Tadhg Ó hAnnrachÁin
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780198208914
- eISBN:
- 9780191716843
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198208914.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History
GianBattista Rinuccini's first fourteen months in Ireland, from his arrival in October 1645 to his return to Kilkenny after the failure of the campaign against Dublin in December 1646, witnessed some ...
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GianBattista Rinuccini's first fourteen months in Ireland, from his arrival in October 1645 to his return to Kilkenny after the failure of the campaign against Dublin in December 1646, witnessed some of the most violent transformations of his turbulent nunciature. The backdrop to the unfolding drama both in Britain and on the continent was similarly eventful. In June 1645 the decisive parliamentary victory at the battle of Naseby irrevocably altered the course of the first English Civil War. By the time the Ormond peace was concluded in Ireland in August 1646, all the major garrisons around the royalist capital had also been taken. Rinuccini's first year in Ireland thus witnessed the effective end of the first civil war in England. Rinuccini's violent opposition to the Ormond peace represented a considerable departure from his earlier resigned attitude.Less
GianBattista Rinuccini's first fourteen months in Ireland, from his arrival in October 1645 to his return to Kilkenny after the failure of the campaign against Dublin in December 1646, witnessed some of the most violent transformations of his turbulent nunciature. The backdrop to the unfolding drama both in Britain and on the continent was similarly eventful. In June 1645 the decisive parliamentary victory at the battle of Naseby irrevocably altered the course of the first English Civil War. By the time the Ormond peace was concluded in Ireland in August 1646, all the major garrisons around the royalist capital had also been taken. Rinuccini's first year in Ireland thus witnessed the effective end of the first civil war in England. Rinuccini's violent opposition to the Ormond peace represented a considerable departure from his earlier resigned attitude.
Andrew Stockley
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780859896153
- eISBN:
- 9781781380451
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5949/liverpool/9780859896153.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
Richard Morris's account of the peace negotiations of 1782–1784 that ended the War of American Independence is incomplete with respect to the Anglo-American settlement, and is also inadequate in ...
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Richard Morris's account of the peace negotiations of 1782–1784 that ended the War of American Independence is incomplete with respect to the Anglo-American settlement, and is also inadequate in terms of Britain's negotiations with France, Spain, and the Netherlands. By depicting America as the centre around which all diplomatic efforts revolved, Morris exaggerates the excitement and novelty of the birth of America, and glosses over the fact that, for contemporaries, the European negotiations were considerably much more significant. This chapter examines the peace negotiations of 1782–1784 by focusing on compromise and the role of Europe. In particular, it looks at the roles played by the earl of Shelburne and French foreign minister Charles Gravier Vergennes in making the peace between Britain and America a reality.Less
Richard Morris's account of the peace negotiations of 1782–1784 that ended the War of American Independence is incomplete with respect to the Anglo-American settlement, and is also inadequate in terms of Britain's negotiations with France, Spain, and the Netherlands. By depicting America as the centre around which all diplomatic efforts revolved, Morris exaggerates the excitement and novelty of the birth of America, and glosses over the fact that, for contemporaries, the European negotiations were considerably much more significant. This chapter examines the peace negotiations of 1782–1784 by focusing on compromise and the role of Europe. In particular, it looks at the roles played by the earl of Shelburne and French foreign minister Charles Gravier Vergennes in making the peace between Britain and America a reality.
G. Jan van Butselaar
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- October 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780195177282
- eISBN:
- 9780199835812
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195177282.003.0006
- Subject:
- Religion, History of Christianity
This chapter recounts the early development of Christianity in Mozambique as a Portuguese colony with a strong Roman Catholic influence. The Marxist Frelimo regime in newly independent Mozambique ...
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This chapter recounts the early development of Christianity in Mozambique as a Portuguese colony with a strong Roman Catholic influence. The Marxist Frelimo regime in newly independent Mozambique denounced Christianity as a colonial, antirevolutionary force, confiscated its institutions, and suppressed its practice. Yet the local churches continued to play a significant local role as civil war broke out and people came to them for help and shelter. Both Catholic and Protestant communities played roles in the peace negotiations, but the Catholics had the resources and the ties to the Renamo rebel forces to lend some diplomatic leverage. After the peace agreement, churches played a major role in bringing reconciliation to fractured communities. The chapter ends with brief comparisons to the conflicts in South Africa and Rwanda and concludes that while in each case Christian denominations and ecumenical groups had little effect on effecting justice, peace, and reconciliation, individual Christian leaders and local ministries played powerful roles.Less
This chapter recounts the early development of Christianity in Mozambique as a Portuguese colony with a strong Roman Catholic influence. The Marxist Frelimo regime in newly independent Mozambique denounced Christianity as a colonial, antirevolutionary force, confiscated its institutions, and suppressed its practice. Yet the local churches continued to play a significant local role as civil war broke out and people came to them for help and shelter. Both Catholic and Protestant communities played roles in the peace negotiations, but the Catholics had the resources and the ties to the Renamo rebel forces to lend some diplomatic leverage. After the peace agreement, churches played a major role in bringing reconciliation to fractured communities. The chapter ends with brief comparisons to the conflicts in South Africa and Rwanda and concludes that while in each case Christian denominations and ecumenical groups had little effect on effecting justice, peace, and reconciliation, individual Christian leaders and local ministries played powerful roles.
Miriam J. Anderson
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780190239534
- eISBN:
- 9780190239558
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190239534.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics, Political Economy
This book illustrates how women’s advocacy groups seize peace negotiations to reconfigure their role in the state. Women’s groups overcome many challenges to gain access to peace talks and ensure ...
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This book illustrates how women’s advocacy groups seize peace negotiations to reconfigure their role in the state. Women’s groups overcome many challenges to gain access to peace talks and ensure women’s rights are included in peace agreements. They do this by forming advocacy groups based on a gender-based identity to transcend the divisions of the conflict, framing the peace negotiations as forums where their interests are at stake, and, when necessary, working with transnational feminist allies. The book offers both a cross-national overview of women’s references in 195 peace agreements signed between 1975 and 2011 as well as an in-depth analysis of the three case studies: Burundi, Macedonia, and Northern Ireland. It finds that the majority of women’s references in peace agreements reflect international norms on women’s rights. The case studies suggest that this convergence across agreements is due to the linkages between local women’s groups and transnational women’s networks, which means that international women’s rights norms are reproduced in peace agreements, making peace negotiations a site for international norm diffusion. The book’s findings demonstrate that despite the “liberal peace” bias inherent in contemporary peacebuilding, women have to exert significant efforts for their voices to be heard in the midst of conflict and political processes. The social rupture caused by armed conflict and peace talks create opportunities for gender-role transformation.Less
This book illustrates how women’s advocacy groups seize peace negotiations to reconfigure their role in the state. Women’s groups overcome many challenges to gain access to peace talks and ensure women’s rights are included in peace agreements. They do this by forming advocacy groups based on a gender-based identity to transcend the divisions of the conflict, framing the peace negotiations as forums where their interests are at stake, and, when necessary, working with transnational feminist allies. The book offers both a cross-national overview of women’s references in 195 peace agreements signed between 1975 and 2011 as well as an in-depth analysis of the three case studies: Burundi, Macedonia, and Northern Ireland. It finds that the majority of women’s references in peace agreements reflect international norms on women’s rights. The case studies suggest that this convergence across agreements is due to the linkages between local women’s groups and transnational women’s networks, which means that international women’s rights norms are reproduced in peace agreements, making peace negotiations a site for international norm diffusion. The book’s findings demonstrate that despite the “liberal peace” bias inherent in contemporary peacebuilding, women have to exert significant efforts for their voices to be heard in the midst of conflict and political processes. The social rupture caused by armed conflict and peace talks create opportunities for gender-role transformation.
Andrew Stockley
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780859896153
- eISBN:
- 9781781380451
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5949/liverpool/9780859896153.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This is a comprehensive study of the peace negotiations that ended the War of American Independence. It challenges traditional views and uses a wide range of sources to provide a detailed analysis of ...
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This is a comprehensive study of the peace negotiations that ended the War of American Independence. It challenges traditional views and uses a wide range of sources to provide a detailed analysis of the treaties signed between Britain and France, Spain, the Netherlands, and the United States. The book shows that American independence, rather than being the important issue of the negotiations, was consistently subordinated to European balance of power considerations. It demonstrates the importance of personality and popular prejudice in determining foreign policy, and insights are offered into the personalities and objectives of the leading political figures of the time, including George III, Louis XVI, Benjamin Franklin, Lords Shelburne, Grantham and North, Charles James Fox, the Comte de Vergennes, John Jay, John Adams, Catherine the Great, and Frederick the Great. The result is a study of eighteenth-century diplomatic and political history that overturns previously established views.Less
This is a comprehensive study of the peace negotiations that ended the War of American Independence. It challenges traditional views and uses a wide range of sources to provide a detailed analysis of the treaties signed between Britain and France, Spain, the Netherlands, and the United States. The book shows that American independence, rather than being the important issue of the negotiations, was consistently subordinated to European balance of power considerations. It demonstrates the importance of personality and popular prejudice in determining foreign policy, and insights are offered into the personalities and objectives of the leading political figures of the time, including George III, Louis XVI, Benjamin Franklin, Lords Shelburne, Grantham and North, Charles James Fox, the Comte de Vergennes, John Jay, John Adams, Catherine the Great, and Frederick the Great. The result is a study of eighteenth-century diplomatic and political history that overturns previously established views.
Avi Shlaim
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198294597
- eISBN:
- 9780191685057
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198294597.003.0044
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter examines the intensification of the conflict between the Arab League and Jordan following the suspension of the Jordanian-Israeli talks. The long-standing conflict between Jordan and ...
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This chapter examines the intensification of the conflict between the Arab League and Jordan following the suspension of the Jordanian-Israeli talks. The long-standing conflict between Jordan and Egypt focused on two issues. These are the question of a separate peace with Israel and the annexation of Arab Palestine by Jordan. The conflict became so intense in 1950 that it threatened the very existence of the Arab League.Less
This chapter examines the intensification of the conflict between the Arab League and Jordan following the suspension of the Jordanian-Israeli talks. The long-standing conflict between Jordan and Egypt focused on two issues. These are the question of a separate peace with Israel and the annexation of Arab Palestine by Jordan. The conflict became so intense in 1950 that it threatened the very existence of the Arab League.
Mark Kersten
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780198777144
- eISBN:
- 9780191822957
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198777144.003.0003
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law
Drawing on theoretical insights from the aforementioned fields, Chapter 3 develops an analytical framework that parses out key phases, dynamics, and issues that are widely recognized as relevant to ...
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Drawing on theoretical insights from the aforementioned fields, Chapter 3 develops an analytical framework that parses out key phases, dynamics, and issues that are widely recognized as relevant to the success and failure of peace processes. It is argued that the primary effect of ICC interventions on ongoing conflicts is on the conflict narrative—the dominant understanding and discourse of the causes and dynamics of the war, and on the attitudes and incentives of warring parties towards committing to a peace process. The effect of the ICC on these two issues subsequently affects the three distinct stages of a peace process: the pre-negotiation, negotiation, and post-negotiation phases. Key constitutive elements of these phases of a peace process are delineated and the possible effects of the ICC on each are discussed. This framework provides the roadmap that is subsequently employed to assess the two case studies at the heart of the research, namely the ICC’s interventions into northern Uganda and Libya.Less
Drawing on theoretical insights from the aforementioned fields, Chapter 3 develops an analytical framework that parses out key phases, dynamics, and issues that are widely recognized as relevant to the success and failure of peace processes. It is argued that the primary effect of ICC interventions on ongoing conflicts is on the conflict narrative—the dominant understanding and discourse of the causes and dynamics of the war, and on the attitudes and incentives of warring parties towards committing to a peace process. The effect of the ICC on these two issues subsequently affects the three distinct stages of a peace process: the pre-negotiation, negotiation, and post-negotiation phases. Key constitutive elements of these phases of a peace process are delineated and the possible effects of the ICC on each are discussed. This framework provides the roadmap that is subsequently employed to assess the two case studies at the heart of the research, namely the ICC’s interventions into northern Uganda and Libya.
Andrew Stockley
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780859896153
- eISBN:
- 9781781380451
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5949/liverpool/9780859896153.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
In 1777, the third year of the American Revolution, Britain began to realise that the conflict with the American colonies was likely to prove long and costly, and might even end in failure. This ...
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In 1777, the third year of the American Revolution, Britain began to realise that the conflict with the American colonies was likely to prove long and costly, and might even end in failure. This chapter, which examines the history of the peace negotiations of 1782–1784 that ended the War of American Independence, begins by looking at the ministry of Lord North that had presided over the outbreak and the expansion of the war, before turning to British peace overtures to America. It then considers the role of Jacques Necker, France's finance minister, and British talks with Spain as well as the mediation of Austria and Russia. The chapter also analyses the British defeat at Yorktown on October 19, 1781 and the role of the Rockingham ministry in the peace negotiations, Charles James Fox's advocacy of unconditional American independence, and the stalemate in Europe. It concludes with a discussion of the death of the marquess of Rockingham and its implications for the peace talks.Less
In 1777, the third year of the American Revolution, Britain began to realise that the conflict with the American colonies was likely to prove long and costly, and might even end in failure. This chapter, which examines the history of the peace negotiations of 1782–1784 that ended the War of American Independence, begins by looking at the ministry of Lord North that had presided over the outbreak and the expansion of the war, before turning to British peace overtures to America. It then considers the role of Jacques Necker, France's finance minister, and British talks with Spain as well as the mediation of Austria and Russia. The chapter also analyses the British defeat at Yorktown on October 19, 1781 and the role of the Rockingham ministry in the peace negotiations, Charles James Fox's advocacy of unconditional American independence, and the stalemate in Europe. It concludes with a discussion of the death of the marquess of Rockingham and its implications for the peace talks.
Justus D. Doenecke
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813130026
- eISBN:
- 9780813135755
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813130026.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
Frustrated by failure to achieve a breakthrough on the western front and facing a crisis in domestic morale, Germany increasingly placed its hopes on U-boat warfare. In December 1916, it began ...
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Frustrated by failure to achieve a breakthrough on the western front and facing a crisis in domestic morale, Germany increasingly placed its hopes on U-boat warfare. In December 1916, it began contemplating engaging in all-out submarine warfare, thinking that the US would not risk losing the sources of its commercial prosperity and that its military was not that strong. Meanwhile, Wilson continued to push for “peace without victory,” believing that there was a middle ground between the belligerent nations because they shared similar goals. Some people, however, took Wilson's message to mean that the US was demanding the belligerents to state their terms in preparation for its entry into war. Despite the strong possibility that it would lead to war with the US, Germany began an “unlimited submarine warfare” on February 1917, with the firm belief that this was the key to victory.Less
Frustrated by failure to achieve a breakthrough on the western front and facing a crisis in domestic morale, Germany increasingly placed its hopes on U-boat warfare. In December 1916, it began contemplating engaging in all-out submarine warfare, thinking that the US would not risk losing the sources of its commercial prosperity and that its military was not that strong. Meanwhile, Wilson continued to push for “peace without victory,” believing that there was a middle ground between the belligerent nations because they shared similar goals. Some people, however, took Wilson's message to mean that the US was demanding the belligerents to state their terms in preparation for its entry into war. Despite the strong possibility that it would lead to war with the US, Germany began an “unlimited submarine warfare” on February 1917, with the firm belief that this was the key to victory.
Richard Pomfret
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780691182216
- eISBN:
- 9780691185408
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691182216.003.0008
- Subject:
- Business and Management, International Business
This chapter focuses on the national economy and transition strategies of Tajikistan. Tajikistan is the only Central Asian country whose political transition from Soviet republic to independent ...
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This chapter focuses on the national economy and transition strategies of Tajikistan. Tajikistan is the only Central Asian country whose political transition from Soviet republic to independent nation was not peaceful. Open civil war in 1992–1993 simmered on for several years before peace negotiations led to the June 1997 Agreement on Peace and National Reconciliation. Moreover, Tajikistan was the poorest republic in the Soviet Union, with the highest proportion of under-provisioned households. During the 1990s, economic progress was massively disrupted by the civil war, which completed the destruction of central planning but prevented introduction of institutions such as the rule of law and contract enforcement that are essential for a well-functioning market economy. The rapid growth that could be expected in the recovery from civil war did not begin until 2000, and Tajikistan remains the poorest country in Central Asia.Less
This chapter focuses on the national economy and transition strategies of Tajikistan. Tajikistan is the only Central Asian country whose political transition from Soviet republic to independent nation was not peaceful. Open civil war in 1992–1993 simmered on for several years before peace negotiations led to the June 1997 Agreement on Peace and National Reconciliation. Moreover, Tajikistan was the poorest republic in the Soviet Union, with the highest proportion of under-provisioned households. During the 1990s, economic progress was massively disrupted by the civil war, which completed the destruction of central planning but prevented introduction of institutions such as the rule of law and contract enforcement that are essential for a well-functioning market economy. The rapid growth that could be expected in the recovery from civil war did not begin until 2000, and Tajikistan remains the poorest country in Central Asia.
Erik Goldstein
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198215844
- eISBN:
- 9780191678226
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198215844.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Military History
This concluding chapter sums up the key findings of Great Britain for the 1919 peace conference in Paris, France. The experts proved invaluable in assisting Britain in the negotiations for they were ...
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This concluding chapter sums up the key findings of Great Britain for the 1919 peace conference in Paris, France. The experts proved invaluable in assisting Britain in the negotiations for they were the source of much of the intellectual vision which provided the underlying coherence in British diplomatic strategy. Despite the disappointment of the delegates, the British delegation in Paris attained the maximum possible in the circumstances and Britain left with more of its aims attained that any of its allies.Less
This concluding chapter sums up the key findings of Great Britain for the 1919 peace conference in Paris, France. The experts proved invaluable in assisting Britain in the negotiations for they were the source of much of the intellectual vision which provided the underlying coherence in British diplomatic strategy. Despite the disappointment of the delegates, the British delegation in Paris attained the maximum possible in the circumstances and Britain left with more of its aims attained that any of its allies.
Gareth Porter
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520239487
- eISBN:
- 9780520940406
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520239487.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter describes the sharp conflict between Kennedy and the national security bureaucracy over U.S. policy toward Vietnam and Laos. It presents Kennedy's determination to reverse his approval ...
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This chapter describes the sharp conflict between Kennedy and the national security bureaucracy over U.S. policy toward Vietnam and Laos. It presents Kennedy's determination to reverse his approval of the U.S. counterinsurgency war role in November 1963 by opening a channel for peace negotiations and by pushing behind the scenes for a phased withdrawal of U.S. troops by the end of 1985. Kennedy secretly tried to initiate diplomatic contacts with the North Vietnamese to begin peace talks. His decision to withdraw U.S. troops was apparently prompted by new pressure from the military to deploy combat forces to South Vietnam if necessary to avoid defeat. Kennedy probably would not have attempted to perform the withdrawal plan for which he had obtained NSC approval in late 1963, but he almost certainly would have resumed the effort to establish a diplomatic channel for peace negotiations on Vietnam that he had begun in 1962.Less
This chapter describes the sharp conflict between Kennedy and the national security bureaucracy over U.S. policy toward Vietnam and Laos. It presents Kennedy's determination to reverse his approval of the U.S. counterinsurgency war role in November 1963 by opening a channel for peace negotiations and by pushing behind the scenes for a phased withdrawal of U.S. troops by the end of 1985. Kennedy secretly tried to initiate diplomatic contacts with the North Vietnamese to begin peace talks. His decision to withdraw U.S. troops was apparently prompted by new pressure from the military to deploy combat forces to South Vietnam if necessary to avoid defeat. Kennedy probably would not have attempted to perform the withdrawal plan for which he had obtained NSC approval in late 1963, but he almost certainly would have resumed the effort to establish a diplomatic channel for peace negotiations on Vietnam that he had begun in 1962.
Andrew Stockley
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780859896153
- eISBN:
- 9781781380451
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5949/liverpool/9780859896153.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
In analysing the peace negotiations between Britain and America, Richard Morris suggests that American independence was the most important issue at stake at the time. He notes that the Americans won ...
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In analysing the peace negotiations between Britain and America, Richard Morris suggests that American independence was the most important issue at stake at the time. He notes that the Americans won an outstanding peace settlement because the American peace envoys were more clever and more moral than their European counterparts. While Morris is correct in claiming that America gained independence and received generous concessions in terms of boundaries, fisheries, and other interests, this chapter challenges the assumption that Americans outwitted crafty but stupid Old World diplomats to put an end to the War of American Independence. It first considers Britain's willingness to make concessions due to two factors: Britain's concern with the European balance of power; and the peculiar, albeit visionary, beliefs of the earl of Shelburne. The chapter then discusses the role of France and Spain, America's suspicion of French intentions with regards to the peace negotiations, the creation of a commission headed by Richard Oswald, and British resistance and concessions.Less
In analysing the peace negotiations between Britain and America, Richard Morris suggests that American independence was the most important issue at stake at the time. He notes that the Americans won an outstanding peace settlement because the American peace envoys were more clever and more moral than their European counterparts. While Morris is correct in claiming that America gained independence and received generous concessions in terms of boundaries, fisheries, and other interests, this chapter challenges the assumption that Americans outwitted crafty but stupid Old World diplomats to put an end to the War of American Independence. It first considers Britain's willingness to make concessions due to two factors: Britain's concern with the European balance of power; and the peculiar, albeit visionary, beliefs of the earl of Shelburne. The chapter then discusses the role of France and Spain, America's suspicion of French intentions with regards to the peace negotiations, the creation of a commission headed by Richard Oswald, and British resistance and concessions.
Andrew Stockley
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780859896153
- eISBN:
- 9781781380451
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5949/liverpool/9780859896153.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
Historical discussions of the peace negotiations that ended the War of American Independence have focused on the signing of the preliminary treaties on January 20, 1783. According to Jonathan Dull, ...
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Historical discussions of the peace negotiations that ended the War of American Independence have focused on the signing of the preliminary treaties on January 20, 1783. According to Jonathan Dull, the definitive peace treaties that were signed essentially ratified the preliminary agreement. However, this fails to consider the fact that Charles James Fox, the British foreign secretary, made a very genuine and concerted attempt to change a number of the preliminary articles. The way in which the 1783 negotiations were conducted reinforces some of the conclusions already drawn about France's motivations and underlying concerns. This chapter examines the peace negotiations and compares Fox's foreign policy to that of the earl of Shelburne. It first discusses the relative unimportance of America in the peace talks before turning to the rapprochement pursuit by French foreign minister Charles Gravier Vergennes.Less
Historical discussions of the peace negotiations that ended the War of American Independence have focused on the signing of the preliminary treaties on January 20, 1783. According to Jonathan Dull, the definitive peace treaties that were signed essentially ratified the preliminary agreement. However, this fails to consider the fact that Charles James Fox, the British foreign secretary, made a very genuine and concerted attempt to change a number of the preliminary articles. The way in which the 1783 negotiations were conducted reinforces some of the conclusions already drawn about France's motivations and underlying concerns. This chapter examines the peace negotiations and compares Fox's foreign policy to that of the earl of Shelburne. It first discusses the relative unimportance of America in the peace talks before turning to the rapprochement pursuit by French foreign minister Charles Gravier Vergennes.
Sarah L. Bosha
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- March 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780198805373
- eISBN:
- 9780191843440
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198805373.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The meaningful participation of women in peace talks, peacebuilding, and post-conflict reconstruction is critical to lasting and sustainable peace. Women bring new issues, different experience of ...
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The meaningful participation of women in peace talks, peacebuilding, and post-conflict reconstruction is critical to lasting and sustainable peace. Women bring new issues, different experience of war, and the views of a wider section of society to the table and have key skills useful for sustaining or resuscitating talks. Yet they encounter barriers, including the dominance of patriarchal views. The global governance system needs to create legal and policy responses to deal with such exclusion. The UN needs to appoint more women to senior mediation and negotiation roles. States and global institutions should consider the use of quotas to increase the number of women in peacekeeping and set aside predicable, accessible and flexible funding for women’s participation. Global institutions and member states should also create judicial mechanisms and rigorous follow-up mechanisms to ensure there is no impunity for peacekeeper sexual abuse and exploitation.Less
The meaningful participation of women in peace talks, peacebuilding, and post-conflict reconstruction is critical to lasting and sustainable peace. Women bring new issues, different experience of war, and the views of a wider section of society to the table and have key skills useful for sustaining or resuscitating talks. Yet they encounter barriers, including the dominance of patriarchal views. The global governance system needs to create legal and policy responses to deal with such exclusion. The UN needs to appoint more women to senior mediation and negotiation roles. States and global institutions should consider the use of quotas to increase the number of women in peacekeeping and set aside predicable, accessible and flexible funding for women’s participation. Global institutions and member states should also create judicial mechanisms and rigorous follow-up mechanisms to ensure there is no impunity for peacekeeper sexual abuse and exploitation.
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- March 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226567600
- eISBN:
- 9780226567624
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226567624.003.0011
- Subject:
- Law, Company and Commercial Law
This chapter illustrates how implementation of the leveraging proposal for fee design may take place as part of a partial shift of peace negotiations into administrative bodies. Considerations of ...
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This chapter illustrates how implementation of the leveraging proposal for fee design may take place as part of a partial shift of peace negotiations into administrative bodies. Considerations of capitalization can contribute to a kind of misallocation in the administration of the peace arrangement, even apart from its initial design. The suppositions of litigation actually inhibit the law from pursuing reform to set right the incentives for mass tort plaintiffs' lawyers. The law should endeavor to turn the leveraging at the heart of peace negotiations into its own source of constraint. The leveraging proposal speaks most directly to the allocation problems that have plagued peace arrangements for mass torts. Implementation of the leveraging proposal would take place in tandem with the existing per se prohibition in antitrust law against price fixing by horizontal competitors.Less
This chapter illustrates how implementation of the leveraging proposal for fee design may take place as part of a partial shift of peace negotiations into administrative bodies. Considerations of capitalization can contribute to a kind of misallocation in the administration of the peace arrangement, even apart from its initial design. The suppositions of litigation actually inhibit the law from pursuing reform to set right the incentives for mass tort plaintiffs' lawyers. The law should endeavor to turn the leveraging at the heart of peace negotiations into its own source of constraint. The leveraging proposal speaks most directly to the allocation problems that have plagued peace arrangements for mass torts. Implementation of the leveraging proposal would take place in tandem with the existing per se prohibition in antitrust law against price fixing by horizontal competitors.
Andrew Stockley
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780859896153
- eISBN:
- 9781781380451
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5949/liverpool/9780859896153.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
Hopes for a reconciliation between France and Britain did not last long. Although the British Parliament pledged to uphold the peace settlement, it censured the terms that had been agreed. The earl ...
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Hopes for a reconciliation between France and Britain did not last long. Although the British Parliament pledged to uphold the peace settlement, it censured the terms that had been agreed. The earl of Shelburne lost office in February 1783, and Charles James Fox, returning as foreign secretary, immediately reversed his policies, and in favour of the much more traditional anti-Bourbon standpoint. Charles Gravier Vergennes, the French foreign minister, continued to suggest joint action over the Crimea, but Fox responded by revealing Vergennes's overtures to Russia and his pursuit of the mirage of a continental alliance between Russia and Prussia. This chapter examines the peace negotiations of 1782–1784 that ended the War of American Independence in the context of British domestic politics. It first considers British political opinion regarding the negotiations before turning to the support provided by King George III and British foreign secretary Thomas Robinson Grantham to the earl of Shelburne concerning a rapprochement with France. The chapter then discusses the Cabinet opposition to Shelburne's way of thinking.Less
Hopes for a reconciliation between France and Britain did not last long. Although the British Parliament pledged to uphold the peace settlement, it censured the terms that had been agreed. The earl of Shelburne lost office in February 1783, and Charles James Fox, returning as foreign secretary, immediately reversed his policies, and in favour of the much more traditional anti-Bourbon standpoint. Charles Gravier Vergennes, the French foreign minister, continued to suggest joint action over the Crimea, but Fox responded by revealing Vergennes's overtures to Russia and his pursuit of the mirage of a continental alliance between Russia and Prussia. This chapter examines the peace negotiations of 1782–1784 that ended the War of American Independence in the context of British domestic politics. It first considers British political opinion regarding the negotiations before turning to the support provided by King George III and British foreign secretary Thomas Robinson Grantham to the earl of Shelburne concerning a rapprochement with France. The chapter then discusses the Cabinet opposition to Shelburne's way of thinking.
G. H. Peiris
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- October 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195699456
- eISBN:
- 9780199080229
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195699456.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Indian Politics
This chapter begins with a brief recapitulation of the conditions that prevailed in Sri Lanka in the period leading up to the peace efforts initiated in December 2001. It focuses on both the basic ...
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This chapter begins with a brief recapitulation of the conditions that prevailed in Sri Lanka in the period leading up to the peace efforts initiated in December 2001. It focuses on both the basic features of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE)-led secessionist campaign as well as the problems and constraints that were encountered in some of the earlier attempts at negotiating with the Tigers. In the context of the paramountcy of devolution among the solutions being prescribed for Sri Lanka's national problem, this chapter concludes with a brief study of devolution as a modality of conflict resolution. First, it chronicles the peace negotiations made between the Sri Lankan government and LTTE, including one under the sponsorship of India and another initiated by Chandrika Kumaratunga. This chapter argues that neither the LTTE nor the majority of Tamil political groups of Sri Lanka could have a genuine desire for a peaceful resolution of the ethnic conflict.Less
This chapter begins with a brief recapitulation of the conditions that prevailed in Sri Lanka in the period leading up to the peace efforts initiated in December 2001. It focuses on both the basic features of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE)-led secessionist campaign as well as the problems and constraints that were encountered in some of the earlier attempts at negotiating with the Tigers. In the context of the paramountcy of devolution among the solutions being prescribed for Sri Lanka's national problem, this chapter concludes with a brief study of devolution as a modality of conflict resolution. First, it chronicles the peace negotiations made between the Sri Lankan government and LTTE, including one under the sponsorship of India and another initiated by Chandrika Kumaratunga. This chapter argues that neither the LTTE nor the majority of Tamil political groups of Sri Lanka could have a genuine desire for a peaceful resolution of the ethnic conflict.
Andrew Stockley
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780859896153
- eISBN:
- 9781781380451
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5949/liverpool/9780859896153.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
At the beginning of 1782, Britain was preoccupied with trying to suppress the revolt of its American colonies while waging war with France, Spain, and the Netherlands. The task of making peace and ...
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At the beginning of 1782, Britain was preoccupied with trying to suppress the revolt of its American colonies while waging war with France, Spain, and the Netherlands. The task of making peace and ending the War of American Independence required the efforts of no fewer than five British ministries. The peace brokered in 1783 was essentially framed during the Shelburne ministry. William, earl of Shelburne, was himself heavily involved in the peace negotiations, assisted by his foreign and home secretaries, Lord Grantham and Thomas Townshend. This book examines the peace of 1783, focusing upon the Anglo-French negotiations and the role of the coalition between by British foreign secretary Charles James Fox and Frederick, Lord North. It looks at the peace overtures of the North ministry and reconstructs the substantive negotiations of the Rockingham, Shelburne, and Fox–North ministries. The book also considers the influence of traditional foreign policy, the domestic political context, and the individuals involved in the negotiations themselves.Less
At the beginning of 1782, Britain was preoccupied with trying to suppress the revolt of its American colonies while waging war with France, Spain, and the Netherlands. The task of making peace and ending the War of American Independence required the efforts of no fewer than five British ministries. The peace brokered in 1783 was essentially framed during the Shelburne ministry. William, earl of Shelburne, was himself heavily involved in the peace negotiations, assisted by his foreign and home secretaries, Lord Grantham and Thomas Townshend. This book examines the peace of 1783, focusing upon the Anglo-French negotiations and the role of the coalition between by British foreign secretary Charles James Fox and Frederick, Lord North. It looks at the peace overtures of the North ministry and reconstructs the substantive negotiations of the Rockingham, Shelburne, and Fox–North ministries. The book also considers the influence of traditional foreign policy, the domestic political context, and the individuals involved in the negotiations themselves.
G. H. Peiris
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- October 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195699456
- eISBN:
- 9780199080229
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195699456.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Indian Politics
This chapter covers the events and trends of the first twelve months of the ceasefire agreement between the Sri Lankan government and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). The idea of ...
More
This chapter covers the events and trends of the first twelve months of the ceasefire agreement between the Sri Lankan government and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). The idea of negotiating with the LTTE found endorsement from the clergy of different religions including prominent Buddhist monks. The new government remained highly dependent on the backing of the international community to carry through its strategy of resolving the ethnic conflict. Certain basic contradictions in the entire approach, ignored for a time in the initial euphoria of peace, had begun to affect public perceptions and impact upon the negotiation process. Since the signing of the MoU, there were many reported violations of its terms by both the government as well as the LTTE, including arms smuggling. In the post-ceasefire months, the MoU provided an opportunity to the LTTE leadership to further consolidate its hegemony over Tamil politics in Sri Lanka. This chapter also considers the response of the Muslims to the peace negotiations between the government and the LTTE.Less
This chapter covers the events and trends of the first twelve months of the ceasefire agreement between the Sri Lankan government and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). The idea of negotiating with the LTTE found endorsement from the clergy of different religions including prominent Buddhist monks. The new government remained highly dependent on the backing of the international community to carry through its strategy of resolving the ethnic conflict. Certain basic contradictions in the entire approach, ignored for a time in the initial euphoria of peace, had begun to affect public perceptions and impact upon the negotiation process. Since the signing of the MoU, there were many reported violations of its terms by both the government as well as the LTTE, including arms smuggling. In the post-ceasefire months, the MoU provided an opportunity to the LTTE leadership to further consolidate its hegemony over Tamil politics in Sri Lanka. This chapter also considers the response of the Muslims to the peace negotiations between the government and the LTTE.
