Peter Mair
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295495
- eISBN:
- 9780191599804
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295499.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This is the first of two chapters on political party organizations and party systems, and discusses party organization, party democracy, and the emergence of the cartel party. It notes that a common ...
More
This is the first of two chapters on political party organizations and party systems, and discusses party organization, party democracy, and the emergence of the cartel party. It notes that a common thread running through the literature on political parties has been the view that they are to be classified and understood on the basis of their relationship with civil society, and that this has had two implications: a tendency to set up the mass party model as the standard against which everything should be judged, and an undervaluation of the extent to which differences between parties may also be understood by reference to their relations with the state. The chapter contends that both these implications are ill-founded, arguing that the mass party model is tied to a conception of democracy and to a particular, and now dated, ideal of social structure, neither of which is characteristic of postindustrial societies. Moreover, the mass party model implies a linear process of party development that suggests a suspect end-point from which the only options are stability or decay, while it can in fact be argued that the development of parties in western democracies has been reflective of a dialectical process in which each new party type generates a reaction which stimulates further development, thus leading to yet another new party type, and so on. The factors that facilitate this dialectic are not derived solely from changes in civil society, but also from changes in the relations between parties and the state. In particular, it can be argued that there has been a tendency in recent years towards an ever closer symbiosis between parties and the state, and that this then sets the stage for the emergence of a new party type, ‘the cartel party’, which, like previous party types, implies a particular conception of democracy, stimulates further reactions and sows the seeds for yet further development. The discussion is presented in seven sections: (1) The Mass Party and the Catch-All Party; (2) Stages of Party Development; (3) Parties and the State; (4) The Emergence of the Cartel Party; (5) The Characteristics of the Cartel Party; (6) Democracy and the Cartel Party; and (7) Challenges to the Cartel Party.Less
This is the first of two chapters on political party organizations and party systems, and discusses party organization, party democracy, and the emergence of the cartel party. It notes that a common thread running through the literature on political parties has been the view that they are to be classified and understood on the basis of their relationship with civil society, and that this has had two implications: a tendency to set up the mass party model as the standard against which everything should be judged, and an undervaluation of the extent to which differences between parties may also be understood by reference to their relations with the state. The chapter contends that both these implications are ill-founded, arguing that the mass party model is tied to a conception of democracy and to a particular, and now dated, ideal of social structure, neither of which is characteristic of postindustrial societies. Moreover, the mass party model implies a linear process of party development that suggests a suspect end-point from which the only options are stability or decay, while it can in fact be argued that the development of parties in western democracies has been reflective of a dialectical process in which each new party type generates a reaction which stimulates further development, thus leading to yet another new party type, and so on. The factors that facilitate this dialectic are not derived solely from changes in civil society, but also from changes in the relations between parties and the state. In particular, it can be argued that there has been a tendency in recent years towards an ever closer symbiosis between parties and the state, and that this then sets the stage for the emergence of a new party type, ‘the cartel party’, which, like previous party types, implies a particular conception of democracy, stimulates further reactions and sows the seeds for yet further development. The discussion is presented in seven sections: (1) The Mass Party and the Catch-All Party; (2) Stages of Party Development; (3) Parties and the State; (4) The Emergence of the Cartel Party; (5) The Characteristics of the Cartel Party; (6) Democracy and the Cartel Party; and (7) Challenges to the Cartel Party.
Peter Mair
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295495
- eISBN:
- 9780191599804
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295499.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This is the second of two chapters on political party organizations and party systems. It discusses political party organizations in civil society and the state, with reference to western Europe. ...
More
This is the second of two chapters on political party organizations and party systems. It discusses political party organizations in civil society and the state, with reference to western Europe. Although the study of parties and party systems is one of the largest and most active subfields within comparative politics, very little empirically grounded study has been made of parties as organizations, and there are severe limits to the comparative understanding of precisely how party organizations work, how they change, and how they adapt. This chapter looks at some of these issues. The discussion is presented in five sections: (1) New Perspectives on the Development of Party Organizations; (2) Party Democracies and the Problem of Party Decline; (3) Parties and the State; and (4) Changing Parties; and (5) Parties and Their Privileges –– a brief examination of the imbalance between popular irreverence and public privilege cited by Tocqueville as contributing to the downfall of the French ancien regime, but here applied to political parties.Less
This is the second of two chapters on political party organizations and party systems. It discusses political party organizations in civil society and the state, with reference to western Europe. Although the study of parties and party systems is one of the largest and most active subfields within comparative politics, very little empirically grounded study has been made of parties as organizations, and there are severe limits to the comparative understanding of precisely how party organizations work, how they change, and how they adapt. This chapter looks at some of these issues. The discussion is presented in five sections: (1) New Perspectives on the Development of Party Organizations; (2) Party Democracies and the Problem of Party Decline; (3) Parties and the State; and (4) Changing Parties; and (5) Parties and Their Privileges –– a brief examination of the imbalance between popular irreverence and public privilege cited by Tocqueville as contributing to the downfall of the French ancien regime, but here applied to political parties.
Serenella Sferza
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199246748
- eISBN:
- 9780191599385
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199246742.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Much of the literature on parties centres on decline and failure, but recently the decline hypothesis has come under attack on both empirical and theoretical grounds, and this has exposed major ...
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Much of the literature on parties centres on decline and failure, but recently the decline hypothesis has come under attack on both empirical and theoretical grounds, and this has exposed major shortcomings in dominant views (models) of party development, which mostly have offered an externalist view of party development and cast political parties as passive takers of their environment. This view of parties is markedly at odds with the considerable leeway attributed to other political actors and organizations, and whatever the solution to this impasse maybe, it clearly requires looking at party development not only from ‘without’, but also from ‘within’, in ways that capture the two‐ways link between intra‐party politics and resources and inter‐party competition; this perspective brings back not only intra‐party politics as a crucial political arena but also parties as central political actors. Explores this possibility by applying the emerging ‘new’ organizational approach to the trajectory of the French Socialist Party (SFIO, the Section Française de l’lnternationale Ouvrière, until 1971, PS afterwards), which, in the 1970s, staged a spectacular renaissance, and within a decade brought it from near extinction to power—although since then, policy and moral failures have dissipated much of this popular enthusiasm. However, the left's victory at the 1997 elections, the popularity of the current Socialist‐led government, and the weak challenge posed by new politics formations, suggest that much of the capital the PS accumulated in the previous decade remains in place. Provides an internalist account of the PSs jagged trajectory in four parts: the first summarizes externalist approaches to party development; the second analyses the trajectory of the PS over the last three decades in terms of the match and mismatch between party organization and the environment; the third looks at regional variations within this national pattern; and the fourth discusses the resilience of factionalism and draws the implications of this case for the study of political parties.Less
Much of the literature on parties centres on decline and failure, but recently the decline hypothesis has come under attack on both empirical and theoretical grounds, and this has exposed major shortcomings in dominant views (models) of party development, which mostly have offered an externalist view of party development and cast political parties as passive takers of their environment. This view of parties is markedly at odds with the considerable leeway attributed to other political actors and organizations, and whatever the solution to this impasse maybe, it clearly requires looking at party development not only from ‘without’, but also from ‘within’, in ways that capture the two‐ways link between intra‐party politics and resources and inter‐party competition; this perspective brings back not only intra‐party politics as a crucial political arena but also parties as central political actors. Explores this possibility by applying the emerging ‘new’ organizational approach to the trajectory of the French Socialist Party (SFIO, the Section Française de l’lnternationale Ouvrière, until 1971, PS afterwards), which, in the 1970s, staged a spectacular renaissance, and within a decade brought it from near extinction to power—although since then, policy and moral failures have dissipated much of this popular enthusiasm. However, the left's victory at the 1997 elections, the popularity of the current Socialist‐led government, and the weak challenge posed by new politics formations, suggest that much of the capital the PS accumulated in the previous decade remains in place. Provides an internalist account of the PSs jagged trajectory in four parts: the first summarizes externalist approaches to party development; the second analyses the trajectory of the PS over the last three decades in terms of the match and mismatch between party organization and the environment; the third looks at regional variations within this national pattern; and the fourth discusses the resilience of factionalism and draws the implications of this case for the study of political parties.
Avi Max Spiegel
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691159843
- eISBN:
- 9781400866434
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691159843.003.0003
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Middle Eastern Studies
This chapter seeks to understand how Islamist movements have evolved over time, and, in the process, provide important background on the political and religious contexts of the movements in question. ...
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This chapter seeks to understand how Islamist movements have evolved over time, and, in the process, provide important background on the political and religious contexts of the movements in question. In particular, it shows that Islamist movements coevolve. Focusing on the histories of Morocco's two main Islamist movements—the Justice and Spirituality Organization, or Al Adl wal Ihsan (Al Adl) and the Party of Justice and Development (PJD)—it suggests that their evolutions can only be fully appreciated if they are relayed in unison. These movements mirror one another depending on the competitive context, sometimes reflecting, sometimes refracting, sometimes borrowing, sometimes adapting or even reorganizing in order to keep up with the other.Less
This chapter seeks to understand how Islamist movements have evolved over time, and, in the process, provide important background on the political and religious contexts of the movements in question. In particular, it shows that Islamist movements coevolve. Focusing on the histories of Morocco's two main Islamist movements—the Justice and Spirituality Organization, or Al Adl wal Ihsan (Al Adl) and the Party of Justice and Development (PJD)—it suggests that their evolutions can only be fully appreciated if they are relayed in unison. These movements mirror one another depending on the competitive context, sometimes reflecting, sometimes refracting, sometimes borrowing, sometimes adapting or even reorganizing in order to keep up with the other.
Peter Mair
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295495
- eISBN:
- 9780191599804
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295499.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This is the first of three chapters on political party systems and structures of competition, and looks at electoral markets in Europe. It begins by clarifying the term ‘electoral markets’ in the ...
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This is the first of three chapters on political party systems and structures of competition, and looks at electoral markets in Europe. It begins by clarifying the term ‘electoral markets’ in the context of the chapter, noting first that the competition to be investigated is inter-party competition, which will arise when parties have a market in which to compete (i.e. when there are voters in competition), and is at least in part a function of the size of the electoral market. Second, it notes that when parties confront an electoral market, they have a choice of two not necessarily exclusive strategies –– defensive or expansive; and third, that the size of the markets in general, and the degree of electoral availability, is largely a function of the strength and pervasiveness of the relevant political identities. The first section of the chapter, Developments and Contrasts in Western Europe, looks at the history of the development of political parties in western Europe as a history of attempts to narrow the electoral market through the promotion and inculcation of mass political identities; it concludes that, other things being equal, polities characterized by the presence of strong identities are likely to be less competitive than those where they are not, and will, more precisely, tend to be more consensual. The next section of the chapter, ‘Electoral Markets and Consociational Democracy’, leads on naturally to a discussion of consociational democracies (which are plural societies) in western Europe, and this is followed. in ‘Small States and Large States’, by an examination of the differences in policy style in small states (which are largely consensual) and large states (which are adversarial, with high electoral volatility). The last section ‘Some Implications for the New East European Democracies’, applies the previous discussion to eastern Europe.Less
This is the first of three chapters on political party systems and structures of competition, and looks at electoral markets in Europe. It begins by clarifying the term ‘electoral markets’ in the context of the chapter, noting first that the competition to be investigated is inter-party competition, which will arise when parties have a market in which to compete (i.e. when there are voters in competition), and is at least in part a function of the size of the electoral market. Second, it notes that when parties confront an electoral market, they have a choice of two not necessarily exclusive strategies –– defensive or expansive; and third, that the size of the markets in general, and the degree of electoral availability, is largely a function of the strength and pervasiveness of the relevant political identities. The first section of the chapter, Developments and Contrasts in Western Europe, looks at the history of the development of political parties in western Europe as a history of attempts to narrow the electoral market through the promotion and inculcation of mass political identities; it concludes that, other things being equal, polities characterized by the presence of strong identities are likely to be less competitive than those where they are not, and will, more precisely, tend to be more consensual. The next section of the chapter, ‘Electoral Markets and Consociational Democracy’, leads on naturally to a discussion of consociational democracies (which are plural societies) in western Europe, and this is followed. in ‘Small States and Large States’, by an examination of the differences in policy style in small states (which are largely consensual) and large states (which are adversarial, with high electoral volatility). The last section ‘Some Implications for the New East European Democracies’, applies the previous discussion to eastern Europe.
Adrienne LeBas
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199546862
- eISBN:
- 9780191728594
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199546862.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Why do we see the emergence of strong, cross-ethnic opposition parties in some democratizing regimes, while opposition parties in other countries remain organizationally underdeveloped and often ...
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Why do we see the emergence of strong, cross-ethnic opposition parties in some democratizing regimes, while opposition parties in other countries remain organizationally underdeveloped and often fragment on ethnic lines? Chapter 2 provides a more detailed account of the book’s two major arguments. It begins by defining party strength, focusing especially on the organizational qualities of strong, durable parties. It then turns to the theoretical framework fleshed out in the remainder of the book. The first argument is that authoritarian strategies of rule left in place institutional structures that either facilitated or impeded cross-ethnic collective action. Where authoritarian states relied on alliances with organized labor, they created mobilizing structures that could later be used by opposition parties. Secondly, the book argues that polarizing and confrontational strategies build stronger parties. These kinds of appeals and tactics, however, also raise the likelihood of violence and authoritarian backlash. The book, therefore, underlines one of the ambiguities inherent in democratization: democracy requires strong parties, but party-building is more effective where it intensifies conflict.Less
Why do we see the emergence of strong, cross-ethnic opposition parties in some democratizing regimes, while opposition parties in other countries remain organizationally underdeveloped and often fragment on ethnic lines? Chapter 2 provides a more detailed account of the book’s two major arguments. It begins by defining party strength, focusing especially on the organizational qualities of strong, durable parties. It then turns to the theoretical framework fleshed out in the remainder of the book. The first argument is that authoritarian strategies of rule left in place institutional structures that either facilitated or impeded cross-ethnic collective action. Where authoritarian states relied on alliances with organized labor, they created mobilizing structures that could later be used by opposition parties. Secondly, the book argues that polarizing and confrontational strategies build stronger parties. These kinds of appeals and tactics, however, also raise the likelihood of violence and authoritarian backlash. The book, therefore, underlines one of the ambiguities inherent in democratization: democracy requires strong parties, but party-building is more effective where it intensifies conflict.
Avi Max Spiegel
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691159843
- eISBN:
- 9781400866434
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691159843.003.0002
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Middle Eastern Studies
This chapter presents the author's reflections on the methods and challenges involved in studying both legal and illegal Islamist movements up close. The author details his attempts to make contact ...
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This chapter presents the author's reflections on the methods and challenges involved in studying both legal and illegal Islamist movements up close. The author details his attempts to make contact and interview members of the Party of Justice and Development (PJD), a political party modeled after the Muslim Brotherhood. The author describes an approach he calls “shuttle ethnography,” which combines extended ethnographic fieldwork and the analysis of texts and relevant survey data when available (and appropriate). Like a shuttle diplomat, the author bounced between actors, challenging each group's pontifications with insights and objections culled from their competitors. He found that there was no better way to tease out their beliefs and positions than to invoke this contrarian view; and this allowed me to better understand the nuances and distinctions between and within groups.Less
This chapter presents the author's reflections on the methods and challenges involved in studying both legal and illegal Islamist movements up close. The author details his attempts to make contact and interview members of the Party of Justice and Development (PJD), a political party modeled after the Muslim Brotherhood. The author describes an approach he calls “shuttle ethnography,” which combines extended ethnographic fieldwork and the analysis of texts and relevant survey data when available (and appropriate). Like a shuttle diplomat, the author bounced between actors, challenging each group's pontifications with insights and objections culled from their competitors. He found that there was no better way to tease out their beliefs and positions than to invoke this contrarian view; and this allowed me to better understand the nuances and distinctions between and within groups.
Mark L. Haas
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199838424
- eISBN:
- 9780199933419
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199838424.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter demonstrates how ideologies shaped Turkish foreign policies after the Cold War. The chapter makes two main points. First, partisan ideological differences were central to Turkish ...
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This chapter demonstrates how ideologies shaped Turkish foreign policies after the Cold War. The chapter makes two main points. First, partisan ideological differences were central to Turkish policymakers’ choices of international allies and enemies. Shared liberal ideological principles were fundamental to many Turkish leaders’ interest in allying with Israel and joining the European Union, just as large ideological differences separating many Turkish policymakers from Islamist Iran resulted in numerous crises. Conversely, Turkish Islamists viewed Iran as an ally and Israel, the EU, and the United States as enemies, and extreme nationalists joined with Islamists in opposing Turkey joining the EU. Second, ideologies created powerful incentives for ideological exportation. Numerous Turkish politicians believed that spreading Turkey’s secular, democratic regime type would significantly increase Turkey’s security. The policies of Kemalists and the Justice and Development Party, as well as the evolution of Turkish-American relations, receive particular attention in the chapter.Less
This chapter demonstrates how ideologies shaped Turkish foreign policies after the Cold War. The chapter makes two main points. First, partisan ideological differences were central to Turkish policymakers’ choices of international allies and enemies. Shared liberal ideological principles were fundamental to many Turkish leaders’ interest in allying with Israel and joining the European Union, just as large ideological differences separating many Turkish policymakers from Islamist Iran resulted in numerous crises. Conversely, Turkish Islamists viewed Iran as an ally and Israel, the EU, and the United States as enemies, and extreme nationalists joined with Islamists in opposing Turkey joining the EU. Second, ideologies created powerful incentives for ideological exportation. Numerous Turkish politicians believed that spreading Turkey’s secular, democratic regime type would significantly increase Turkey’s security. The policies of Kemalists and the Justice and Development Party, as well as the evolution of Turkish-American relations, receive particular attention in the chapter.
Adrienne LeBas
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199546862
- eISBN:
- 9780191728594
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199546862.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Why do strong opposition party organizations emerge in some democratizing countries, while those in others remain weak or quickly fragment on ethnic lines? This book offers an explanation for why ...
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Why do strong opposition party organizations emerge in some democratizing countries, while those in others remain weak or quickly fragment on ethnic lines? This book offers an explanation for why opposition parties vary in organizational form, cohesion, and mobilizational reach. The book draws upon an in-depth analysis of three countries in Anglophone Africa: Zimbabwe, Zambia, and Kenya. Though these countries share similar institutional frameworks, including electoral rules, party development has taken a different route in each. The explanation emphasizes the ways in which historical legacies interact with strategic choices to produce different trajectories of party development. In terms of the role of history, the book argues that strong opposition parties are more likely where authoritarian states relied on alliances with corporate actors like labor. In these contexts, ruling parties armed their allies, providing them with mobilizing structures and political resources that could later be used to challenge the state. Secondly, opposition parties are more likely to maintain their organizational cohesion and the commitment of activists when they use strategies and appeals that escalate conflict and reorient social boundaries around the lines of partisan affiliation. Polarization forges stronger parties, but it also increases the likelihood of violence and authoritarian retrenchment. The book provides an explanation of why democratization in the hybrid regimes of the late Third Wave may prove more conflictual and more protracted than earlier transitions to democracy.Less
Why do strong opposition party organizations emerge in some democratizing countries, while those in others remain weak or quickly fragment on ethnic lines? This book offers an explanation for why opposition parties vary in organizational form, cohesion, and mobilizational reach. The book draws upon an in-depth analysis of three countries in Anglophone Africa: Zimbabwe, Zambia, and Kenya. Though these countries share similar institutional frameworks, including electoral rules, party development has taken a different route in each. The explanation emphasizes the ways in which historical legacies interact with strategic choices to produce different trajectories of party development. In terms of the role of history, the book argues that strong opposition parties are more likely where authoritarian states relied on alliances with corporate actors like labor. In these contexts, ruling parties armed their allies, providing them with mobilizing structures and political resources that could later be used to challenge the state. Secondly, opposition parties are more likely to maintain their organizational cohesion and the commitment of activists when they use strategies and appeals that escalate conflict and reorient social boundaries around the lines of partisan affiliation. Polarization forges stronger parties, but it also increases the likelihood of violence and authoritarian retrenchment. The book provides an explanation of why democratization in the hybrid regimes of the late Third Wave may prove more conflictual and more protracted than earlier transitions to democracy.
Amaney A. Jamal
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691149646
- eISBN:
- 9781400845477
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691149646.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter focuses on Morocco, highlighting how citizens across the North African monarchy rationalize authoritarianism through the prism of strategic utility to U.S. (and EU) ties. Morocco ...
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This chapter focuses on Morocco, highlighting how citizens across the North African monarchy rationalize authoritarianism through the prism of strategic utility to U.S. (and EU) ties. Morocco includes one of the most progressive Islamic movements in the region, and citizens, while applauding the movement's moderation, remain wary of its foreign intentions. Enhancing ties with the United States and maintaining ties to Europe were often cited as key reasons why the status quo was preferable to increasing levels of democracy. It became apparent that although the Islamic Party for Justice and Development is considered moderate in terms of its internal Islamic agenda, many in the kingdom worried about the party's stance toward the United States.Less
This chapter focuses on Morocco, highlighting how citizens across the North African monarchy rationalize authoritarianism through the prism of strategic utility to U.S. (and EU) ties. Morocco includes one of the most progressive Islamic movements in the region, and citizens, while applauding the movement's moderation, remain wary of its foreign intentions. Enhancing ties with the United States and maintaining ties to Europe were often cited as key reasons why the status quo was preferable to increasing levels of democracy. It became apparent that although the Islamic Party for Justice and Development is considered moderate in terms of its internal Islamic agenda, many in the kingdom worried about the party's stance toward the United States.
Hilal Elver
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199769292
- eISBN:
- 9780199933136
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199769292.003.0002
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
The Turkish headscarf debate since the 1980s and current political problems in the Turkish internal setting is the focus of this chapter. The power struggle between seculars and religious political ...
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The Turkish headscarf debate since the 1980s and current political problems in the Turkish internal setting is the focus of this chapter. The power struggle between seculars and religious political parties; the role of the military and judiciary; the relevance of legal, political, and economic reforms; the emerging new Turkish political and economic elite during the two terms of the governing party Justice and Development starting from 2002 are the major issues in this chapter. At the end, the chapter deals with the victimization of the religious women during the last three decades in Turkey by exclusion of females who wear headscarf from education and public spaces.Less
The Turkish headscarf debate since the 1980s and current political problems in the Turkish internal setting is the focus of this chapter. The power struggle between seculars and religious political parties; the role of the military and judiciary; the relevance of legal, political, and economic reforms; the emerging new Turkish political and economic elite during the two terms of the governing party Justice and Development starting from 2002 are the major issues in this chapter. At the end, the chapter deals with the victimization of the religious women during the last three decades in Turkey by exclusion of females who wear headscarf from education and public spaces.
Richard S. Katz and Peter Mair
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- July 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780199586011
- eISBN:
- 9780191866043
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780199586011.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Democratization
When they rose to prominence in the régimes censitaires of the nineteenth century, most political parties were based primarily in parliament and had little external organization. With the advent of ...
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When they rose to prominence in the régimes censitaires of the nineteenth century, most political parties were based primarily in parliament and had little external organization. With the advent of mass suffrage, these elite parties were challenged by a new type of organization, the mass party ostensibly rooted in particular segments of society and with extensive extraparliamentary membership organizations that were, in theory, the authoritative voice of the party. By the second half of the twentieth century, both mass parties and the remaining elite parties were evolving into catch-all parties, with the party in public office more assertive of its independence and with parties increasingly working as brokers among competing interests rather than as the agents of particular interest. None of these any longer describes the nature of contemporary party politics, however.Less
When they rose to prominence in the régimes censitaires of the nineteenth century, most political parties were based primarily in parliament and had little external organization. With the advent of mass suffrage, these elite parties were challenged by a new type of organization, the mass party ostensibly rooted in particular segments of society and with extensive extraparliamentary membership organizations that were, in theory, the authoritative voice of the party. By the second half of the twentieth century, both mass parties and the remaining elite parties were evolving into catch-all parties, with the party in public office more assertive of its independence and with parties increasingly working as brokers among competing interests rather than as the agents of particular interest. None of these any longer describes the nature of contemporary party politics, however.
Hazem Kandil
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- December 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780190239206
- eISBN:
- 9780190239237
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190239206.003.0012
- Subject:
- Sociology, Politics, Social Movements and Social Change, Comparative and Historical Sociology
This chapter examines why no coup has been staged by the Turkish military since November 2002. It first discusses the reasons behind the Justice and Development Party's (AKP) ascendancy in Turkish ...
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This chapter examines why no coup has been staged by the Turkish military since November 2002. It first discusses the reasons behind the Justice and Development Party's (AKP) ascendancy in Turkish politics and evaluates its performance between 2002 and 2010. In particular, it considers how an Islamist-leaning party such as AKP achieved cultural hegemony in Turkey by focusing on the role played by Fethullah Gülen, founder of the Service Community (Hizmet Cemaat). It also analyzes how AKP altered Turkey's foreign policy that signaled a shift from Kemalist isolationism to what became known as “neo-Ottomanism.” Finally, it explains why the military expanded the Turkish security sector in 1980, along with the troubles faced by AKP that culminated in its loss of control on parliament in the 2015 national elections and the rise of the People's Democratic Party (HDP) led by Selahattin Demirtas. The chapter argues that the AKP not only curbed the military's political influence, but also resolved to punish officers for their past sins, and that the future of Turkish democracy remains uncertain.Less
This chapter examines why no coup has been staged by the Turkish military since November 2002. It first discusses the reasons behind the Justice and Development Party's (AKP) ascendancy in Turkish politics and evaluates its performance between 2002 and 2010. In particular, it considers how an Islamist-leaning party such as AKP achieved cultural hegemony in Turkey by focusing on the role played by Fethullah Gülen, founder of the Service Community (Hizmet Cemaat). It also analyzes how AKP altered Turkey's foreign policy that signaled a shift from Kemalist isolationism to what became known as “neo-Ottomanism.” Finally, it explains why the military expanded the Turkish security sector in 1980, along with the troubles faced by AKP that culminated in its loss of control on parliament in the 2015 national elections and the rise of the People's Democratic Party (HDP) led by Selahattin Demirtas. The chapter argues that the AKP not only curbed the military's political influence, but also resolved to punish officers for their past sins, and that the future of Turkish democracy remains uncertain.
Haoues Seniguer
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- January 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781474426640
- eISBN:
- 9781474449779
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474426640.003.0002
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Middle Eastern Studies
How Moroccan Islamists have come to a vision of international affairs compliant with the Monarchy’s view of the Moroccan interest? This chapter sheds light on the evolution of the Party for Justice ...
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How Moroccan Islamists have come to a vision of international affairs compliant with the Monarchy’s view of the Moroccan interest? This chapter sheds light on the evolution of the Party for Justice and Development’s discourse in the domain of international relations and foreign policy. Becoming state-builders at the head of a State that they could not reform the way they initially wanted has made Moroccan Islamism more moderate although initial ideals are still present.Less
How Moroccan Islamists have come to a vision of international affairs compliant with the Monarchy’s view of the Moroccan interest? This chapter sheds light on the evolution of the Party for Justice and Development’s discourse in the domain of international relations and foreign policy. Becoming state-builders at the head of a State that they could not reform the way they initially wanted has made Moroccan Islamism more moderate although initial ideals are still present.
İlter Turan
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780199663989
- eISBN:
- 9780191799341
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199663989.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter analyzes the changing role of the military in Turkish politics from guardian to accepting civilian supremacy. Street violence and ineffective coalitions brought another military ...
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This chapter analyzes the changing role of the military in Turkish politics from guardian to accepting civilian supremacy. Street violence and ineffective coalitions brought another military intervention in 1980. To remove the need for future interventions, the commanders tried to transform the political system, with restricted space for electoral politics, a depoliticized society, and constitutional arrangements granting the military direct instruments to influence the political process such as the MGK (National Security Council). In 1997–1998, the military forced the coalition led by the Welfare Party (RP) to first adopt new secularist educational measures, and later to resign. The rise of AKP (Justice and Development Party) in 2001, its solid electoral victories since, and the political and economic stability the country has enjoyed have enabled the government to challenge successfully the military’s political role, and take to court top officers for having planned anti-government conspiracies.Less
This chapter analyzes the changing role of the military in Turkish politics from guardian to accepting civilian supremacy. Street violence and ineffective coalitions brought another military intervention in 1980. To remove the need for future interventions, the commanders tried to transform the political system, with restricted space for electoral politics, a depoliticized society, and constitutional arrangements granting the military direct instruments to influence the political process such as the MGK (National Security Council). In 1997–1998, the military forced the coalition led by the Welfare Party (RP) to first adopt new secularist educational measures, and later to resign. The rise of AKP (Justice and Development Party) in 2001, its solid electoral victories since, and the political and economic stability the country has enjoyed have enabled the government to challenge successfully the military’s political role, and take to court top officers for having planned anti-government conspiracies.
John L. Esposito, Tamara Sonn, and John O. Voll
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- October 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780195147988
- eISBN:
- 9780190263799
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195147988.003.0002
- Subject:
- Religion, Islam, Religion and Society
This chapter discusses the development of Turkey’s secular state and the re-emergence of Islam in Turkish politics. For years, Turkey provided the only modern secular (though not completely ...
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This chapter discusses the development of Turkey’s secular state and the re-emergence of Islam in Turkish politics. For years, Turkey provided the only modern secular (though not completely democratic) state in the Muslim world, believed to be immune from any serious impact of Political Islam. Many saw Turkey as the model for Muslim-majority nation-states, adopting in 1928 the secular path necessary for modernization and development. However, the 1996 election of Dr. Necmettin Erbakan, leader of the Welfare Party (WP), as Turkey’s first Islamist prime minister, signaled a seismic political shift: the threat of a retreat from its secular past. Despite the influence and intervention of the military and suppression of the WP and its successor parties, 2002 witnessed the stunning election of the Justice and Development Party (AKP), whose leaders were former members of the WP.Less
This chapter discusses the development of Turkey’s secular state and the re-emergence of Islam in Turkish politics. For years, Turkey provided the only modern secular (though not completely democratic) state in the Muslim world, believed to be immune from any serious impact of Political Islam. Many saw Turkey as the model for Muslim-majority nation-states, adopting in 1928 the secular path necessary for modernization and development. However, the 1996 election of Dr. Necmettin Erbakan, leader of the Welfare Party (WP), as Turkey’s first Islamist prime minister, signaled a seismic political shift: the threat of a retreat from its secular past. Despite the influence and intervention of the military and suppression of the WP and its successor parties, 2002 witnessed the stunning election of the Justice and Development Party (AKP), whose leaders were former members of the WP.
Sami Zemni
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199766062
- eISBN:
- 9780199345137
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199766062.003.0005
- Subject:
- Religion, Islam
The aim of this contribution is to think about the modalities of change that have affected Islamism in Morocco over the last decades. Conceptualizing this change against the backdrop of larger ...
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The aim of this contribution is to think about the modalities of change that have affected Islamism in Morocco over the last decades. Conceptualizing this change against the backdrop of larger academic debates on the relation between Islam and politics; I interrogate the notion of post-Islamism as a possible conceptual tool to broaden our understanding of political movements referring to Islam in the Moroccan context. Instead of positing any a priori assumption of what Islamist parties are or are not, what they can or cannot become, I focus on what these movements have done in the past and do today, i.e. how these movements evolved and changed over time. This chapter analyzes the ideological changes as well as the strategic options of the Islamist movements, the limits of mobilization and participation that the context is offering as well as the regional and global environment in which the movements operate.Less
The aim of this contribution is to think about the modalities of change that have affected Islamism in Morocco over the last decades. Conceptualizing this change against the backdrop of larger academic debates on the relation between Islam and politics; I interrogate the notion of post-Islamism as a possible conceptual tool to broaden our understanding of political movements referring to Islam in the Moroccan context. Instead of positing any a priori assumption of what Islamist parties are or are not, what they can or cannot become, I focus on what these movements have done in the past and do today, i.e. how these movements evolved and changed over time. This chapter analyzes the ideological changes as well as the strategic options of the Islamist movements, the limits of mobilization and participation that the context is offering as well as the regional and global environment in which the movements operate.
Francesco Cavatorta and Fabio Merone
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- June 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190876036
- eISBN:
- 9780190943127
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190876036.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter surveys the most important debates generated by these research agendas, and argues that, despite some impressive contributions, their focus remains generally limited to certain aspects ...
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This chapter surveys the most important debates generated by these research agendas, and argues that, despite some impressive contributions, their focus remains generally limited to certain aspects of Islamist politics. Specifically, post-2011 research agendas continue to dismiss the relevance of party politics due to the longstanding belief—quite justified in most cases—that parties in the Middle East and particularly in North Africa are insignificant political actors. In light of the events of 2011, however, it is necessary to examine party politics more closely, especially the ideologically driven Islamist parties that often hold the key to the success or failure of regime change in the region. Scrutinizing Islamist parties can reveal critical social, political, generational, and ideological factors affecting Islamism as a whole, including the Salafi trend. More specifically, scholars must overcome their tendency to overlook the profound diversity, fragmentation, and tensions that exist within Islamism proper. Such diversity plays a role not only in the political institutional arena (i.e., electoral competition between different Islamist parties), but also in social domains, where there are heated ideological debates and diverse instances and forms of activism within the Islamist sphere that many observers have yet to fully grasp and analyze. Finally, the chapter points to the seeming paradox of the thesis of post-Islamism, which in some ways has been confirmed rather than challenged by the arrival of the Moroccan Party for Justice and Development (PJD) and the Tunisian Ennahda to power.Less
This chapter surveys the most important debates generated by these research agendas, and argues that, despite some impressive contributions, their focus remains generally limited to certain aspects of Islamist politics. Specifically, post-2011 research agendas continue to dismiss the relevance of party politics due to the longstanding belief—quite justified in most cases—that parties in the Middle East and particularly in North Africa are insignificant political actors. In light of the events of 2011, however, it is necessary to examine party politics more closely, especially the ideologically driven Islamist parties that often hold the key to the success or failure of regime change in the region. Scrutinizing Islamist parties can reveal critical social, political, generational, and ideological factors affecting Islamism as a whole, including the Salafi trend. More specifically, scholars must overcome their tendency to overlook the profound diversity, fragmentation, and tensions that exist within Islamism proper. Such diversity plays a role not only in the political institutional arena (i.e., electoral competition between different Islamist parties), but also in social domains, where there are heated ideological debates and diverse instances and forms of activism within the Islamist sphere that many observers have yet to fully grasp and analyze. Finally, the chapter points to the seeming paradox of the thesis of post-Islamism, which in some ways has been confirmed rather than challenged by the arrival of the Moroccan Party for Justice and Development (PJD) and the Tunisian Ennahda to power.
Bilge Yesil
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- April 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252040177
- eISBN:
- 9780252098376
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252040177.003.0005
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Media Studies
This chapter begins with an analysis of the shifts in global and local conjunctures that facilitated the Islamist AKP's (Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi or Justice and Development Party) rise to power, ...
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This chapter begins with an analysis of the shifts in global and local conjunctures that facilitated the Islamist AKP's (Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi or Justice and Development Party) rise to power, followed by an overview of its neoliberal and pro-EU policies during its first term. It then explores how the anti-Western and anti-globalization currents became substantial elements of media, politics, and culture in the twenty-first century. Local and international developments—such as the EU accession process, the relative easing of restrictions on Kurdish cultural rights, the US invasion of Iraq, the emergence of a revisionist discourse on the Armenian genocide, and the entry of foreign media companies into the Turkish market—began to engender fears and anxieties among the nationalists about the decline of the Turkish state. Through the lens of these developments, the chapter discusses the tensions between globalizing and statist dynamics as well as the AKP's consolidation of the authoritarian neoliberal order.Less
This chapter begins with an analysis of the shifts in global and local conjunctures that facilitated the Islamist AKP's (Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi or Justice and Development Party) rise to power, followed by an overview of its neoliberal and pro-EU policies during its first term. It then explores how the anti-Western and anti-globalization currents became substantial elements of media, politics, and culture in the twenty-first century. Local and international developments—such as the EU accession process, the relative easing of restrictions on Kurdish cultural rights, the US invasion of Iraq, the emergence of a revisionist discourse on the Armenian genocide, and the entry of foreign media companies into the Turkish market—began to engender fears and anxieties among the nationalists about the decline of the Turkish state. Through the lens of these developments, the chapter discusses the tensions between globalizing and statist dynamics as well as the AKP's consolidation of the authoritarian neoliberal order.
Ozan O. Varol
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- August 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780190626013
- eISBN:
- 9780190626051
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190626013.003.0023
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Democratization
Nature, Aristotle said, abhors a vacuum. He argued that a vacuum, once formed, would be immediately filled by the dense material surrounding it. Aristotle’s insights into vacuums in the physical ...
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Nature, Aristotle said, abhors a vacuum. He argued that a vacuum, once formed, would be immediately filled by the dense material surrounding it. Aristotle’s insights into vacuums in the physical world also apply to civil-military relations. Where a vacuum exists in domestic politics because the political parties are weak, unstable, or underdeveloped, the dense material that is the military may fill the void by staging an intervention into domestic politics. But when, as in the July 2016 coup attempt in Turkey, the civilian leaders themselves hold densely concentrated authority—in other words, are powerful, popular, and credible—their attempts to keep the military at bay are far more likely to succeed. Without a vacuum there is no void for the military to fill.Less
Nature, Aristotle said, abhors a vacuum. He argued that a vacuum, once formed, would be immediately filled by the dense material surrounding it. Aristotle’s insights into vacuums in the physical world also apply to civil-military relations. Where a vacuum exists in domestic politics because the political parties are weak, unstable, or underdeveloped, the dense material that is the military may fill the void by staging an intervention into domestic politics. But when, as in the July 2016 coup attempt in Turkey, the civilian leaders themselves hold densely concentrated authority—in other words, are powerful, popular, and credible—their attempts to keep the military at bay are far more likely to succeed. Without a vacuum there is no void for the military to fill.
