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A survey of the domestic conduct literature and advice on marriage, this chapter re-examines the ways in which manhood was defined along the axis of gender. Although stark male/female dichotomies were frequently invoked in order to uphold assertions of patriarchal superiority (particularly in discussions of the duties of wives), they were considerably qualified by discussions of husbands' duties that primarily emphasised mutuality and the limits of their authority. Normative models of manhood in domestic advice were also drawn from comparing two further sets of male stereotype – the unmarried and the married, and the good and the bad husband – with conduct writers often conceding that bad husbands were more prevalent than good. As with the other works discussed in Part I of the book, the chapter concludes that while maleness as a cultural category was automatically celebrated in terms of superiority, men as a group of people were far less confidently endorsed.

This chapter focuses on the aftermath of the second controversy after 1654 in China and Japan. In China, some Linji monks defended Feiyin and the Caodong monks opposed them. The center of controversy was the publication of Wudeng quanshu (Complete book about the five Chan schools), which is based on Feiyin's theory about the two Daowus. In addition, because Feiyin's disciple Yinyuan Longqi published Feiyin's Wudeng yantong in Japan, this book also influenced Japanese Buddhism.

This chapter examines the authority by which civic leaders and public officials policed sex in post-Revolutionary America. It considers the local elites' belief that their historical and intellectual forbears bequeathed to them patriarchal authority under God, along with the connection between patriarchal family authority and patriarchal political authority that survived the American Revolution and continued to provide justification for policing the sexual lives of Americans. It first discusses police power as it relates to patriarchy and its adaptation by Americans before proceeding with an analysis of Americans' liberal opposition to patriarchal authority. It then explores the tension between patriarchal authority and liberalism and how the two ideas were reconciled, along with the difference between family fathers' authority and governors' authority. It also explains how America's political fathers exercised patriarchal authority in a liberal society and concludes by reflecting on cultural, political, and legal issues surrounding patriarchy after the American Revolution.

This chapter explores the relationship between the patriarchal authority to police sex and newly emergent liberalism in the early Republic. More specifically, it considers the importance of perpetuating patriarchal authority to ensure the perpetuation of liberalism. It argues that patriarchal authority is the core of liberalism, and in the nation's early years gave governing elites discretionary decision-making that enabled them to limit people's liberty, to restrain public passion, and to ensure social order. Despite early America's transition to liberalism, as historians assert, patriarchal authority persisted. This chapter discusses some of the factors that helped early elites wield the patriarchal authority necessary to police sexual behavior without serious public opposition, such as exercising caring paternalism. It concludes by analyzing changes in the relationship beween patriarchal authority and liberalism in America over the past 200 years.

This book examines how the nation's early elites legitimized and perpetuated patriarchal authority over the sex lives of the first few generations of Americans in a newly emergent liberal society. More specifically, it considers how the new nation's political father figures were able to retain virtually uncontested legitimacy and power to regulate the terms of citizens' marital relations as well as their nonmarital sexual experiments. It shows how, regardless of the widespread rhetoric of liberty and the robust growth of individualism, civic leaders and public officials in the new Republic succeeded in reconciling core aspects of traditional patriarchal authority and the new liberalism. The book argues that local leaders policed people's sexual behavior based on patriarchal authority by exercising a caring paternalism in the name of people's welfare and liberty, thereby eliciting popular consent and keeping alive what it calls a “resilient patriarchy.”

This chapter focuses on patriarchal authority in early modern English society. It discusses John Locke, who demurred that paternal power was misnamed, and should be parental power, since children are in fact equally obliged to both parents. But he also held that providence, law, and custom dictated that a woman “be subject to her husband.” The chapter discusses how the obligations of children to parents were independent of the obligations of wives to husbands. Those obligations were profound in everyday life as well as Locke's political theory. The chapter reveals that for all his vaunted individualism, Locke thinks that the state rules over male heads of households, not individuals as such. Not only other political theorists, but also political actors, even radical ones, agreed: the French revolutionary assembly held that only men could be active citizens.

This chapter examines why civic leaders and public officials in the early Republic deemed it necessary to police people's sexual behavior. In particular, it considers what made sex a political matter during that period. Benjamin Franklin's generation believed that sex and reproduction were key factors in making a nation strong and durable. This fundamental belief ensured that matters related to sex would be of ongoing interest to the men who established and wielded authority in the early Republic. This chapter begins with an overview of traditional patriarchy and how it relates to emergent liberalism in post-Revolution America, and especially how the nation's early leaders exercised patriarchal authority in a liberal society. It then discusses the state's policing of people's sexual behavior as a way to discipline people's passion, to punish the impassioned, and to teach the self-control needed to harness desire. It also explores the concept of consent as a partner and as a veil to obscure coercion before concluding with an analysis of the practical limits of policing sex.

This chapter focuses on poachers and gamekeepers in medieval England. Most of the poachers during this period were adolescents, and poaching was viewed as an expression of youthful rebellion and juvenile delinquency. Some of the offenders were easily deterred by the intervention of their family or masters, while others displayed the hardened attitude of the habitual offender. To take advantage of their knowledge about the tricks and dodges of the professional poachers, reformed poachers were hired to serve as gamekeepers. The chapter suggests that habitual poaching fostered a lack of moral responsibility, and disrespect for established hierarchies and patriarchal authority.

Questions about the nature of patriarchal authority, who had the right to exercise it, and its relationship to the enforcement and defense of women's virtue were contested more indirectly in discourse and social practice, producing subtle shifts in the state's and popular understanding of the nature of patriarchy and its relationship to chastity. In most criminal cases, neighbors were present in the background and often played a critical role as witnesses, mediators, and parties to conflict. Quite often, natal family members played a much more central role in resolving social conflicts or causing conflicts between women and their in-laws. While the normative authority of lineage leaders was often diluted by opposition to their judgments or distracted from moral priorities by concerns about reputation, greed, or favoritism, the patriarchal prerogative of the patriline was also challenged by the ritual, legal, and emotional claims of women's natal families.

Chapter Two examines the fastest-increasing form of lethal violence in the city during the crime wave, which was African American spouse murder. Drawing from homicide reports, trial testimony, and other sources, the chapter explores the social and cultural forces that roiled gender roles and shattered family life in African American homes. It devotes particular attention to the impact of uneven sex ratios and the ways in which traditions of common-law marriage undermined patriarchal authority and encouraged women to be strong and independent. As a result of this tangle of pressures, African American husbands in the city struggled to establish dominance in their households, and African American wives refused to submit, resulting in soaring rates of family violence with women committing the lion’s share of spouse killings.

This chapter examines how America's early civic leaders and public officials went about policing sex among women. Thomas Jefferson proposed different approaches for policing male and female passion and sexual behavior. He argued that both high-status males and the state should wield patriarchal authority over other men: governing males, preventing their misconduct, and punishing manifestations of it. By contrast, heads of households—husbands and fathers—would have responsibility for policing female sexuality by confining women to domesticity and ensuring their proper behavior there. This chapter first discusses the concept of marriage for women in post-Revolution America before turning to the husbands' discretionary authority to police their wives' passion and sexuality. It then considers women who had fallen from virtue and the challenges involved in policing public women, along with the punishment of disorderly women through prosecution and incarceration. It also looks at the perpetuation of patriarchy by way of the culture of domesticity to ensure public order after the American Revolution.

This chapter traces the origins of the transformation of Stow's training systems from its narrow pedagogic niche to the new forms of Christian masculinity. Stow's model of teacher training was focused on the single teacher in the schoolroom, a male teacher who governed his class based on sympathy and affection, rather than coercion. The engaged, sympathetic male pedagogue, according to Bhudhev Mukhopadhyay was reminiscent of the “traditional” fathers, who were seen as largely diffident and distant from their sons. One of the consequences of Stow's theory of teacher training on the development of Indian masculinity was to underline a gentler patriarchal authority. The other, less obvious, implication was that this model was ultimately based on a series of hierarchies, teacher-student; father-child; man-woman; and, crucially, upper-caste Hindus to adivasis (tribal), the lower castes, and Muslims.

This chapter examines how America's early civic leaders and public officials went about policing sex among men. If males were fundamentally creatures of passion, they were not good in governing other men. Indeed, they used other men for their own gratification and interests instead of focusing on how to monitor them and manage their sexual behavior. This chapter first discusses penitentiaries as experimental settings for the application of patriarchal authority to police sex among American men, along with penal reform that envisioned passionless penitentiaries for teaching criminals to practice self-control and to develop self-abiding behavior. It then considers the preventive approach employed by the nation's early elites to regulate male sexual activity. It also explains how local leaders supported and reinforced the traditional patriarchal culture to channel male passion and sexuality into monogamous Christian marriages and attendant family governance, provisioning, and protection responsibilities.

This chapter recapitulates the different ways states in developing societies responded to preexisting forms of patriarchal authority and strong cultural traditions as they augmented their capacity, recognized difference, and regulated family life. By comparing Turkey, Tunisia, Indonesia, India, Egypt, and Lebanon, it shows that two factors influenced one another and shaped family law: regimes’ aims to change state-society relations, and salient discourses about the nation, its cultural groups, and traditions. These comparisons indicate that there is considerable scope in most developing societies for family law reforms based in cultural traditions that advance women's rights and individual liberties, and for forms of secularism that accommodate public religion significantly. Certain reform proposals are currently feasible in India (for example, no-fault divorce and shares in matrimonial property), but others are possible only if predominant visions of nation and community change (such as dissolution of Hindu joint property or Christian adoption rights).

As they worked to carry out the dynasty's civilizing mission, officials contended not only with the fracturing of patriarchal authority but with what they perceived to be the widespread ignorance and wanton violation of the standards of gender separation that defined moral order. The illicit sex statute, the Qing state's clearest defense of husbandly prerogative, assumed an idealized moral universe in which chastity, narrowly construed as absolute sexual loyalty to a present, past, or future husband, was nurtured in the inner quarters of the family. Yet as numerous judicial commentators throughout the Qing period pointed out, the presumed dichotomies of chaste and unchaste, inner and outer, coercion and consent that structured the rape statute were fundamentally untenable in judicial practice.

This introductory chapter provides an overview of clerical masculinity and priestly identity. Throughout the medieval period, secular and regular clergy struggled with, contested, and negotiated their own ideas of manliness and the demands of the Church. In medieval society, social and cultural trends that focused on marriage, fatherhood, and displays of patriarchal authority shaped how many men understood and reacted to gendered ideals that ultimately affected how they formed their own masculine identity. Clergy received the gendered messages of their environment, and some conformed, modified, or challenged gendered prescriptions in creating their masculinity. Depending on their social status, education, and clerical rank, clergymen expressed their masculine identity in a variety of ways that included—but were not limited to—celibacy, active sexuality, models of spirituality, pious devotion, intellectual prowess, abstinence from manual labor, military skill, and violence.

Chapter 3 focuses on gender and family life in Mexico, centering on the shifting power relations in the patriarchal household. Using dozens of letters written by José Chávez Torres to his son Paco Chávez, the author’s grandfather and uncle, respectively, the latter of which was living and working in the U.S.-Mexico borderlands, the chapter examines the personal, emotional, and economic toll of migration on family members who stayed at home. It demonstrates the profound ways in which the migration of family members and loved ones affected their social roles and identities, that is, the real and perceived understanding of who they were in relation to their changing circumstances in their family and community in Mexico and the United States.