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This chapter assesses the initial response of Ruhr industry to the January invasion. Contrary to received wisdom, industry sought to collaborate with the invaders by maintaining reparations deliveries until forced by Berlin on threat of imprisonment to join the passive resistance campaign. The French authorities retaliated by putting prominent industrialists before court martial. Organised labour had supported passive resistance from the outset and was central to the planning and execution of the campaign. The workers of the Ruhr feared that the French would revoke the German revolutionary settlement of 1918–20 should they prevail and accordingly incurred great personal sacrifice to defend their German Republic, as they saw it. The German government jumped on the passive resistance bandwagon and set in place statutory and financial arrangements to sustain the campaign.

This chapter begins by detailing Allied efforts to seize consignments of coal and coke and to levy taxes in the Ruhr in lieu of reparations. The technical complexity of heavy industry in the Ruhr, French unfamiliarity with the transport infrastructure, and bitter resistance by miners and railwaymen reduced the flow of reparations to a trickle. Meanwhile, however, the German exchequer was starved of revenues from the occupied territories, yet incurred enormous costs in underwriting the mass passive resistance campaign as the occupation and resistance campaign combined to bring western Germany's economy to a virtual halt. These costs became increasingly untenable. Finally, the chapter explains why violent, ‘active’ resistance to the occupation was very limited in scope. German official and public opinion generally opposed such violence, whilst any such transgressions triggered savage countermeasures by the French and Belgians.

The German government, led by Wilhelm Cuno, collapsed in August 1923, to be replaced by a coalition led by Gustav Stresemann. Renewed efforts to negotiate a settlement with France failed, for the French Premier, Poincaré, believed that the territorial disintegration of Germany was imminent and saw no need to bargain. Stresemann then abandoned passive resistance unconditionally on 26 September, triggering widespread protest riots across the Ruhr. His government prioritised the conquest of hyperinflation, which demanded a balanced budget and an end to the subsidisation of the Ruhr's economy. Left on their own, the region's heavy industrialists reacted by tearing up the more costly dimensions of the 1918–20 revolutionary settlement between employers and labour, and by contemplating wider collaboration with the French. Meanwhile Poincaré backed efforts by bands of Rhenish separatists to detach the region from Germany, but lack of popular backing and British outrage thwarted this initiative.

Chapter 5 marks a transitional moment early in the eighteenth century, when old‐ and new‐tory‐oriented discourses came into conflict around the doctrine of passive obedience and non‐resistance. It offers close readings of Henry Sacheverell's The Perils of False Brethren (1705, 1709) and George Berkeley's Passive Obedience (1712). Sacheverell's sermon on the requirement of non‐resistance was so incendiary that it led to his arrest and trial, accompanied by prolonged rioting in London. Berkeley's text constituted an effort to tamp down and distance toryism from Sacheverellian excess. Sacheverell articulated strongly old‐tory ideals; Berkeley insisted that obedience was due to the law and the de facto monarch, not the lineally descended heir, a crucial revision and a significant shift in tory ideological sensibility. Together, the two sermons delineate subtle but historically powerful differences in tory‐oriented thinking, self‐definition, and rhetoric before and after the so-called “Glorious Revolution”.

This chapter demonstrates the importance of the doctrine of “passive obedience and non‐resistance” in seventeenth‐century royalist and monarchist ideology, and shows how a crisis surrounding the doctrine emerged in the 1680s around the “Glorious Revolution.” This crisis shaped both the experiences of tory‐oriented subjects and the prose fiction they produced. An impasse was created for many subjects when they were required to swear allegiance to William and Mary or defy the de facto government at the cost of social viability. That impasse led to a proliferation of literature interrogating the meanings and limits of passive obedience, its connection to virtue (in both the political and the domestic spheres), and the possibility of options besides wholesale collusion or resistance. The chapter argues for the importance to this debate of Lettres Portugaises (1669), translated by Roger L'Estrange as Five Love‐Letters from a Nun to a Cavalier in 1678, and its influence on later seventeenth‐century and eighteenth‐century seduction writing.

Alev is a lesbian and self-identified feminist in her early twenties. She employs what she calls "passive resistance" in her self-making vis-à-vis her family, who view homosexuality as an abomination: using façades such as changing female lovers names to male ones to be seen by her parents as heterosexual, while also openly engaging in intimate contact with female friends in her parents' presence to prevent her sexuality from being completely hidden. Alev's struggle to fully enact her lesbian identity is also complicated by her relationship with a young woman named Pembe, whose working-class, macho ethos at times threatens Alev's conceptualization of a discrete lesbian identity based on her own middle class ideals of egalitarianism, androgyny, and participation in lesbian social and political spaces.

The first chapter examines the development of civil forms of protest in India under the rubric of ‘passive resistance’. This method was devised initially by nationalist activists who were impressed by the success of campaigns of what was then known as ‘passive resistance’ in Europe. These European campaigns are appraised in their historical context, showing how they inspired Indian nationalists involved in the Swadeshi Movement of 1905-09, with its rallying cry of Bande Mataram (Victory to the Motherland). The important contribution of the Bengali nationalist, Aurobindo Ghose, in the development of this strategy is analyzed. The focus in these campaigns was on efficacy rather than ethics. This tradition continued in India into the Gandhian period, and it is one of the tasks of this book to show how this created enduring tensions within the movement.

James, Duke of Monmouth (1649–85) embodied the paradoxes involved in distinguishing between force and fraud in late seventeenth‐century England. He appears as both seducer and victim of seduction in innumerable literary productions of the late 1670s and early 1680s, including John Dryden's Absalom and Achitophel (1681). The figure of Monmouth proved a magnet for a Protestant nation anxious about a Catholic succession, specifically that of the aging Charles II's designated heir, James, Duke of York. Monmouth led an armed rebellion after James's accession in 1685, a rebellion that resulted in bloodshed, dislocation, and, eventually, governmental savagery against his supporters. The Monmouth Rebellion became a site for public debate over the doctrine of passive obedience and the problem of imagining virtuous resistance to authority. Monmouth's cause and execution continued to resonate, paradoxically, among tory writers, for whom his tragic career as seduced seducer made visible pressing anxieties about their own positions as collusive and coerced subjects.

As an artistic movement, Zurich Dada offers very little visual residue. What remains is uneven and inconsistent but is wholly redeemed by the remarkable works that Hans Arp, and then Sophie Taeuber, produced during this phase. In this chapter, Arp’s so-called ‘chance’ collages are documented in terms of visual strategies of cultural resistance, read through Deleuzian schizoanalysis as correlates for creation itself, and detouring to Herman Melville’s short story ‘Bartleby’, along with Deleuze’s readings of a passive yet destructive resistance thoroughly revised in their historical context.

Gandhi was a master of neologisms, many of which, he insisted, were best left untranslated. Satyagraha, coined in 1907, was one of the earliest, through which Gandhi ingeniously supplanted the pacifism invoked by “passive resistance” and introduced the notion of force (bal) and resistance or firmness (agraha) in India’s struggle against the empire. Despite the growing popularity of the term “civil disobedience,” Gandhi continued to favor the more forceful term “civil resistance.” “Civil resistance is a complete substitute for violence,” he declared in 1934. “Through it everyone has to achieve his own swaraj. This weapon has given spirit and new strength to the masses.” This spirit, its place in Gandhi’s ontology of force, a force whose laws, he insisted, were at once natural and proper to the human alone, is the focus of this chapter. At its center is Gandhi’s relationship to the spirit of the law as such.

The method of ‘passive resistance’ was taken up and expanded by Gandhi during his years in South Africa. As this provides a critical element of the history, the second chapter focuses on this movement against racial discrimination against Indians, bringing out how it gave rise to Gandhi’s novel notion of ‘satyagraha’ and the production of his well-known manifesto, Hind Swaraj. Initially involving mainly Indian traders, the campaign of ‘passive resistance’ escalated in 2013 into strikes by Indian mineworkers and plantation workers, leading to a significant step-down by the South African government in early 1914. This success saw Gandhi becoming a well-known figure in India. He then left South Africa and settled back in India.

The Prologue introduces Mahatma Gandhi and his ‘Passive Resistance’ technique, or the Satyagraha. It considers his doubts on the prospect of ending British rule in India and looks at the Hind Swaraj. Regarded as his confession of faith, the Hind Swaraj was described as rebellious and was banned by British officials. In it, Gandhi presented the need to harmonize the Indian people, especially between its two primary communities, the Hindus and the Muslims. Gandhi spent a lot of time thinking of ways to bridge the gap between these two communities. The changes in Gandhi’s religious views and the unwavering support of most of the Muslims, Hindus, and Parsis in Natal and Transvaal have also been noted in this chapter.

This argues that most rank and file soldiers retained pre-enlistment employment attitudes and that a commonly held working class ‘contract culture’ was shared by both skilled tradesmen and former labourers. Despite harsh environments and strict discipline, the customary standards and rights of this contract culture were widely maintained through all sorts of low level class conflict. Most of this resistance was necessarily passive, consisting of back-chats, heavy drinking, desertion, deliberate crime, looting, and feigned illness. But on occasion it could develop into spectacular mass-mobilised strikes and mutinies or lapse into the personal tragedies of assassination of officers, service with the enemy, self harm or even suicide.

The chapter explores the drawn-out process of Gandhi’s radicalization, which began almost immediately on his arrival in South Africa on 24 May 1873. In the next fortnight, Gandhi would meet unexpected resistance to his presence in a courtroom, on a train, and on top of a stagecoach, a series of adversarial encounters. The chapter considers Gandhi’s drive to engagement and confrontation, which predated his emergence as a community leader and organizer of passive resistance. In trying to understand how a junior representative of a modest company trading along the rim of the Indian Ocean became the focus of a global movement, as well as establishing himself as an original critic of economics and politics, the chapter examines material covering the duration of Gandhi’s sojourn in Southern Africa.

In December 1957 Sir Hugh Foot succeeded Harding as Governor. With a reputation as a liberal administrator it was hoped that he would be able to set Cyprus on the path to self-government within the Commonwealth. Following the Sandys Defence White Paper this was increasingly urgent because in the foreseeable future the British would no longer have a large enough army to maintain themselves on the island by force. This chapter explains how Foot tried to find a political settlement that would be acceptable to both communities on the island and their allies in Athens and Ankara, why he failed, and why, by the summer of 1958, the island had descended into a spiral of intracommunal violence, the like of which had not been seen before.

This chapter analyses the overall pattern of response to declarations of incompatibility (DOIs) under the HRA. It demonstrates how, rather than forge a new path, they have followed a similar path to other, more coercive open remedies in stronger systems of judicial review. It identifies the factors giving rise to this pattern and highlights important subtleties in the practical operation of DOIs. The analysis challenges suggestions that the political branches have been dominated by judges and have not played a significant decision-making role. The chapter also examines the extent to which the structures of the HRA supported public justification and accountability for remedial choices.

The introduction considers the relationship between Leo Tolstoy, Mohandas Gandhi, and Nelson Mandela. It explores Tolstoy’s rejection of violence from the side of the state, as well as the revolutionary. It considers the close connection Tolstoy proposes between changes in the individual self and a radical transformation of society, pointing to the degree to which Gandhi and Mandela pursued the same project of inward and outward transformation of society, pointing to the degree to which Gandhi and Mandela pursued the same project of inward and outward transformation, which involved manual labour and courtesy, the creation of new inward perspectives on death and human dignity, and a realistic understanding of the dynamics of political violence in the context of colony and empire.

This chapter considers various simple dc and ac circuits which contain at least one active element (always a voltage source) and passive elements (resistors, capacitors and inductors) arranged in different combinations to form a bilateral network. The notions of complex voltage, complex current and complex impedance are introduced and then used in the ensuing analysis. Some standard ‘network theorems’ including Kirchhoff’s rules, the delta-star transformation, Thevenin’s theorem and the superposition theorem are employed. Included in the questions are circuits involving bridges, filters, audio amplifiers and transformers. Important topics such as series and parallel resonance in LRC circuits are also considered along the way. Much of the laborious algebra involved in manipulating the complex quantities above is avoided by relegating this task to Mathematica.