factors: how the previous war ended; whether the causes of the war have been addressed; the impact of international actors on local state-building, including the timing of democratization; and the extent to which the regional context is conducive to peacebuilding.
Peter Loizos and Tobias Kelly
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197264591
- eISBN:
- 9780191734397
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197264591.003.0011
- Subject:
- Sociology, Migration Studies (including Refugee Studies)
In the early years of the twenty-first century, two peace processes that were deemed promising came to a halt. In Cyprus, the Annan Plan was rejected by the majority of Greek-Cypriots and in ...
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In the early years of the twenty-first century, two peace processes that were deemed promising came to a halt. In Cyprus, the Annan Plan was rejected by the majority of Greek-Cypriots and in Israel/Palestine, the Oslo Peace Process collapsed in the second intifada. This chapter provides a comparative exploration of the roles the refugees played as individuals and as groups in the eventual failure of various peace processes as well as the political issues that have contributed to such failure. It focuses on the Greek-Cypriot refugees and the Palestinian refugees as the treatment of the rights of these groups of refugees were deemed the most controversial issue in the peace processes. In this chapter, the historical conditions, legal statuses, access to political representations and the geopolitical factors that have influenced the manner with which the conflict and refugees are dealt with are explored and examined. The various sections of the chapter are devoted to the rationale behind the failure of the Annan Plan and the Oslo Peace Process and the role of the refugees in this failure. The chapter concludes with some suggestions about the implications of refugee issues in order to settle long-term conflict.Less
In the early years of the twenty-first century, two peace processes that were deemed promising came to a halt. In Cyprus, the Annan Plan was rejected by the majority of Greek-Cypriots and in Israel/Palestine, the Oslo Peace Process collapsed in the second intifada. This chapter provides a comparative exploration of the roles the refugees played as individuals and as groups in the eventual failure of various peace processes as well as the political issues that have contributed to such failure. It focuses on the Greek-Cypriot refugees and the Palestinian refugees as the treatment of the rights of these groups of refugees were deemed the most controversial issue in the peace processes. In this chapter, the historical conditions, legal statuses, access to political representations and the geopolitical factors that have influenced the manner with which the conflict and refugees are dealt with are explored and examined. The various sections of the chapter are devoted to the rationale behind the failure of the Annan Plan and the Oslo Peace Process and the role of the refugees in this failure. The chapter concludes with some suggestions about the implications of refugee issues in order to settle long-term conflict.
Jasmine-Kim Westendorf
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780719097027
- eISBN:
- 9781526103987
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719097027.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The proliferation of civil wars since the end of the Cold War and the rise of peace settlements as a way of ending them has given rise to a new phenomenon in nascent post-war states, namely pervasive ...
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The proliferation of civil wars since the end of the Cold War and the rise of peace settlements as a way of ending them has given rise to a new phenomenon in nascent post-war states, namely pervasive low-level violence perpetrated by non-state actors that does not threaten the existence of the state, but undermines its consolidation.This chapter explores the use and purpose of non-state violence in post-civil war contexts, with a particular focus on Liberia, South Sudan and Cambodia. It makes an original, critical assessment of the instrumental nature of this non-state violence in contesting the basic structures and authority of the state.It examines the role that elites, including those embedded in new state structures, play in mobilising such violence, and the ends to which they do so. Finally, it considers mechanisms to address violence, and the extent to which they reflect elite interests. It suggests that the extension of a particular type of state-model to new post-conflict states creates a set of incentives for violence that does not contest the basic existence of the state, but rather its interaction with other forms of political power and authority.Less
The proliferation of civil wars since the end of the Cold War and the rise of peace settlements as a way of ending them has given rise to a new phenomenon in nascent post-war states, namely pervasive low-level violence perpetrated by non-state actors that does not threaten the existence of the state, but undermines its consolidation.This chapter explores the use and purpose of non-state violence in post-civil war contexts, with a particular focus on Liberia, South Sudan and Cambodia. It makes an original, critical assessment of the instrumental nature of this non-state violence in contesting the basic structures and authority of the state.It examines the role that elites, including those embedded in new state structures, play in mobilising such violence, and the ends to which they do so. Finally, it considers mechanisms to address violence, and the extent to which they reflect elite interests. It suggests that the extension of a particular type of state-model to new post-conflict states creates a set of incentives for violence that does not contest the basic existence of the state, but rather its interaction with other forms of political power and authority.
Christine Bell
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199270965
- eISBN:
- 9780191707612
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199270965.003.0002
- Subject:
- Law, Human Rights and Immigration
This chapter explores a general problem of definitions and what is meant by ethnic conflict, peace processes, peace agreements, and human rights. It also lays out the rationale for the chosen ...
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This chapter explores a general problem of definitions and what is meant by ethnic conflict, peace processes, peace agreements, and human rights. It also lays out the rationale for the chosen comparisons, and puts the four case studies in a broader comparative context of other peace processes and peace agreements.Less
This chapter explores a general problem of definitions and what is meant by ethnic conflict, peace processes, peace agreements, and human rights. It also lays out the rationale for the chosen comparisons, and puts the four case studies in a broader comparative context of other peace processes and peace agreements.
Oliver P. Richmond and Jason Franks
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748638765
- eISBN:
- 9780748652761
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748638765.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter examines the Oslo peace process as the first attempt to introduce the liberal peace framework in the Middle East, and the later, more limited engagement with the construction of a viable ...
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This chapter examines the Oslo peace process as the first attempt to introduce the liberal peace framework in the Middle East, and the later, more limited engagement with the construction of a viable peace between the Israeli state and the Palestinians. It argues that the ‘thin’ liberal peace model employed in the Middle East peace process is problematic due to its exclusive nature. It builds states for liberals, and thus excludes and indeed, often simply ignores non-liberal others. Indeed, it may also be the case that some of the obstacles to a viable framework for peace stem, not just from local political and cultural dynamics, but also from the liberal peace paradigm's engagement with the region itself.Less
This chapter examines the Oslo peace process as the first attempt to introduce the liberal peace framework in the Middle East, and the later, more limited engagement with the construction of a viable peace between the Israeli state and the Palestinians. It argues that the ‘thin’ liberal peace model employed in the Middle East peace process is problematic due to its exclusive nature. It builds states for liberals, and thus excludes and indeed, often simply ignores non-liberal others. Indeed, it may also be the case that some of the obstacles to a viable framework for peace stem, not just from local political and cultural dynamics, but also from the liberal peace paradigm's engagement with the region itself.
Christine Bell
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199270965
- eISBN:
- 9780191707612
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199270965.003.0010
- Subject:
- Law, Human Rights and Immigration
This chapter draws together the picture of the relationship between peace agreements, human rights, and international law. It suggests that peace agreements are best understood as a form of ...
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This chapter draws together the picture of the relationship between peace agreements, human rights, and international law. It suggests that peace agreements are best understood as a form of transitional constitution, and that the human rights provisions must be understood as an integral part of that constitution and as having particular transitional functions. The chapter also demonstrates that just as international law shapes the peace agreement, so the devices found in peace agreements also impact on international law.Less
This chapter draws together the picture of the relationship between peace agreements, human rights, and international law. It suggests that peace agreements are best understood as a form of transitional constitution, and that the human rights provisions must be understood as an integral part of that constitution and as having particular transitional functions. The chapter also demonstrates that just as international law shapes the peace agreement, so the devices found in peace agreements also impact on international law.
Michael F. Cairo
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780813136721
- eISBN:
- 9780813141275
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813136721.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Just as George H.W. Bush’s and George W. Bush’s worldviews impacted their decisions regarding war, these worldviews impacted their approach toward the Middle East peace process. It begins by ...
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Just as George H.W. Bush’s and George W. Bush’s worldviews impacted their decisions regarding war, these worldviews impacted their approach toward the Middle East peace process. It begins by illustrating how George H.W. Bush was initially reluctant to pursue peace in the Middle East, but later translated victory in the Persian Gulf War into a diplomatic process promoting Middle East peace. The chapter then turns to George W. Bush’s unwillingness to directly engage in the peace process. The chapter returns to the George H.W. Bush administration, discussing George H.W. Bush’s negotiations to ensure a peace conference between Israelis and Palestinians at Madrid, Spain. It concludes by examining the impact of George W. Bush’s neglect of the peace process. Throughout, the chapter focuses on the importance of personal relations. George H.W. Bush’s relationship with Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Shamir proved to jump-start the peace process, since George H.W. Bush’s dislike of Shamir translated into his willingness to deal with the Israelis more sternly than his predecessors had. Likewise, George W. Bush’s relationship with Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon led him to support the Israeli policy, often unquestionably.Less
Just as George H.W. Bush’s and George W. Bush’s worldviews impacted their decisions regarding war, these worldviews impacted their approach toward the Middle East peace process. It begins by illustrating how George H.W. Bush was initially reluctant to pursue peace in the Middle East, but later translated victory in the Persian Gulf War into a diplomatic process promoting Middle East peace. The chapter then turns to George W. Bush’s unwillingness to directly engage in the peace process. The chapter returns to the George H.W. Bush administration, discussing George H.W. Bush’s negotiations to ensure a peace conference between Israelis and Palestinians at Madrid, Spain. It concludes by examining the impact of George W. Bush’s neglect of the peace process. Throughout, the chapter focuses on the importance of personal relations. George H.W. Bush’s relationship with Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Shamir proved to jump-start the peace process, since George H.W. Bush’s dislike of Shamir translated into his willingness to deal with the Israelis more sternly than his predecessors had. Likewise, George W. Bush’s relationship with Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon led him to support the Israeli policy, often unquestionably.
Christine Bell
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199270965
- eISBN:
- 9780191707612
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199270965.003.0004
- Subject:
- Law, Human Rights and Immigration
This chapter discusses the conflicts and peace processes in Israel/Palestine and Bosnia Herzegovina. These conflicts had much clearer international dimensions than those in South Africa and Northern ...
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This chapter discusses the conflicts and peace processes in Israel/Palestine and Bosnia Herzegovina. These conflicts had much clearer international dimensions than those in South Africa and Northern Ireland. Both contained the potential for regional and, ultimately, global instability; and both had created a refugee problem for other countries. The international dimension of both conflicts gave the international community a clearer reason for being involved, both legally and in terms of self-interest.Less
This chapter discusses the conflicts and peace processes in Israel/Palestine and Bosnia Herzegovina. These conflicts had much clearer international dimensions than those in South Africa and Northern Ireland. Both contained the potential for regional and, ultimately, global instability; and both had created a refugee problem for other countries. The international dimension of both conflicts gave the international community a clearer reason for being involved, both legally and in terms of self-interest.
Feargal Cochrane
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780300178708
- eISBN:
- 9780300194869
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300178708.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This book looks at Northern Ireland's “Troubles” from the late 1960s to the present day. It explains why, a decade and a half after the peace process ended in political agreement in 1998, sectarian ...
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This book looks at Northern Ireland's “Troubles” from the late 1960s to the present day. It explains why, a decade and a half after the peace process ended in political agreement in 1998, sectarian attitudes and violence continue to plague Northern Ireland today. Former members of the IRA now sit alongside their unionist adversaries in the Northern Ireland Assembly, but the region's attitudes have been slow to change and recent years have even seen an upsurge in violence on both sides. The author, who grew up a Catholic in Belfast in the 1970s and 1980s, explores how divisions between Catholics and Protestants became so entrenched, and reviews the thirty years of political violence in Northern Ireland—which killed over 3,500 people—leading up to the peace agreement. The book asks whether the peace process has actually delivered for the citizens of Northern Ireland and what more needs to be done to enhance the current reluctant peace.Less
This book looks at Northern Ireland's “Troubles” from the late 1960s to the present day. It explains why, a decade and a half after the peace process ended in political agreement in 1998, sectarian attitudes and violence continue to plague Northern Ireland today. Former members of the IRA now sit alongside their unionist adversaries in the Northern Ireland Assembly, but the region's attitudes have been slow to change and recent years have even seen an upsurge in violence on both sides. The author, who grew up a Catholic in Belfast in the 1970s and 1980s, explores how divisions between Catholics and Protestants became so entrenched, and reviews the thirty years of political violence in Northern Ireland—which killed over 3,500 people—leading up to the peace agreement. The book asks whether the peace process has actually delivered for the citizens of Northern Ireland and what more needs to be done to enhance the current reluctant peace.
Paul Bew
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199561261
- eISBN:
- 9780191701832
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199561261.003.0011
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Political History
This chapter discusses the ‘Era of Troubles’ of Ireland from 1968 to 2005. The first section of this chapter examines politics after the Stormont regime from 1972 to 1974. The second section explores ...
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This chapter discusses the ‘Era of Troubles’ of Ireland from 1968 to 2005. The first section of this chapter examines politics after the Stormont regime from 1972 to 1974. The second section explores Harold Wilson and British withdrawal. The third section examines the hunger strikes and the stabilisation of policy. The fourth section looks into the Anglo–Irish Agreement of November 1985 and the Hillsborough Accord. The fifth section discusses the ongoing peace process. The sixth and seventh sections deal with the creation and the breaking of the Good Friday Agreement. The discussion notes that brutality of the IRA campaign bred another brutality by intensifying a loyalist predilection for violence already visible in 1966. The broad outline history of violent death in the Troubles has not been disputed. Yet all this horror was underpinned by the safety-net provided for by the British state.Less
This chapter discusses the ‘Era of Troubles’ of Ireland from 1968 to 2005. The first section of this chapter examines politics after the Stormont regime from 1972 to 1974. The second section explores Harold Wilson and British withdrawal. The third section examines the hunger strikes and the stabilisation of policy. The fourth section looks into the Anglo–Irish Agreement of November 1985 and the Hillsborough Accord. The fifth section discusses the ongoing peace process. The sixth and seventh sections deal with the creation and the breaking of the Good Friday Agreement. The discussion notes that brutality of the IRA campaign bred another brutality by intensifying a loyalist predilection for violence already visible in 1966. The broad outline history of violent death in the Troubles has not been disputed. Yet all this horror was underpinned by the safety-net provided for by the British state.
Patrick Mitchel
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199256150
- eISBN:
- 9780191602115
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199256152.003.0010
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
In a context of continuing nationalist conflict in a post-Good Friday Agreement (GFA) era, a challenge for Ulster evangelicals is how can they live up to their calling to be ‘Bible people’ and ...
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In a context of continuing nationalist conflict in a post-Good Friday Agreement (GFA) era, a challenge for Ulster evangelicals is how can they live up to their calling to be ‘Bible people’ and ‘Gospel people’. This will entail achieving a healthy balance of ‘distance’ and ‘belonging’ at three levels—political, theological, and relational. At each level, a stark dichotomy is evident between ‘closed’ and ‘open’ evangelicalism. The main reason for this is that closed evangelicalism has substituted nationalism as its core belief system and used religion to reinforce and justify nationalist objectives. However, while traditional ‘closed’ evangelical ideology historically has been the glue holding unionism together, the emerging presence from ‘within the camp’ of open evangelicalism may be the source of one of its most profound critiques.Less
In a context of continuing nationalist conflict in a post-Good Friday Agreement (GFA) era, a challenge for Ulster evangelicals is how can they live up to their calling to be ‘Bible people’ and ‘Gospel people’. This will entail achieving a healthy balance of ‘distance’ and ‘belonging’ at three levels—political, theological, and relational. At each level, a stark dichotomy is evident between ‘closed’ and ‘open’ evangelicalism. The main reason for this is that closed evangelicalism has substituted nationalism as its core belief system and used religion to reinforce and justify nationalist objectives. However, while traditional ‘closed’ evangelical ideology historically has been the glue holding unionism together, the emerging presence from ‘within the camp’ of open evangelicalism may be the source of one of its most profound critiques.
Fen Osler Hampson
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199791743
- eISBN:
- 9780199919222
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199791743.003.0006
- Subject:
- Psychology, Social Psychology
This chapter explores the role of diaspora communities in the politics of interethnic bargaining processes in identity conflicts. It explores both the positive and negative impacts such communities ...
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This chapter explores the role of diaspora communities in the politics of interethnic bargaining processes in identity conflicts. It explores both the positive and negative impacts such communities can have when a negotiation process is set in motion, not just on the parties to the conflict but also on intermediaries who are engaged in trying to secure a peace agreement. Commitment problems are commonly identified as one of the main obstacles to negotiation in interethnic disputes. Disaporas can exacerbate this problem through their engagement via remittances, arms transfers, political mobilization, and other kinds of support to warring parties. However, diasporas can also provide much needed support to a peace process when the members of a community are convinced that politics must replace armed struggle. Such turnabout or waning effects are are an important but understudied dimension of diaspora politics in identity-based conflicts.Less
This chapter explores the role of diaspora communities in the politics of interethnic bargaining processes in identity conflicts. It explores both the positive and negative impacts such communities can have when a negotiation process is set in motion, not just on the parties to the conflict but also on intermediaries who are engaged in trying to secure a peace agreement. Commitment problems are commonly identified as one of the main obstacles to negotiation in interethnic disputes. Disaporas can exacerbate this problem through their engagement via remittances, arms transfers, political mobilization, and other kinds of support to warring parties. However, diasporas can also provide much needed support to a peace process when the members of a community are convinced that politics must replace armed struggle. Such turnabout or waning effects are are an important but understudied dimension of diaspora politics in identity-based conflicts.
Peter Shirlow, Jonathan Tonge, James McAuley, and Catherine McGlynn
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719080111
- eISBN:
- 9781781703038
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719080111.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This book examines the extent to which the peace process in Northern Ireland developed as a result of the repudiation or maintenance of previously held views by those who had ‘fought the war’ and ...
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This book examines the extent to which the peace process in Northern Ireland developed as a result of the repudiation or maintenance of previously held views by those who had ‘fought the war’ and spent time in prison as a consequence of their actions. Most contemporary accounts of the peace and political processes were concentrated at elite level, examining the ability of political representatives to construct and maintain an inclusive set of compromises. The book argues that none of these compromises were sustainable without backing from ‘combatants’ in the conflict. As such, any account of the peace process which failed to take account of why so many former prisoners supported the 1998 Good Friday Agreement was incomplete. It also explores why conflict ended amid ideological continuity not change, with emphasis on loyalism and republicanism. Moreover, the book highlights the importance of prisoner releases in peace processes beyond Northern Ireland, and how the literature on demilitarisation, demobilisation, and reintegration has tended to overlook the centrality of prisoner releases to a successful peace process.Less
This book examines the extent to which the peace process in Northern Ireland developed as a result of the repudiation or maintenance of previously held views by those who had ‘fought the war’ and spent time in prison as a consequence of their actions. Most contemporary accounts of the peace and political processes were concentrated at elite level, examining the ability of political representatives to construct and maintain an inclusive set of compromises. The book argues that none of these compromises were sustainable without backing from ‘combatants’ in the conflict. As such, any account of the peace process which failed to take account of why so many former prisoners supported the 1998 Good Friday Agreement was incomplete. It also explores why conflict ended amid ideological continuity not change, with emphasis on loyalism and republicanism. Moreover, the book highlights the importance of prisoner releases in peace processes beyond Northern Ireland, and how the literature on demilitarisation, demobilisation, and reintegration has tended to overlook the centrality of prisoner releases to a successful peace process.
Christine Bell
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199270965
- eISBN:
- 9780191707612
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199270965.003.0003
- Subject:
- Law, Human Rights and Immigration
This chapter discusses the conflicts and peace processes in South Africa and Northern Ireland. The process in South Africa lasted several years and followed a ‘step-break-gesture-step’ pattern. ...
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This chapter discusses the conflicts and peace processes in South Africa and Northern Ireland. The process in South Africa lasted several years and followed a ‘step-break-gesture-step’ pattern. Concessions were made by both sides in stages, punctuated by high levels of violence and instability that, at times, brought public negotiations to a standstill, although behind-the-scenes negotiations often continued until a new set of compromises was reached. In Northern Ireland, a similarly long, drawn-out, and halting process was concluded with a contrasting intense period of negotiations under pressure of a deadline imposed by US Senator George Mitchell, who had been brought to chair the talks. In both South Africa and Northern Ireland, the agreement reached produced a constitutional document that claimed to provide the way forward, but which required to be implemented through legislation and ongoing negotiations.Less
This chapter discusses the conflicts and peace processes in South Africa and Northern Ireland. The process in South Africa lasted several years and followed a ‘step-break-gesture-step’ pattern. Concessions were made by both sides in stages, punctuated by high levels of violence and instability that, at times, brought public negotiations to a standstill, although behind-the-scenes negotiations often continued until a new set of compromises was reached. In Northern Ireland, a similarly long, drawn-out, and halting process was concluded with a contrasting intense period of negotiations under pressure of a deadline imposed by US Senator George Mitchell, who had been brought to chair the talks. In both South Africa and Northern Ireland, the agreement reached produced a constitutional document that claimed to provide the way forward, but which required to be implemented through legislation and ongoing negotiations.
