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Resistance to the Ormond Peace

Tadhg Ó hAnnrachÁin

in Catholic Reformation in Ireland: The Mission of Rinuccini 1645-1649

GianBattista Rinuccini's first fourteen months in Ireland, from his arrival in October 1645 to his return to Kilkenny after the failure of the campaign against Dublin in December 1646, witnessed some ... More

GianBattista Rinuccini's first fourteen months in Ireland, from his arrival in October 1645 to his return to Kilkenny after the failure of the campaign against Dublin in December 1646, witnessed some of the most violent transformations of his turbulent nunciature. The backdrop to the unfolding drama both in Britain and on the continent was similarly eventful. In June 1645 the decisive parliamentary victory at the battle of Naseby irrevocably altered the course of the first English Civil War. By the time the Ormond peace was concluded in Ireland in August 1646, all the major garrisons around the royalist capital had also been taken. Rinuccini's first year in Ireland thus witnessed the effective end of the first civil war in England. Rinuccini's violent opposition to the Ormond peace represented a considerable departure from his earlier resigned attitude.Less

The Role of Churches in the Peace Process in Africa:: The Case of Mozambique Compared

G. Jan van Butselaar

in The Changing Face of Christianity: Africa, the West, and the World

This chapter recounts the early development of Christianity in Mozambique as a Portuguese colony with a strong Roman Catholic influence. The Marxist Frelimo regime in newly independent Mozambique ... More

This chapter recounts the early development of Christianity in Mozambique as a Portuguese colony with a strong Roman Catholic influence. The Marxist Frelimo regime in newly independent Mozambique denounced Christianity as a colonial, antirevolutionary force, confiscated its institutions, and suppressed its practice. Yet the local churches continued to play a significant local role as civil war broke out and people came to them for help and shelter. Both Catholic and Protestant communities played roles in the peace negotiations, but the Catholics had the resources and the ties to the Renamo rebel forces to lend some diplomatic leverage. After the peace agreement, churches played a major role in bringing reconciliation to fractured communities. The chapter ends with brief comparisons to the conflicts in South Africa and Rwanda and concludes that while in each case Christian denominations and ecumenical groups had little effect on effecting justice, peace, and reconciliation, individual Christian leaders and local ministries played powerful roles.Less

Shelburne, Vergennes and the European Settlement

Andrew Stockley

in Britain and France at the Birth of America: The European Powers and the Peace Negotiations of 1782-83

Richard Morris's account of the peace negotiations of 1782–1784 that ended the War of American Independence is incomplete with respect to the Anglo-American settlement, and is also inadequate in ... More

Richard Morris's account of the peace negotiations of 1782–1784 that ended the War of American Independence is incomplete with respect to the Anglo-American settlement, and is also inadequate in terms of Britain's negotiations with France, Spain, and the Netherlands. By depicting America as the centre around which all diplomatic efforts revolved, Morris exaggerates the excitement and novelty of the birth of America, and glosses over the fact that, for contemporaries, the European negotiations were considerably much more significant. This chapter examines the peace negotiations of 1782–1784 by focusing on compromise and the role of Europe. In particular, it looks at the roles played by the earl of Shelburne and French foreign minister Charles Gravier Vergennes in making the peace between Britain and America a reality.Less

Policy analysis and decision making in the military forces: the Havana experience

Paula Lorena Mora-Hernández, Juan David Gélvez-Ferreira, Michael Weintraub, and Sebastián Bitar

in Policy Analysis in Colombia

This chapter examines the role of the Colombian military during the Havana peace negotiations in shaping policy decisions regarding demobilization of guerilla forces. It uses semi-structured ... More

This chapter examines the role of the Colombian military during the Havana peace negotiations in shaping policy decisions regarding demobilization of guerilla forces. It uses semi-structured interviews with individuals involved in the negotiations to provide an important glimpse into the behind-the-scenes policy negotiations that led to specific provisions in the agreement. It also describes the role of the military in the Colombian peace process. The chapter refers to an analytical model for the logistics of demobilization used by negotiators in Havana and the specific tasks undertaken by the military during the negotiations. It seeks to serve as a point of departure for other peace processes as other countries also strive for an end to their own armed conflicts.Less

To End a Conflict: October 1916—January 1917

Justus D. Doenecke

in Nothing Less Than War: A New History of Americas Entry into World War I

Frustrated by failure to achieve a breakthrough on the western front and facing a crisis in domestic morale, Germany increasingly placed its hopes on U-boat warfare. In December 1916, it began ... More

Frustrated by failure to achieve a breakthrough on the western front and facing a crisis in domestic morale, Germany increasingly placed its hopes on U-boat warfare. In December 1916, it began contemplating engaging in all-out submarine warfare, thinking that the US would not risk losing the sources of its commercial prosperity and that its military was not that strong. Meanwhile, Wilson continued to push for “peace without victory,” believing that there was a middle ground between the belligerent nations because they shared similar goals. Some people, however, took Wilson's message to mean that the US was demanding the belligerents to state their terms in preparation for its entry into war. Despite the strong possibility that it would lead to war with the US, Germany began an “unlimited submarine warfare” on February 1917, with the firm belief that this was the key to victory.Less

An Agenda for ‘Peace’ in the ‘Peace versus Justice’ Debate

Mark Kersten

in Justice in Conflict: The Effects of the International Criminal Court’s Interventions on Ending Wars and Building Peace

Drawing on theoretical insights from the aforementioned fields, Chapter 3 develops an analytical framework that parses out key phases, dynamics, and issues that are widely recognized as relevant to ... More

Drawing on theoretical insights from the aforementioned fields, Chapter 3 develops an analytical framework that parses out key phases, dynamics, and issues that are widely recognized as relevant to the success and failure of peace processes. It is argued that the primary effect of ICC interventions on ongoing conflicts is on the conflict narrative—the dominant understanding and discourse of the causes and dynamics of the war, and on the attitudes and incentives of warring parties towards committing to a peace process. The effect of the ICC on these two issues subsequently affects the three distinct stages of a peace process: the pre-negotiation, negotiation, and post-negotiation phases. Key constitutive elements of these phases of a peace process are delineated and the possible effects of the ICC on each are discussed. This framework provides the roadmap that is subsequently employed to assess the two case studies at the heart of the research, namely the ICC’s interventions into northern Uganda and Libya.Less

The Approach of Peace

Andrew Stockley

in Britain and France at the Birth of America: The European Powers and the Peace Negotiations of 1782-83

In 1777, the third year of the American Revolution, Britain began to realise that the conflict with the American colonies was likely to prove long and costly, and might even end in failure. This ... More

In 1777, the third year of the American Revolution, Britain began to realise that the conflict with the American colonies was likely to prove long and costly, and might even end in failure. This chapter, which examines the history of the peace negotiations of 1782–1784 that ended the War of American Independence, begins by looking at the ministry of Lord North that had presided over the outbreak and the expansion of the war, before turning to British peace overtures to America. It then considers the role of Jacques Necker, France's finance minister, and British talks with Spain as well as the mediation of Austria and Russia. The chapter also analyses the British defeat at Yorktown on October 19, 1781 and the role of the Rockingham ministry in the peace negotiations, Charles James Fox's advocacy of unconditional American independence, and the stalemate in Europe. It concludes with a discussion of the death of the marquess of Rockingham and its implications for the peace talks.Less

Kennedy’s Struggle with the National Security Bureaucracy

Gareth Porter

in Perils of Dominance: Imbalance of Power and the Road to War in Vietnam

This chapter describes the sharp conflict between Kennedy and the national security bureaucracy over U.S. policy toward Vietnam and Laos. It presents Kennedy's determination to reverse his approval ... More

This chapter describes the sharp conflict between Kennedy and the national security bureaucracy over U.S. policy toward Vietnam and Laos. It presents Kennedy's determination to reverse his approval of the U.S. counterinsurgency war role in November 1963 by opening a channel for peace negotiations and by pushing behind the scenes for a phased withdrawal of U.S. troops by the end of 1985. Kennedy secretly tried to initiate diplomatic contacts with the North Vietnamese to begin peace talks. His decision to withdraw U.S. troops was apparently prompted by new pressure from the military to deploy combat forces to South Vietnam if necessary to avoid defeat. Kennedy probably would not have attempted to perform the withdrawal plan for which he had obtained NSC approval in late 1963, but he almost certainly would have resumed the effort to establish a diplomatic channel for peace negotiations on Vietnam that he had begun in 1962.Less

Tajikistan

Richard Pomfret

in The Central Asian Economies in the Twenty-First Century

This chapter focuses on the national economy and transition strategies of Tajikistan. Tajikistan is the only Central Asian country whose political transition from Soviet republic to independent ... More

This chapter focuses on the national economy and transition strategies of Tajikistan. Tajikistan is the only Central Asian country whose political transition from Soviet republic to independent nation was not peaceful. Open civil war in 1992–1993 simmered on for several years before peace negotiations led to the June 1997 Agreement on Peace and National Reconciliation. Moreover, Tajikistan was the poorest republic in the Soviet Union, with the highest proportion of under-provisioned households. During the 1990s, economic progress was massively disrupted by the civil war, which completed the destruction of central planning but prevented introduction of institutions such as the rule of law and contract enforcement that are essential for a well-functioning market economy. The rapid growth that could be expected in the recovery from civil war did not begin until 2000, and Tajikistan remains the poorest country in Central Asia.Less

The Birth of America

Andrew Stockley

in Britain and France at the Birth of America: The European Powers and the Peace Negotiations of 1782-83

In analysing the peace negotiations between Britain and America, Richard Morris suggests that American independence was the most important issue at stake at the time. He notes that the Americans won ... More

In analysing the peace negotiations between Britain and America, Richard Morris suggests that American independence was the most important issue at stake at the time. He notes that the Americans won an outstanding peace settlement because the American peace envoys were more clever and more moral than their European counterparts. While Morris is correct in claiming that America gained independence and received generous concessions in terms of boundaries, fisheries, and other interests, this chapter challenges the assumption that Americans outwitted crafty but stupid Old World diplomats to put an end to the War of American Independence. It first considers Britain's willingness to make concessions due to two factors: Britain's concern with the European balance of power; and the peculiar, albeit visionary, beliefs of the earl of Shelburne. The chapter then discusses the role of France and Spain, America's suspicion of French intentions with regards to the peace negotiations, the creation of a commission headed by Richard Oswald, and British resistance and concessions.Less

Fox and the 1783 Negotiations

Andrew Stockley

in Britain and France at the Birth of America: The European Powers and the Peace Negotiations of 1782-83

Historical discussions of the peace negotiations that ended the War of American Independence have focused on the signing of the preliminary treaties on January 20, 1783. According to Jonathan Dull, ... More

Historical discussions of the peace negotiations that ended the War of American Independence have focused on the signing of the preliminary treaties on January 20, 1783. According to Jonathan Dull, the definitive peace treaties that were signed essentially ratified the preliminary agreement. However, this fails to consider the fact that Charles James Fox, the British foreign secretary, made a very genuine and concerted attempt to change a number of the preliminary articles. The way in which the 1783 negotiations were conducted reinforces some of the conclusions already drawn about France's motivations and underlying concerns. This chapter examines the peace negotiations and compares Fox's foreign policy to that of the earl of Shelburne. It first discusses the relative unimportance of America in the peace talks before turning to the rapprochement pursuit by French foreign minister Charles Gravier Vergennes.Less

The Importance of Gender Equality and Women’s Inclusion for Resolving Conflict and Sustaining Peace

Sarah L. Bosha

in Just Security in an Undergoverned World

The meaningful participation of women in peace talks, peacebuilding, and post-conflict reconstruction is critical to lasting and sustainable peace. Women bring new issues, different experience of ... More

The meaningful participation of women in peace talks, peacebuilding, and post-conflict reconstruction is critical to lasting and sustainable peace. Women bring new issues, different experience of war, and the views of a wider section of society to the table and have key skills useful for sustaining or resuscitating talks. Yet they encounter barriers, including the dominance of patriarchal views. The global governance system needs to create legal and policy responses to deal with such exclusion. The UN needs to appoint more women to senior mediation and negotiation roles. States and global institutions should consider the use of quotas to increase the number of women in peacekeeping and set aside predicable, accessible and flexible funding for women’s participation. Global institutions and member states should also create judicial mechanisms and rigorous follow-up mechanisms to ensure there is no impunity for peacekeeper sexual abuse and exploitation.Less

The Domestic Political Context

Andrew Stockley

in Britain and France at the Birth of America: The European Powers and the Peace Negotiations of 1782-83

Hopes for a reconciliation between France and Britain did not last long. Although the British Parliament pledged to uphold the peace settlement, it censured the terms that had been agreed. The earl ... More

Hopes for a reconciliation between France and Britain did not last long. Although the British Parliament pledged to uphold the peace settlement, it censured the terms that had been agreed. The earl of Shelburne lost office in February 1783, and Charles James Fox, returning as foreign secretary, immediately reversed his policies, and in favour of the much more traditional anti-Bourbon standpoint. Charles Gravier Vergennes, the French foreign minister, continued to suggest joint action over the Crimea, but Fox responded by revealing Vergennes's overtures to Russia and his pursuit of the mirage of a continental alliance between Russia and Prussia. This chapter examines the peace negotiations of 1782–1784 that ended the War of American Independence in the context of British domestic politics. It first considers British political opinion regarding the negotiations before turning to the support provided by King George III and British foreign secretary Thomas Robinson Grantham to the earl of Shelburne concerning a rapprochement with France. The chapter then discusses the Cabinet opposition to Shelburne's way of thinking.Less

Prospects for Peace in Sri Lanka

G. H. Peiris

in Twilight of the Tigers: Peace Efforts and Power Struggles in Sri Lanka

This chapter begins with a brief recapitulation of the conditions that prevailed in Sri Lanka in the period leading up to the peace efforts initiated in December 2001. It focuses on both the basic ... More

This chapter begins with a brief recapitulation of the conditions that prevailed in Sri Lanka in the period leading up to the peace efforts initiated in December 2001. It focuses on both the basic features of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE)-led secessionist campaign as well as the problems and constraints that were encountered in some of the earlier attempts at negotiating with the Tigers. In the context of the paramountcy of devolution among the solutions being prescribed for Sri Lanka's national problem, this chapter concludes with a brief study of devolution as a modality of conflict resolution. First, it chronicles the peace negotiations made between the Sri Lankan government and LTTE, including one under the sponsorship of India and another initiated by Chandrika Kumaratunga. This chapter argues that neither the LTTE nor the majority of Tamil political groups of Sri Lanka could have a genuine desire for a peaceful resolution of the ethnic conflict.Less

Toward the Arabic Crisis: January—August 1915

Justus D. Doenecke

in Nothing Less Than War: A New History of Americas Entry into World War I

Colonel Edward Mandell House worked very closely with Wilson during the war, serving as the president's chief emissary in the peace negotiations between the different belligerent nations. After ... More

Colonel Edward Mandell House worked very closely with Wilson during the war, serving as the president's chief emissary in the peace negotiations between the different belligerent nations. After several months of meeting with various civilian leaders, House reported to Wilson that peace in Europe may take longer than they had hoped and that the US should maintain its good relationship with the Allies. Aside from House, groups such as the Women's Peace Party and the League to Enforce Peace also tried their hands at mediation, only to fail in the end. After the Lusitania's sinking, the preparedness movement began to gain ground, even as the US tried to maintain its peacetime mentality. Tensions with Germany rose even more when a U-24 sank the British liner Arabic, killing 44 people including two Americans. Feeling pressure from Wilson, Germany reluctantly issued a new policy promising not to sink liners without warning, provided they did not try to escape or offer resistance. Many Americans agreed with how Wilson handled the Arabic incident, admiring his patience and subtle use of diplomatic pressure. Nevertheless, the efforts at negotiated settlement, debates over preparedness, German subversion, and more incidents at sea continued to intensify throughout 1915 and into the following year.Less

Leveraging Conflicts of Interest

in Mass Torts in a World of Settlement

This chapter illustrates how implementation of the leveraging proposal for fee design may take place as part of a partial shift of peace negotiations into administrative bodies. Considerations of ... More

This chapter illustrates how implementation of the leveraging proposal for fee design may take place as part of a partial shift of peace negotiations into administrative bodies. Considerations of capitalization can contribute to a kind of misallocation in the administration of the peace arrangement, even apart from its initial design. The suppositions of litigation actually inhibit the law from pursuing reform to set right the incentives for mass tort plaintiffs' lawyers. The law should endeavor to turn the leveraging at the heart of peace negotiations into its own source of constraint. The leveraging proposal speaks most directly to the allocation problems that have plagued peace arrangements for mass torts. Implementation of the leveraging proposal would take place in tandem with the existing per se prohibition in antitrust law against price fixing by horizontal competitors.Less