Iain Mclean and Alistair McMillan
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199258208
- eISBN:
- 9780191603334
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199258201.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter examines the unravelling of the Union between 1886 and 1921. It discusses the continuing link between Union and Empire, the incoherence of Diceyan Unionism, centre-periphery politics, ...
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This chapter examines the unravelling of the Union between 1886 and 1921. It discusses the continuing link between Union and Empire, the incoherence of Diceyan Unionism, centre-periphery politics, the attempted Unionist coup-d’etat in 1910-14, Bonar Law and Ulster paramilitarism, George V’s threatened vetoes, and primoridal and instrumental Unionism. By 1921, the Union question had resolved into a Northern Ireland question and an imperial question. It left two ragged ends from the 1886 attempt to settle it, namely representation and finance in the outlying parts of the Union.Less
This chapter examines the unravelling of the Union between 1886 and 1921. It discusses the continuing link between Union and Empire, the incoherence of Diceyan Unionism, centre-periphery politics, the attempted Unionist coup-d’etat in 1910-14, Bonar Law and Ulster paramilitarism, George V’s threatened vetoes, and primoridal and instrumental Unionism. By 1921, the Union question had resolved into a Northern Ireland question and an imperial question. It left two ragged ends from the 1886 attempt to settle it, namely representation and finance in the outlying parts of the Union.
Aaron Edwards
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719078743
- eISBN:
- 9781781702390
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719078743.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
An extension of the British social welfare state to Northern Ireland and the tackling of acute unemployment were huge undertakings for the Unionist administration. The Anti-Partition League of ...
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An extension of the British social welfare state to Northern Ireland and the tackling of acute unemployment were huge undertakings for the Unionist administration. The Anti-Partition League of Ireland (APL) was ‘inspired by hopes of major political changes in the post-war world and in particular by the election to power of the Labour Party’. Northern Ireland Labour Party (NILP) agitation on unemployment failed to reach the kind of tempo it would display in 1956–58. By 1957–58, the storm that had been brewing finally broke, leaving 10% of the province's workforce unemployed. The NILP was well disposed to offer its guidance and support to those laid-off workers. 1953 may have been the year that witnessed the first tentative steps to square NILP policies. Protestant workers had clearly suffered economic impoverishment at the hands of an ‘inept’ Unionist regime.Less
An extension of the British social welfare state to Northern Ireland and the tackling of acute unemployment were huge undertakings for the Unionist administration. The Anti-Partition League of Ireland (APL) was ‘inspired by hopes of major political changes in the post-war world and in particular by the election to power of the Labour Party’. Northern Ireland Labour Party (NILP) agitation on unemployment failed to reach the kind of tempo it would display in 1956–58. By 1957–58, the storm that had been brewing finally broke, leaving 10% of the province's workforce unemployed. The NILP was well disposed to offer its guidance and support to those laid-off workers. 1953 may have been the year that witnessed the first tentative steps to square NILP policies. Protestant workers had clearly suffered economic impoverishment at the hands of an ‘inept’ Unionist regime.
Karen Garner
- Published in print:
- 2021
- Published Online:
- May 2022
- ISBN:
- 9781526157294
- eISBN:
- 9781526166616
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7765/9781526100856.00008
- Subject:
- History, Military History
This chapter focuses on European relations to 1939, as Britain’s government led by Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain took the lead among the Western democracies in appeasing the increasingly ...
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This chapter focuses on European relations to 1939, as Britain’s government led by Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain took the lead among the Western democracies in appeasing the increasingly aggressive European fascist dictators, and attempted to settle some long-running disputes with Ireland’s Taoiseach, Eamon de Valera. In 1938, de Valera, Chamberlain, and Britain’s Secretary of State for the Dominions, Malcolm MacDonald, came to a meeting of minds regarding some outstanding Anglo-Irish issues that the 1920 Government of Ireland Act and 1921 Treaty had never resolved to the Irish nationalists’ satisfaction. Their new 1938 Treaty settlement, as well as Chamberlain’s appeasement policies toward Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy, incensed Winston Churchill, who was out of power and seated on the back benches in Parliament. In particular, the 1938 Treaty returned control of Irish naval ports to de Valera’s government, thus removing the British Navy’s presence from strategic defensive harbors, a dangerous concession that Churchill predicted Britain would regret when it was inevitably drawn into war with the fascist powers. Sharing Churchill’s views, American reporter Helen Kirkpatrick voiced similarly strong anti-appeasement critiques in her publications. Meanwhile, President Franklin Roosevelt also expressed diplomatic reservations in tentative proposals to alert his isolationist political opponents in the United States to the fascist powers’ threats to all democratic states.Less
This chapter focuses on European relations to 1939, as Britain’s government led by Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain took the lead among the Western democracies in appeasing the increasingly aggressive European fascist dictators, and attempted to settle some long-running disputes with Ireland’s Taoiseach, Eamon de Valera. In 1938, de Valera, Chamberlain, and Britain’s Secretary of State for the Dominions, Malcolm MacDonald, came to a meeting of minds regarding some outstanding Anglo-Irish issues that the 1920 Government of Ireland Act and 1921 Treaty had never resolved to the Irish nationalists’ satisfaction. Their new 1938 Treaty settlement, as well as Chamberlain’s appeasement policies toward Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy, incensed Winston Churchill, who was out of power and seated on the back benches in Parliament. In particular, the 1938 Treaty returned control of Irish naval ports to de Valera’s government, thus removing the British Navy’s presence from strategic defensive harbors, a dangerous concession that Churchill predicted Britain would regret when it was inevitably drawn into war with the fascist powers. Sharing Churchill’s views, American reporter Helen Kirkpatrick voiced similarly strong anti-appeasement critiques in her publications. Meanwhile, President Franklin Roosevelt also expressed diplomatic reservations in tentative proposals to alert his isolationist political opponents in the United States to the fascist powers’ threats to all democratic states.
Karen Garner
- Published in print:
- 2021
- Published Online:
- May 2022
- ISBN:
- 9781526157294
- eISBN:
- 9781526166616
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7765/9781526100856
- Subject:
- History, Military History
Friends and enemies: The Allies and neutral Ireland in the Second World War examines the personal friendships and embittered conflicts among British, American, and Irish national leaders, their ...
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Friends and enemies: The Allies and neutral Ireland in the Second World War examines the personal friendships and embittered conflicts among British, American, and Irish national leaders, their Dublin-based foreign policy advisers, and an American journalist as those relationships warmed and cooled, shifting in response to their nations’ fortunes during the six years’ war. The dominant personalities of Winston Churchill, Franklin D. Roosevelt, and Eamon de Valera, marked by their distinctive prejudices and predilections, in combination with the culturally and historically specific British, American, and Irish masculine ideologies that prescribed their privileged and powerful roles, determined the ways that they each constructed politically useful national identities and war stories. Through their public addresses and in their private correspondence and recollections, they associated specific character traits, behaviors, allegiances, and affinities with themselves, their nations’ male citizens, and with their personal “friends” and national allies, as they distinguished themselves from their “enemies” in order to rally their compatriots to either support – or reject – the most consequential of all political projects: to go to war. Churchill’s, Roosevelt’s, and de Valera’s constructions of those identities and narratives, shared and reinforced by their advisers and propagandists, helped to shape the emotional, patriotic, and gendered experiences of the Second World War among their nations’ people, as well as their nations’ wartime policies.Less
Friends and enemies: The Allies and neutral Ireland in the Second World War examines the personal friendships and embittered conflicts among British, American, and Irish national leaders, their Dublin-based foreign policy advisers, and an American journalist as those relationships warmed and cooled, shifting in response to their nations’ fortunes during the six years’ war. The dominant personalities of Winston Churchill, Franklin D. Roosevelt, and Eamon de Valera, marked by their distinctive prejudices and predilections, in combination with the culturally and historically specific British, American, and Irish masculine ideologies that prescribed their privileged and powerful roles, determined the ways that they each constructed politically useful national identities and war stories. Through their public addresses and in their private correspondence and recollections, they associated specific character traits, behaviors, allegiances, and affinities with themselves, their nations’ male citizens, and with their personal “friends” and national allies, as they distinguished themselves from their “enemies” in order to rally their compatriots to either support – or reject – the most consequential of all political projects: to go to war. Churchill’s, Roosevelt’s, and de Valera’s constructions of those identities and narratives, shared and reinforced by their advisers and propagandists, helped to shape the emotional, patriotic, and gendered experiences of the Second World War among their nations’ people, as well as their nations’ wartime policies.
