Peter Mair
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295495
- eISBN:
- 9780191599804
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295499.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This is the first of three chapters on persistence and change in political parties. Its theme is continuities, changes, and the vulnerability of the party in western Europe, and the aim is to ...
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This is the first of three chapters on persistence and change in political parties. Its theme is continuities, changes, and the vulnerability of the party in western Europe, and the aim is to emphasize the link between party organization or styles of organizational intervention and electoral (de)stabilization. The discussion is presented in seven sections: (1) What Parties Are and What Parties Do –– respectively, their historic political identity and their contemporary appeals, with the latter often bearing little relation to historic identities; (2) Left, Right, and Policy Competition; (3) Left, Right, and Voter Alignments; (4) A Crisis of Party? (5) Catch-All Politics and Party Vulnerability; (6) Organizational Change and Electoral Change; and (7) Organizational Change: A Research Agenda.Less
This is the first of three chapters on persistence and change in political parties. Its theme is continuities, changes, and the vulnerability of the party in western Europe, and the aim is to emphasize the link between party organization or styles of organizational intervention and electoral (de)stabilization. The discussion is presented in seven sections: (1) What Parties Are and What Parties Do –– respectively, their historic political identity and their contemporary appeals, with the latter often bearing little relation to historic identities; (2) Left, Right, and Policy Competition; (3) Left, Right, and Voter Alignments; (4) A Crisis of Party? (5) Catch-All Politics and Party Vulnerability; (6) Organizational Change and Electoral Change; and (7) Organizational Change: A Research Agenda.
Adam I. P. Smith
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195188653
- eISBN:
- 9780199868346
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195188653.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
This chapter deals with the early period of the war, stressing the sense of uncertainty about party identity, the widespread and genuine desire to avoid partisan conflict so far as possible, and the ...
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This chapter deals with the early period of the war, stressing the sense of uncertainty about party identity, the widespread and genuine desire to avoid partisan conflict so far as possible, and the shifting and diverse contours of electoral competition that resulted. Throughout the period between Lincoln's election and the spring of 1862, two theoretically opposed conceptions of politics—one rooted in the language of national unity, the other in that of partisan conflict—jostled uneasily, neither fully able to absorb the other. The assertion of national unity naturally served the interests of the administration and its supporters by delegitimizing organized opposition—whether it came from radicals who saw the war as the long awaited moment of national redemption or from libertarian Democrats who refused to support a war of subjugation.Less
This chapter deals with the early period of the war, stressing the sense of uncertainty about party identity, the widespread and genuine desire to avoid partisan conflict so far as possible, and the shifting and diverse contours of electoral competition that resulted. Throughout the period between Lincoln's election and the spring of 1862, two theoretically opposed conceptions of politics—one rooted in the language of national unity, the other in that of partisan conflict—jostled uneasily, neither fully able to absorb the other. The assertion of national unity naturally served the interests of the administration and its supporters by delegitimizing organized opposition—whether it came from radicals who saw the war as the long awaited moment of national redemption or from libertarian Democrats who refused to support a war of subjugation.
Tracy L. Osborn
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199845347
- eISBN:
- 9780199949397
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199845347.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Chapter 7 summarizes the conclusions from this book about how parties affect women’s representation. The research in this book demonstrates that both party effects – party identity and institutional ...
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Chapter 7 summarizes the conclusions from this book about how parties affect women’s representation. The research in this book demonstrates that both party effects – party identity and institutional partisanship – fundamentally shape how women represent women. Party identity separates women candidates’ issue positions in the election and the solutions to women’s issues policy problems they offer in legislative agenda setting. Institutional partisanship via majority party control shapes the alternatives to women’s issues offered by women legislators into a legislative agenda. Votes on this agenda are largely partisan or near unanimous; it is quite rare to see women legislators cross party lines to support the same women’s issues bill with their roll call votes. In all, party identity separates women legislators’ preferences and proposals on women’s issues, and institutional partisanship provides the legislative structure through which partisan women pursue these proposals. Thus, for women legislators, representing women is an inherently partisan endeavour.Less
Chapter 7 summarizes the conclusions from this book about how parties affect women’s representation. The research in this book demonstrates that both party effects – party identity and institutional partisanship – fundamentally shape how women represent women. Party identity separates women candidates’ issue positions in the election and the solutions to women’s issues policy problems they offer in legislative agenda setting. Institutional partisanship via majority party control shapes the alternatives to women’s issues offered by women legislators into a legislative agenda. Votes on this agenda are largely partisan or near unanimous; it is quite rare to see women legislators cross party lines to support the same women’s issues bill with their roll call votes. In all, party identity separates women legislators’ preferences and proposals on women’s issues, and institutional partisanship provides the legislative structure through which partisan women pursue these proposals. Thus, for women legislators, representing women is an inherently partisan endeavour.
Eric Groenendyk
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199969807
- eISBN:
- 9780199346110
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199969807.001.0001
- Subject:
- Psychology, Social Psychology
Party identification is generally considered the most powerful predictor of voting behavior. Yet, after 50 years of research, scholars continue to disagree over the implications of this well-known ...
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Party identification is generally considered the most powerful predictor of voting behavior. Yet, after 50 years of research, scholars continue to disagree over the implications of this well-known finding. Some argue that party identification constitutes a stable affective attachment that voters are motivated to defend, whereas others argue that party identification constitutes a running tally of voters’ objective evaluations. Thus, party identification may serve as a pervasive source of bias that undermines accountability or as an indispensable shortcut that makes it easier for voters to hold government accountable. Competing Motives in the Partisan Mind seeks to advance the literature beyond this impasse by relaxing the motivational assumptions underlying the literature’s two dominant models. The books’ dual motivations model allows partisans to act like loyal fans who are motivated to maintain allegiance to their team and also like good citizens who are motivated to hold parties accountable. The nature of party identification and its implications for democracy hinge on the interplay between these two motivational forces. Results show that when people disagree with their party’s issue positions, they attempt to develop justifications for maintaining their party identity. This allows them to fulfill their motivation to remain loyal without appearing to be bad citizens whose judgment is clouded by partisan bias. Of course, identity justification requires cognitive resources, and these resources are not distributed equally across the electorate. As a result, those citizens who are best equipped to hold parties accountable also tend to be most successful at maintaining their party identity despite disagreements. Still, hope is found in norms of civic duty. When salient, these norms motivate partisans to adjust their party identities to reflect disagreements.Less
Party identification is generally considered the most powerful predictor of voting behavior. Yet, after 50 years of research, scholars continue to disagree over the implications of this well-known finding. Some argue that party identification constitutes a stable affective attachment that voters are motivated to defend, whereas others argue that party identification constitutes a running tally of voters’ objective evaluations. Thus, party identification may serve as a pervasive source of bias that undermines accountability or as an indispensable shortcut that makes it easier for voters to hold government accountable. Competing Motives in the Partisan Mind seeks to advance the literature beyond this impasse by relaxing the motivational assumptions underlying the literature’s two dominant models. The books’ dual motivations model allows partisans to act like loyal fans who are motivated to maintain allegiance to their team and also like good citizens who are motivated to hold parties accountable. The nature of party identification and its implications for democracy hinge on the interplay between these two motivational forces. Results show that when people disagree with their party’s issue positions, they attempt to develop justifications for maintaining their party identity. This allows them to fulfill their motivation to remain loyal without appearing to be bad citizens whose judgment is clouded by partisan bias. Of course, identity justification requires cognitive resources, and these resources are not distributed equally across the electorate. As a result, those citizens who are best equipped to hold parties accountable also tend to be most successful at maintaining their party identity despite disagreements. Still, hope is found in norms of civic duty. When salient, these norms motivate partisans to adjust their party identities to reflect disagreements.
Eric W. Groenendyk
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199969807
- eISBN:
- 9780199346110
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199969807.003.0001
- Subject:
- Psychology, Social Psychology
Chapter 1 lays out the book’s dual motivations theory. This theory posits that two competing psychological forces shape party identification—partisan motivation and responsiveness motivation. On one ...
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Chapter 1 lays out the book’s dual motivations theory. This theory posits that two competing psychological forces shape party identification—partisan motivation and responsiveness motivation. On one hand, partisans are driven to maintain party loyalty, but on the other hand, they are motivated to be responsive to their political environment. Because each voter only has a single vote to cast, voting behavior has essentially zero impact on the policy benefits the voter receives. This means that there are essentially no policy benefits to be gained from adjusting one’s party identity to reflect one’s disagreements. Therefore, responsiveness motivation is thought to be primarily driven the by the desire to see oneself as a good citizen and not merely a biased partisan. To reconcile their competing motives, partisans must find ways to justify their party identity when disagreements arise. Party identification change occurs when a justification cannot be manufactured or when responsiveness motivation is sufficient to outweigh partisan motivation.Less
Chapter 1 lays out the book’s dual motivations theory. This theory posits that two competing psychological forces shape party identification—partisan motivation and responsiveness motivation. On one hand, partisans are driven to maintain party loyalty, but on the other hand, they are motivated to be responsive to their political environment. Because each voter only has a single vote to cast, voting behavior has essentially zero impact on the policy benefits the voter receives. This means that there are essentially no policy benefits to be gained from adjusting one’s party identity to reflect one’s disagreements. Therefore, responsiveness motivation is thought to be primarily driven the by the desire to see oneself as a good citizen and not merely a biased partisan. To reconcile their competing motives, partisans must find ways to justify their party identity when disagreements arise. Party identification change occurs when a justification cannot be manufactured or when responsiveness motivation is sufficient to outweigh partisan motivation.
Cristina Flesher Fominaya
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780190099961
- eISBN:
- 9780197500002
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190099961.003.0011
- Subject:
- Sociology, Politics, Social Movements and Social Change, Social Movements and Social Change
Chapter 10, “15-M and Podemos: Explaining the Puzzle of the ‘Electoral Turn,’ ” explores the relationship between 15-M and Podemos to answer a central puzzle that arises from the case of 15-M: How ...
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Chapter 10, “15-M and Podemos: Explaining the Puzzle of the ‘Electoral Turn,’ ” explores the relationship between 15-M and Podemos to answer a central puzzle that arises from the case of 15-M: How did so many members of a movement that was radically committed to critiquing representative democracy embrace the Podemos electoral initiative less than three years later while still claiming allegiance to the spirit and identity of the 15-M movement? It argues that party strategists engaged in extensive discursive work to overcome their cognitive dissonance and realign their activist identities to embrace an electoral option without reneging their 15-M identity. Podemos managed to convince 15-M activists by offering the promise of integrating core elements of 15-M political culture into the party, including autonomy, feminism, and a digitally enabled hacker ethic.Less
Chapter 10, “15-M and Podemos: Explaining the Puzzle of the ‘Electoral Turn,’ ” explores the relationship between 15-M and Podemos to answer a central puzzle that arises from the case of 15-M: How did so many members of a movement that was radically committed to critiquing representative democracy embrace the Podemos electoral initiative less than three years later while still claiming allegiance to the spirit and identity of the 15-M movement? It argues that party strategists engaged in extensive discursive work to overcome their cognitive dissonance and realign their activist identities to embrace an electoral option without reneging their 15-M identity. Podemos managed to convince 15-M activists by offering the promise of integrating core elements of 15-M political culture into the party, including autonomy, feminism, and a digitally enabled hacker ethic.
Emily Jones
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- April 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780198799429
- eISBN:
- 9780191839665
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198799429.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Political History
This chapter centres on the debates over Home Rule between 1886 and 1893, when the issue exploded onto the British political scene. It examines the Gladstonian argument for Home Rule with reference ...
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This chapter centres on the debates over Home Rule between 1886 and 1893, when the issue exploded onto the British political scene. It examines the Gladstonian argument for Home Rule with reference to Burke, as well as the subsequent Liberal Unionist response. Both sides made significant intellectual bids for Burke’s mantle: the Gladstonians sought to establish voluntary political ties (‘the union of hearts’) between Britain and Ireland in an array of parliamentary speeches, periodical articles, edited books, and popular pamphlet literature. The Liberal Unionists looked to Burke’s wider work to show their adherence to the Liberal tradition. The Home Rule debates re-imagined Burke as a proto-Liberal Unionist, agreeable to and allied with Conservatives. The ‘spirit of Burke’ was, therefore, eventually seen to be embodied best of all in the Liberal Unionists who resurrected an anti-Jacobin vocabulary and styled themselves as Old Whigs defending the constitution.Less
This chapter centres on the debates over Home Rule between 1886 and 1893, when the issue exploded onto the British political scene. It examines the Gladstonian argument for Home Rule with reference to Burke, as well as the subsequent Liberal Unionist response. Both sides made significant intellectual bids for Burke’s mantle: the Gladstonians sought to establish voluntary political ties (‘the union of hearts’) between Britain and Ireland in an array of parliamentary speeches, periodical articles, edited books, and popular pamphlet literature. The Liberal Unionists looked to Burke’s wider work to show their adherence to the Liberal tradition. The Home Rule debates re-imagined Burke as a proto-Liberal Unionist, agreeable to and allied with Conservatives. The ‘spirit of Burke’ was, therefore, eventually seen to be embodied best of all in the Liberal Unionists who resurrected an anti-Jacobin vocabulary and styled themselves as Old Whigs defending the constitution.
Philip F. Esler
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- March 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780198767169
- eISBN:
- 9780191821349
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198767169.003.0008
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion in the Ancient World, Biblical Studies
This chapter investigates the character of and the two parties to P. Yadin 4 through a fresh scrutiny of the papyrus. The key to the explanation is that lines 15 and 16 of this fragmentary deed ...
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This chapter investigates the character of and the two parties to P. Yadin 4 through a fresh scrutiny of the papyrus. The key to the explanation is that lines 15 and 16 of this fragmentary deed contain a version of the penalty clause present in P. Yadin 2 and 3 requiring repayment of the price by vendor if the contract is breached, a clause containing the parties’ names. As surmised from P. Yadin 3, the grantor emerges as the son of Lutay (line 15) and the grantee ’Abi-‘adan (line 16). The grant will occur in the near future, probably because the land is under lease. Consideration of the signatures on the back of the deed suggests that, as expected, the son of Lutay signed first, but through an agent. It is argued that P. Yadin 4 was signed very soon after P. Yadin 3, probably in the same month.Less
This chapter investigates the character of and the two parties to P. Yadin 4 through a fresh scrutiny of the papyrus. The key to the explanation is that lines 15 and 16 of this fragmentary deed contain a version of the penalty clause present in P. Yadin 2 and 3 requiring repayment of the price by vendor if the contract is breached, a clause containing the parties’ names. As surmised from P. Yadin 3, the grantor emerges as the son of Lutay (line 15) and the grantee ’Abi-‘adan (line 16). The grant will occur in the near future, probably because the land is under lease. Consideration of the signatures on the back of the deed suggests that, as expected, the son of Lutay signed first, but through an agent. It is argued that P. Yadin 4 was signed very soon after P. Yadin 3, probably in the same month.
