Peter Mair
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295495
- eISBN:
- 9780191599804
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295499.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This is the first of two chapters on political party organizations and party systems, and discusses party organization, party democracy, and the emergence of the cartel party. It notes that a common ...
More
This is the first of two chapters on political party organizations and party systems, and discusses party organization, party democracy, and the emergence of the cartel party. It notes that a common thread running through the literature on political parties has been the view that they are to be classified and understood on the basis of their relationship with civil society, and that this has had two implications: a tendency to set up the mass party model as the standard against which everything should be judged, and an undervaluation of the extent to which differences between parties may also be understood by reference to their relations with the state. The chapter contends that both these implications are ill-founded, arguing that the mass party model is tied to a conception of democracy and to a particular, and now dated, ideal of social structure, neither of which is characteristic of postindustrial societies. Moreover, the mass party model implies a linear process of party development that suggests a suspect end-point from which the only options are stability or decay, while it can in fact be argued that the development of parties in western democracies has been reflective of a dialectical process in which each new party type generates a reaction which stimulates further development, thus leading to yet another new party type, and so on. The factors that facilitate this dialectic are not derived solely from changes in civil society, but also from changes in the relations between parties and the state. In particular, it can be argued that there has been a tendency in recent years towards an ever closer symbiosis between parties and the state, and that this then sets the stage for the emergence of a new party type, ‘the cartel party’, which, like previous party types, implies a particular conception of democracy, stimulates further reactions and sows the seeds for yet further development. The discussion is presented in seven sections: (1) The Mass Party and the Catch-All Party; (2) Stages of Party Development; (3) Parties and the State; (4) The Emergence of the Cartel Party; (5) The Characteristics of the Cartel Party; (6) Democracy and the Cartel Party; and (7) Challenges to the Cartel Party.Less
This is the first of two chapters on political party organizations and party systems, and discusses party organization, party democracy, and the emergence of the cartel party. It notes that a common thread running through the literature on political parties has been the view that they are to be classified and understood on the basis of their relationship with civil society, and that this has had two implications: a tendency to set up the mass party model as the standard against which everything should be judged, and an undervaluation of the extent to which differences between parties may also be understood by reference to their relations with the state. The chapter contends that both these implications are ill-founded, arguing that the mass party model is tied to a conception of democracy and to a particular, and now dated, ideal of social structure, neither of which is characteristic of postindustrial societies. Moreover, the mass party model implies a linear process of party development that suggests a suspect end-point from which the only options are stability or decay, while it can in fact be argued that the development of parties in western democracies has been reflective of a dialectical process in which each new party type generates a reaction which stimulates further development, thus leading to yet another new party type, and so on. The factors that facilitate this dialectic are not derived solely from changes in civil society, but also from changes in the relations between parties and the state. In particular, it can be argued that there has been a tendency in recent years towards an ever closer symbiosis between parties and the state, and that this then sets the stage for the emergence of a new party type, ‘the cartel party’, which, like previous party types, implies a particular conception of democracy, stimulates further reactions and sows the seeds for yet further development. The discussion is presented in seven sections: (1) The Mass Party and the Catch-All Party; (2) Stages of Party Development; (3) Parties and the State; (4) The Emergence of the Cartel Party; (5) The Characteristics of the Cartel Party; (6) Democracy and the Cartel Party; and (7) Challenges to the Cartel Party.
Peter Mair
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295495
- eISBN:
- 9780191599804
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295499.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This is the second of two chapters on political party organizations and party systems. It discusses political party organizations in civil society and the state, with reference to western Europe. ...
More
This is the second of two chapters on political party organizations and party systems. It discusses political party organizations in civil society and the state, with reference to western Europe. Although the study of parties and party systems is one of the largest and most active subfields within comparative politics, very little empirically grounded study has been made of parties as organizations, and there are severe limits to the comparative understanding of precisely how party organizations work, how they change, and how they adapt. This chapter looks at some of these issues. The discussion is presented in five sections: (1) New Perspectives on the Development of Party Organizations; (2) Party Democracies and the Problem of Party Decline; (3) Parties and the State; and (4) Changing Parties; and (5) Parties and Their Privileges –– a brief examination of the imbalance between popular irreverence and public privilege cited by Tocqueville as contributing to the downfall of the French ancien regime, but here applied to political parties.Less
This is the second of two chapters on political party organizations and party systems. It discusses political party organizations in civil society and the state, with reference to western Europe. Although the study of parties and party systems is one of the largest and most active subfields within comparative politics, very little empirically grounded study has been made of parties as organizations, and there are severe limits to the comparative understanding of precisely how party organizations work, how they change, and how they adapt. This chapter looks at some of these issues. The discussion is presented in five sections: (1) New Perspectives on the Development of Party Organizations; (2) Party Democracies and the Problem of Party Decline; (3) Parties and the State; and (4) Changing Parties; and (5) Parties and Their Privileges –– a brief examination of the imbalance between popular irreverence and public privilege cited by Tocqueville as contributing to the downfall of the French ancien regime, but here applied to political parties.
Serenella Sferza
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199246748
- eISBN:
- 9780191599385
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199246742.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Much of the literature on parties centres on decline and failure, but recently the decline hypothesis has come under attack on both empirical and theoretical grounds, and this has exposed major ...
More
Much of the literature on parties centres on decline and failure, but recently the decline hypothesis has come under attack on both empirical and theoretical grounds, and this has exposed major shortcomings in dominant views (models) of party development, which mostly have offered an externalist view of party development and cast political parties as passive takers of their environment. This view of parties is markedly at odds with the considerable leeway attributed to other political actors and organizations, and whatever the solution to this impasse maybe, it clearly requires looking at party development not only from ‘without’, but also from ‘within’, in ways that capture the two‐ways link between intra‐party politics and resources and inter‐party competition; this perspective brings back not only intra‐party politics as a crucial political arena but also parties as central political actors. Explores this possibility by applying the emerging ‘new’ organizational approach to the trajectory of the French Socialist Party (SFIO, the Section Française de l’lnternationale Ouvrière, until 1971, PS afterwards), which, in the 1970s, staged a spectacular renaissance, and within a decade brought it from near extinction to power—although since then, policy and moral failures have dissipated much of this popular enthusiasm. However, the left's victory at the 1997 elections, the popularity of the current Socialist‐led government, and the weak challenge posed by new politics formations, suggest that much of the capital the PS accumulated in the previous decade remains in place. Provides an internalist account of the PSs jagged trajectory in four parts: the first summarizes externalist approaches to party development; the second analyses the trajectory of the PS over the last three decades in terms of the match and mismatch between party organization and the environment; the third looks at regional variations within this national pattern; and the fourth discusses the resilience of factionalism and draws the implications of this case for the study of political parties.Less
Much of the literature on parties centres on decline and failure, but recently the decline hypothesis has come under attack on both empirical and theoretical grounds, and this has exposed major shortcomings in dominant views (models) of party development, which mostly have offered an externalist view of party development and cast political parties as passive takers of their environment. This view of parties is markedly at odds with the considerable leeway attributed to other political actors and organizations, and whatever the solution to this impasse maybe, it clearly requires looking at party development not only from ‘without’, but also from ‘within’, in ways that capture the two‐ways link between intra‐party politics and resources and inter‐party competition; this perspective brings back not only intra‐party politics as a crucial political arena but also parties as central political actors. Explores this possibility by applying the emerging ‘new’ organizational approach to the trajectory of the French Socialist Party (SFIO, the Section Française de l’lnternationale Ouvrière, until 1971, PS afterwards), which, in the 1970s, staged a spectacular renaissance, and within a decade brought it from near extinction to power—although since then, policy and moral failures have dissipated much of this popular enthusiasm. However, the left's victory at the 1997 elections, the popularity of the current Socialist‐led government, and the weak challenge posed by new politics formations, suggest that much of the capital the PS accumulated in the previous decade remains in place. Provides an internalist account of the PSs jagged trajectory in four parts: the first summarizes externalist approaches to party development; the second analyses the trajectory of the PS over the last three decades in terms of the match and mismatch between party organization and the environment; the third looks at regional variations within this national pattern; and the fourth discusses the resilience of factionalism and draws the implications of this case for the study of political parties.
Peter Mair
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295495
- eISBN:
- 9780191599804
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295499.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This is the first of three chapters on political party systems and structures of competition, and looks at electoral markets in Europe. It begins by clarifying the term ‘electoral markets’ in the ...
More
This is the first of three chapters on political party systems and structures of competition, and looks at electoral markets in Europe. It begins by clarifying the term ‘electoral markets’ in the context of the chapter, noting first that the competition to be investigated is inter-party competition, which will arise when parties have a market in which to compete (i.e. when there are voters in competition), and is at least in part a function of the size of the electoral market. Second, it notes that when parties confront an electoral market, they have a choice of two not necessarily exclusive strategies –– defensive or expansive; and third, that the size of the markets in general, and the degree of electoral availability, is largely a function of the strength and pervasiveness of the relevant political identities. The first section of the chapter, Developments and Contrasts in Western Europe, looks at the history of the development of political parties in western Europe as a history of attempts to narrow the electoral market through the promotion and inculcation of mass political identities; it concludes that, other things being equal, polities characterized by the presence of strong identities are likely to be less competitive than those where they are not, and will, more precisely, tend to be more consensual. The next section of the chapter, ‘Electoral Markets and Consociational Democracy’, leads on naturally to a discussion of consociational democracies (which are plural societies) in western Europe, and this is followed. in ‘Small States and Large States’, by an examination of the differences in policy style in small states (which are largely consensual) and large states (which are adversarial, with high electoral volatility). The last section ‘Some Implications for the New East European Democracies’, applies the previous discussion to eastern Europe.Less
This is the first of three chapters on political party systems and structures of competition, and looks at electoral markets in Europe. It begins by clarifying the term ‘electoral markets’ in the context of the chapter, noting first that the competition to be investigated is inter-party competition, which will arise when parties have a market in which to compete (i.e. when there are voters in competition), and is at least in part a function of the size of the electoral market. Second, it notes that when parties confront an electoral market, they have a choice of two not necessarily exclusive strategies –– defensive or expansive; and third, that the size of the markets in general, and the degree of electoral availability, is largely a function of the strength and pervasiveness of the relevant political identities. The first section of the chapter, Developments and Contrasts in Western Europe, looks at the history of the development of political parties in western Europe as a history of attempts to narrow the electoral market through the promotion and inculcation of mass political identities; it concludes that, other things being equal, polities characterized by the presence of strong identities are likely to be less competitive than those where they are not, and will, more precisely, tend to be more consensual. The next section of the chapter, ‘Electoral Markets and Consociational Democracy’, leads on naturally to a discussion of consociational democracies (which are plural societies) in western Europe, and this is followed. in ‘Small States and Large States’, by an examination of the differences in policy style in small states (which are largely consensual) and large states (which are adversarial, with high electoral volatility). The last section ‘Some Implications for the New East European Democracies’, applies the previous discussion to eastern Europe.
Avi Max Spiegel
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691159843
- eISBN:
- 9781400866434
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691159843.003.0003
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Middle Eastern Studies
This chapter seeks to understand how Islamist movements have evolved over time, and, in the process, provide important background on the political and religious contexts of the movements in question. ...
More
This chapter seeks to understand how Islamist movements have evolved over time, and, in the process, provide important background on the political and religious contexts of the movements in question. In particular, it shows that Islamist movements coevolve. Focusing on the histories of Morocco's two main Islamist movements—the Justice and Spirituality Organization, or Al Adl wal Ihsan (Al Adl) and the Party of Justice and Development (PJD)—it suggests that their evolutions can only be fully appreciated if they are relayed in unison. These movements mirror one another depending on the competitive context, sometimes reflecting, sometimes refracting, sometimes borrowing, sometimes adapting or even reorganizing in order to keep up with the other.Less
This chapter seeks to understand how Islamist movements have evolved over time, and, in the process, provide important background on the political and religious contexts of the movements in question. In particular, it shows that Islamist movements coevolve. Focusing on the histories of Morocco's two main Islamist movements—the Justice and Spirituality Organization, or Al Adl wal Ihsan (Al Adl) and the Party of Justice and Development (PJD)—it suggests that their evolutions can only be fully appreciated if they are relayed in unison. These movements mirror one another depending on the competitive context, sometimes reflecting, sometimes refracting, sometimes borrowing, sometimes adapting or even reorganizing in order to keep up with the other.
Adrienne LeBas
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199546862
- eISBN:
- 9780191728594
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199546862.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Why do we see the emergence of strong, cross-ethnic opposition parties in some democratizing regimes, while opposition parties in other countries remain organizationally underdeveloped and often ...
More
Why do we see the emergence of strong, cross-ethnic opposition parties in some democratizing regimes, while opposition parties in other countries remain organizationally underdeveloped and often fragment on ethnic lines? Chapter 2 provides a more detailed account of the book’s two major arguments. It begins by defining party strength, focusing especially on the organizational qualities of strong, durable parties. It then turns to the theoretical framework fleshed out in the remainder of the book. The first argument is that authoritarian strategies of rule left in place institutional structures that either facilitated or impeded cross-ethnic collective action. Where authoritarian states relied on alliances with organized labor, they created mobilizing structures that could later be used by opposition parties. Secondly, the book argues that polarizing and confrontational strategies build stronger parties. These kinds of appeals and tactics, however, also raise the likelihood of violence and authoritarian backlash. The book, therefore, underlines one of the ambiguities inherent in democratization: democracy requires strong parties, but party-building is more effective where it intensifies conflict.Less
Why do we see the emergence of strong, cross-ethnic opposition parties in some democratizing regimes, while opposition parties in other countries remain organizationally underdeveloped and often fragment on ethnic lines? Chapter 2 provides a more detailed account of the book’s two major arguments. It begins by defining party strength, focusing especially on the organizational qualities of strong, durable parties. It then turns to the theoretical framework fleshed out in the remainder of the book. The first argument is that authoritarian strategies of rule left in place institutional structures that either facilitated or impeded cross-ethnic collective action. Where authoritarian states relied on alliances with organized labor, they created mobilizing structures that could later be used by opposition parties. Secondly, the book argues that polarizing and confrontational strategies build stronger parties. These kinds of appeals and tactics, however, also raise the likelihood of violence and authoritarian backlash. The book, therefore, underlines one of the ambiguities inherent in democratization: democracy requires strong parties, but party-building is more effective where it intensifies conflict.
Avi Max Spiegel
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691159843
- eISBN:
- 9781400866434
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691159843.003.0002
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Middle Eastern Studies
This chapter presents the author's reflections on the methods and challenges involved in studying both legal and illegal Islamist movements up close. The author details his attempts to make contact ...
More
This chapter presents the author's reflections on the methods and challenges involved in studying both legal and illegal Islamist movements up close. The author details his attempts to make contact and interview members of the Party of Justice and Development (PJD), a political party modeled after the Muslim Brotherhood. The author describes an approach he calls “shuttle ethnography,” which combines extended ethnographic fieldwork and the analysis of texts and relevant survey data when available (and appropriate). Like a shuttle diplomat, the author bounced between actors, challenging each group's pontifications with insights and objections culled from their competitors. He found that there was no better way to tease out their beliefs and positions than to invoke this contrarian view; and this allowed me to better understand the nuances and distinctions between and within groups.Less
This chapter presents the author's reflections on the methods and challenges involved in studying both legal and illegal Islamist movements up close. The author details his attempts to make contact and interview members of the Party of Justice and Development (PJD), a political party modeled after the Muslim Brotherhood. The author describes an approach he calls “shuttle ethnography,” which combines extended ethnographic fieldwork and the analysis of texts and relevant survey data when available (and appropriate). Like a shuttle diplomat, the author bounced between actors, challenging each group's pontifications with insights and objections culled from their competitors. He found that there was no better way to tease out their beliefs and positions than to invoke this contrarian view; and this allowed me to better understand the nuances and distinctions between and within groups.
Mark L. Haas
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199838424
- eISBN:
- 9780199933419
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199838424.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter demonstrates how ideologies shaped Turkish foreign policies after the Cold War. The chapter makes two main points. First, partisan ideological differences were central to Turkish ...
More
This chapter demonstrates how ideologies shaped Turkish foreign policies after the Cold War. The chapter makes two main points. First, partisan ideological differences were central to Turkish policymakers’ choices of international allies and enemies. Shared liberal ideological principles were fundamental to many Turkish leaders’ interest in allying with Israel and joining the European Union, just as large ideological differences separating many Turkish policymakers from Islamist Iran resulted in numerous crises. Conversely, Turkish Islamists viewed Iran as an ally and Israel, the EU, and the United States as enemies, and extreme nationalists joined with Islamists in opposing Turkey joining the EU. Second, ideologies created powerful incentives for ideological exportation. Numerous Turkish politicians believed that spreading Turkey’s secular, democratic regime type would significantly increase Turkey’s security. The policies of Kemalists and the Justice and Development Party, as well as the evolution of Turkish-American relations, receive particular attention in the chapter.Less
This chapter demonstrates how ideologies shaped Turkish foreign policies after the Cold War. The chapter makes two main points. First, partisan ideological differences were central to Turkish policymakers’ choices of international allies and enemies. Shared liberal ideological principles were fundamental to many Turkish leaders’ interest in allying with Israel and joining the European Union, just as large ideological differences separating many Turkish policymakers from Islamist Iran resulted in numerous crises. Conversely, Turkish Islamists viewed Iran as an ally and Israel, the EU, and the United States as enemies, and extreme nationalists joined with Islamists in opposing Turkey joining the EU. Second, ideologies created powerful incentives for ideological exportation. Numerous Turkish politicians believed that spreading Turkey’s secular, democratic regime type would significantly increase Turkey’s security. The policies of Kemalists and the Justice and Development Party, as well as the evolution of Turkish-American relations, receive particular attention in the chapter.
Adrienne LeBas
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199546862
- eISBN:
- 9780191728594
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199546862.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Why do strong opposition party organizations emerge in some democratizing countries, while those in others remain weak or quickly fragment on ethnic lines? This book offers an explanation for why ...
More
Why do strong opposition party organizations emerge in some democratizing countries, while those in others remain weak or quickly fragment on ethnic lines? This book offers an explanation for why opposition parties vary in organizational form, cohesion, and mobilizational reach. The book draws upon an in-depth analysis of three countries in Anglophone Africa: Zimbabwe, Zambia, and Kenya. Though these countries share similar institutional frameworks, including electoral rules, party development has taken a different route in each. The explanation emphasizes the ways in which historical legacies interact with strategic choices to produce different trajectories of party development. In terms of the role of history, the book argues that strong opposition parties are more likely where authoritarian states relied on alliances with corporate actors like labor. In these contexts, ruling parties armed their allies, providing them with mobilizing structures and political resources that could later be used to challenge the state. Secondly, opposition parties are more likely to maintain their organizational cohesion and the commitment of activists when they use strategies and appeals that escalate conflict and reorient social boundaries around the lines of partisan affiliation. Polarization forges stronger parties, but it also increases the likelihood of violence and authoritarian retrenchment. The book provides an explanation of why democratization in the hybrid regimes of the late Third Wave may prove more conflictual and more protracted than earlier transitions to democracy.Less
Why do strong opposition party organizations emerge in some democratizing countries, while those in others remain weak or quickly fragment on ethnic lines? This book offers an explanation for why opposition parties vary in organizational form, cohesion, and mobilizational reach. The book draws upon an in-depth analysis of three countries in Anglophone Africa: Zimbabwe, Zambia, and Kenya. Though these countries share similar institutional frameworks, including electoral rules, party development has taken a different route in each. The explanation emphasizes the ways in which historical legacies interact with strategic choices to produce different trajectories of party development. In terms of the role of history, the book argues that strong opposition parties are more likely where authoritarian states relied on alliances with corporate actors like labor. In these contexts, ruling parties armed their allies, providing them with mobilizing structures and political resources that could later be used to challenge the state. Secondly, opposition parties are more likely to maintain their organizational cohesion and the commitment of activists when they use strategies and appeals that escalate conflict and reorient social boundaries around the lines of partisan affiliation. Polarization forges stronger parties, but it also increases the likelihood of violence and authoritarian retrenchment. The book provides an explanation of why democratization in the hybrid regimes of the late Third Wave may prove more conflictual and more protracted than earlier transitions to democracy.
Amaney A. Jamal
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691149646
- eISBN:
- 9781400845477
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691149646.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter focuses on Morocco, highlighting how citizens across the North African monarchy rationalize authoritarianism through the prism of strategic utility to U.S. (and EU) ties. Morocco ...
More
This chapter focuses on Morocco, highlighting how citizens across the North African monarchy rationalize authoritarianism through the prism of strategic utility to U.S. (and EU) ties. Morocco includes one of the most progressive Islamic movements in the region, and citizens, while applauding the movement's moderation, remain wary of its foreign intentions. Enhancing ties with the United States and maintaining ties to Europe were often cited as key reasons why the status quo was preferable to increasing levels of democracy. It became apparent that although the Islamic Party for Justice and Development is considered moderate in terms of its internal Islamic agenda, many in the kingdom worried about the party's stance toward the United States.Less
This chapter focuses on Morocco, highlighting how citizens across the North African monarchy rationalize authoritarianism through the prism of strategic utility to U.S. (and EU) ties. Morocco includes one of the most progressive Islamic movements in the region, and citizens, while applauding the movement's moderation, remain wary of its foreign intentions. Enhancing ties with the United States and maintaining ties to Europe were often cited as key reasons why the status quo was preferable to increasing levels of democracy. It became apparent that although the Islamic Party for Justice and Development is considered moderate in terms of its internal Islamic agenda, many in the kingdom worried about the party's stance toward the United States.
William Gourlay
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9781474459198
- eISBN:
- 9781474491242
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474459198.003.0009
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Middle Eastern Studies
This chapter examines Kurds’ participation in the electoral process and the impact of Kurdish actors – and voters – in Turkey’s political framework. The chapter views the Kurds’ enthusiastic ...
More
This chapter examines Kurds’ participation in the electoral process and the impact of Kurdish actors – and voters – in Turkey’s political framework. The chapter views the Kurds’ enthusiastic participation in elections as an instance of Renan’s ‘daily plebiscite’, and argues that this is an affirmation of their citizenship of Turkey. The Peoples’ Democracy Party’s (HDP) strong performance in the June 2015 election created a wave of optimism amongst Kurds about Turkey’s political future. The chapter argues the Kurds’ assertion of a political identity represent an acceptance of their place in Turkey, not a repudiation of the Turkish political system. The chapter confirms Doǧu Ergil’s findings from 1995, namely that Kurds desire a place within Turkey, and examines the extent to which this is possible in the AKP’s Turkey, focusing on a succession of elections from 2015 until 2019.Less
This chapter examines Kurds’ participation in the electoral process and the impact of Kurdish actors – and voters – in Turkey’s political framework. The chapter views the Kurds’ enthusiastic participation in elections as an instance of Renan’s ‘daily plebiscite’, and argues that this is an affirmation of their citizenship of Turkey. The Peoples’ Democracy Party’s (HDP) strong performance in the June 2015 election created a wave of optimism amongst Kurds about Turkey’s political future. The chapter argues the Kurds’ assertion of a political identity represent an acceptance of their place in Turkey, not a repudiation of the Turkish political system. The chapter confirms Doǧu Ergil’s findings from 1995, namely that Kurds desire a place within Turkey, and examines the extent to which this is possible in the AKP’s Turkey, focusing on a succession of elections from 2015 until 2019.
Hilal Elver
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199769292
- eISBN:
- 9780199933136
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199769292.003.0002
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
The Turkish headscarf debate since the 1980s and current political problems in the Turkish internal setting is the focus of this chapter. The power struggle between seculars and religious political ...
More
The Turkish headscarf debate since the 1980s and current political problems in the Turkish internal setting is the focus of this chapter. The power struggle between seculars and religious political parties; the role of the military and judiciary; the relevance of legal, political, and economic reforms; the emerging new Turkish political and economic elite during the two terms of the governing party Justice and Development starting from 2002 are the major issues in this chapter. At the end, the chapter deals with the victimization of the religious women during the last three decades in Turkey by exclusion of females who wear headscarf from education and public spaces.Less
The Turkish headscarf debate since the 1980s and current political problems in the Turkish internal setting is the focus of this chapter. The power struggle between seculars and religious political parties; the role of the military and judiciary; the relevance of legal, political, and economic reforms; the emerging new Turkish political and economic elite during the two terms of the governing party Justice and Development starting from 2002 are the major issues in this chapter. At the end, the chapter deals with the victimization of the religious women during the last three decades in Turkey by exclusion of females who wear headscarf from education and public spaces.
Esen Kirdiş
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- January 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781474450676
- eISBN:
- 9781474464840
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474450676.003.0003
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Middle Eastern Studies
This chapter examines the internal debates over party politics that took place within each of the six Islamic movements in question. It examines how ideological priorities and organizational needs ...
More
This chapter examines the internal debates over party politics that took place within each of the six Islamic movements in question. It examines how ideological priorities and organizational needs influence Islamic movements and their decision-making.Less
This chapter examines the internal debates over party politics that took place within each of the six Islamic movements in question. It examines how ideological priorities and organizational needs influence Islamic movements and their decision-making.
Esen Kirdiş
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- January 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781474450676
- eISBN:
- 9781474464840
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474450676.003.0004
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Middle Eastern Studies
This chapter looks at the effects of participation and non-participation both on Islamic movements and parties, and on the regime before and after the Arab Spring. By looking at how the same ...
More
This chapter looks at the effects of participation and non-participation both on Islamic movements and parties, and on the regime before and after the Arab Spring. By looking at how the same behaviour resulted in different outcomes, this chapter examines how Islamic movements reconstitute new political centres in their respective countries.Less
This chapter looks at the effects of participation and non-participation both on Islamic movements and parties, and on the regime before and after the Arab Spring. By looking at how the same behaviour resulted in different outcomes, this chapter examines how Islamic movements reconstitute new political centres in their respective countries.
Rüdiger Schmitt-Beck, Sigrid Roßteutscher, Harald Schoen, Bernhard Weßels, and Christof Wolf
- Published in print:
- 2022
- Published Online:
- April 2022
- ISBN:
- 9780198847519
- eISBN:
- 9780191882197
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198847519.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Over the past half century, the behavior of German voters has changed profoundly. After a long period of stability, elections have dramatically altered their character—at first rather gradually, but ...
More
Over the past half century, the behavior of German voters has changed profoundly. After a long period of stability, elections have dramatically altered their character—at first rather gradually, but during the past decade at an accelerated speed. Voters’ decision-making has become much more volatile, rendering election outcomes less predictable. The long-term process of party system fragmentation that had already been going on for a while intensified sharply. A particularly conspicuous outcome of this period of turbulent electoral politics was the termination of Germany’s exceptionality as one of the few European countries without a strong right-wing populist party. The chapter traces this development in detail. It identifies three distinctive phases of party system development: 1949 to 1976, 1980 to 2005, and 2009 to 2017. The topoi of realignment and dealignment are evoked as key concepts for interpreting the trends that have become increasingly visible since the second phase.Less
Over the past half century, the behavior of German voters has changed profoundly. After a long period of stability, elections have dramatically altered their character—at first rather gradually, but during the past decade at an accelerated speed. Voters’ decision-making has become much more volatile, rendering election outcomes less predictable. The long-term process of party system fragmentation that had already been going on for a while intensified sharply. A particularly conspicuous outcome of this period of turbulent electoral politics was the termination of Germany’s exceptionality as one of the few European countries without a strong right-wing populist party. The chapter traces this development in detail. It identifies three distinctive phases of party system development: 1949 to 1976, 1980 to 2005, and 2009 to 2017. The topoi of realignment and dealignment are evoked as key concepts for interpreting the trends that have become increasingly visible since the second phase.
Rüdiger Schmitt-Beck, Sigrid Roßteutscher, Harald Schoen, Bernhard Weßels, and Christof Wolf
- Published in print:
- 2022
- Published Online:
- April 2022
- ISBN:
- 9780198847519
- eISBN:
- 9780191882197
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198847519.003.0015
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This concluding chapter discusses changing German voters’ behavior in the context of changing parties, campaigns, and media during the period of its hitherto most dramatically increased fluidity at ...
More
This concluding chapter discusses changing German voters’ behavior in the context of changing parties, campaigns, and media during the period of its hitherto most dramatically increased fluidity at the 2009, 2013, and 2017 federal elections. It summarizes the book’s findings on three questions: How did the turbulences that increasingly characterize German electoral politics come about? How did they in turn condition voters’ decision-making? How were electoral attitudes and choices affected by situational factors that pertained to the specifics of particular elections? Discussing the consequences of these developments the chapter finds that the ideological and affective polarization of the party system has increased, leading to a dualistic structure that pits the right-wing populist AfD against all other parties. It also shows how the formation of governments under the German parliamentary system of governance gets increasingly difficult. The chapter closes with speculations about the prospects of electoral politics in Germany.Less
This concluding chapter discusses changing German voters’ behavior in the context of changing parties, campaigns, and media during the period of its hitherto most dramatically increased fluidity at the 2009, 2013, and 2017 federal elections. It summarizes the book’s findings on three questions: How did the turbulences that increasingly characterize German electoral politics come about? How did they in turn condition voters’ decision-making? How were electoral attitudes and choices affected by situational factors that pertained to the specifics of particular elections? Discussing the consequences of these developments the chapter finds that the ideological and affective polarization of the party system has increased, leading to a dualistic structure that pits the right-wing populist AfD against all other parties. It also shows how the formation of governments under the German parliamentary system of governance gets increasingly difficult. The chapter closes with speculations about the prospects of electoral politics in Germany.
William Gourlay
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9781474459198
- eISBN:
- 9781474491242
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474459198.003.0002
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Middle Eastern Studies
This chapter highlights Turkey’s nation-building project and how it involved the ‘invention’ of Turkishness as an ethnic category and nationalism as a forge for unity. It thus examines how processes ...
More
This chapter highlights Turkey’s nation-building project and how it involved the ‘invention’ of Turkishness as an ethnic category and nationalism as a forge for unity. It thus examines how processes of Turkish and Kurdish identity formation occurred simultaneously and in opposition to each other. It thus highlights how Turkey’s narrow nationalist vision, centred on building a cogent national identity, created the conditions that fomented the ‘Kurdish Question’, i.e., Kurds’ (partially) unresolved demands for political and cultural rights, and resulted in ongoing official suspicion of the ‘Other’. The chapter then discusses how these circumstances changed under the Justice and Development Party (AKP), which initially fostered a more inclusive polity, but since the Gezi protests of 2013 has reimposed restrictions and assumed a hegemonic position in politics. The political landscape of contemporary Turkey described here serves as background and context for the chapters that follow.Less
This chapter highlights Turkey’s nation-building project and how it involved the ‘invention’ of Turkishness as an ethnic category and nationalism as a forge for unity. It thus examines how processes of Turkish and Kurdish identity formation occurred simultaneously and in opposition to each other. It thus highlights how Turkey’s narrow nationalist vision, centred on building a cogent national identity, created the conditions that fomented the ‘Kurdish Question’, i.e., Kurds’ (partially) unresolved demands for political and cultural rights, and resulted in ongoing official suspicion of the ‘Other’. The chapter then discusses how these circumstances changed under the Justice and Development Party (AKP), which initially fostered a more inclusive polity, but since the Gezi protests of 2013 has reimposed restrictions and assumed a hegemonic position in politics. The political landscape of contemporary Turkey described here serves as background and context for the chapters that follow.
William Gourlay
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9781474459198
- eISBN:
- 9781474491242
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474459198.003.0005
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Middle Eastern Studies
This chapter examines, the role that religion plays in Kurdish life, and how Kurds have for some time been reassessing their relationship to Islam. Most Kurds and Turks follow of Sunni Islam, but as ...
More
This chapter examines, the role that religion plays in Kurdish life, and how Kurds have for some time been reassessing their relationship to Islam. Most Kurds and Turks follow of Sunni Islam, but as this chapter contends, following the ascendance of the Justice and Development Party (AKP), a party with ‘Islamist’ roots, and the rise of ISIS, Kurds have sought to articulate a distinctive religious stance. This entails a narrative that highlights Kurds’ diversity in religious affiliation and a political vision that is ecumenical in distinction to the AKP’s ostentatious yet narrow religiosity. The chapter further contends that allegations of Turkey’s support of ISIS harden Kurdish opposition to the AKP government and impel Kurds to formulate a more open-minded religious stance.Less
This chapter examines, the role that religion plays in Kurdish life, and how Kurds have for some time been reassessing their relationship to Islam. Most Kurds and Turks follow of Sunni Islam, but as this chapter contends, following the ascendance of the Justice and Development Party (AKP), a party with ‘Islamist’ roots, and the rise of ISIS, Kurds have sought to articulate a distinctive religious stance. This entails a narrative that highlights Kurds’ diversity in religious affiliation and a political vision that is ecumenical in distinction to the AKP’s ostentatious yet narrow religiosity. The chapter further contends that allegations of Turkey’s support of ISIS harden Kurdish opposition to the AKP government and impel Kurds to formulate a more open-minded religious stance.
William Gourlay
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9781474459198
- eISBN:
- 9781474491242
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474459198.003.0010
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Middle Eastern Studies
The concluding chapter brings together threads discussed earlier to argue that while Kurds seek to highlight an identity that is distinct from that of the Turkish majority this does not amount to a ...
More
The concluding chapter brings together threads discussed earlier to argue that while Kurds seek to highlight an identity that is distinct from that of the Turkish majority this does not amount to a rejection of the Republic of Turkey. The book’s findings indicate that Kurdish identity in Turkey can be seen at its core as a political identity. During the rule of the Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Kurds initially saw political opportunity spaces broaden as the government implemented a series of reforms, but as the AKP has become entrenched in power its engagement with Kurds became more autocratic, another attempt at top-down control. The pendulum has swung back towards a system where nationalism is a key political tool, where government figures often accuse the Kurdish opposition of ‘terrorism’. The chapter argues that being able to maintain distinct political positions has been of most importance to Kurds – they want to be able to assert and maintain their identity within an inclusive, democratic Turkey – but as the AKP grows more authoritarian and societal divides widen such aspirations appear unreachable.Less
The concluding chapter brings together threads discussed earlier to argue that while Kurds seek to highlight an identity that is distinct from that of the Turkish majority this does not amount to a rejection of the Republic of Turkey. The book’s findings indicate that Kurdish identity in Turkey can be seen at its core as a political identity. During the rule of the Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Kurds initially saw political opportunity spaces broaden as the government implemented a series of reforms, but as the AKP has become entrenched in power its engagement with Kurds became more autocratic, another attempt at top-down control. The pendulum has swung back towards a system where nationalism is a key political tool, where government figures often accuse the Kurdish opposition of ‘terrorism’. The chapter argues that being able to maintain distinct political positions has been of most importance to Kurds – they want to be able to assert and maintain their identity within an inclusive, democratic Turkey – but as the AKP grows more authoritarian and societal divides widen such aspirations appear unreachable.
Mark L. Haas
- Published in print:
- 2022
- Published Online:
- May 2022
- ISBN:
- 9781501761232
- eISBN:
- 9781501761249
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501761232.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter studies the rupture of the Turkish–Israeli alliance at the end of the 2000s. Turkey and Israel in the middle of the 1990s formed a close security relationship that involved extensive ...
More
This chapter studies the rupture of the Turkish–Israeli alliance at the end of the 2000s. Turkey and Israel in the middle of the 1990s formed a close security relationship that involved extensive security cooperation in a number of areas, including joint military exercises and training, the sharing of intelligence, arms transfers, and the coordinated deterrence of common enemies, especially Syria and Iran. The nature of Turkey's ideological relationship with Israel changed beginning in November of 2002 with the election of the recently created Justice and Development Party (AKP in Turkish). The AKP's defining identity was a unique hybrid that was dedicated to both political liberalization and the advancement of Islamic ideology and interests. Although this synthesis created an important area of ideological overlap with Israel based on a mutual commitment to democracy, AKP elites more frequently described Israel as an ideological rival because of its oppression of Muslims. AKP leaders on multiple occasions accused Israel of being a “terrorist” state akin to Nazi Germany, the leaders of which should be tried for war crimes. These views transformed the Turkish–Israeli relationship into a frenemy one.Less
This chapter studies the rupture of the Turkish–Israeli alliance at the end of the 2000s. Turkey and Israel in the middle of the 1990s formed a close security relationship that involved extensive security cooperation in a number of areas, including joint military exercises and training, the sharing of intelligence, arms transfers, and the coordinated deterrence of common enemies, especially Syria and Iran. The nature of Turkey's ideological relationship with Israel changed beginning in November of 2002 with the election of the recently created Justice and Development Party (AKP in Turkish). The AKP's defining identity was a unique hybrid that was dedicated to both political liberalization and the advancement of Islamic ideology and interests. Although this synthesis created an important area of ideological overlap with Israel based on a mutual commitment to democracy, AKP elites more frequently described Israel as an ideological rival because of its oppression of Muslims. AKP leaders on multiple occasions accused Israel of being a “terrorist” state akin to Nazi Germany, the leaders of which should be tried for war crimes. These views transformed the Turkish–Israeli relationship into a frenemy one.