Avner de-Shalit
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199240388
- eISBN:
- 9780191599033
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199240388.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Environmental Politics
When constructing environmental policies in democratic regimes, there is a need for a theory that can be used not only by academics but also by politicians and activists. So why has the major part of ...
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When constructing environmental policies in democratic regimes, there is a need for a theory that can be used not only by academics but also by politicians and activists. So why has the major part of environmental ethics failed to penetrate environmental policy and serve as its rationale? Obviously, there is a gap between the questions that environmental philosophers discuss and the issues that motivate environmental activists. Avner de‐Shalit attempts to bridge this gap by combining tools of political philosophy with questions of environmental ethics and environmental politics. He defends a radical position in relation to both environmental protection and social policies, in order to put forward a political theory, which is not only philosophically sound, but also relevant to the practice of environmental activism. The author argues that several directions in environmental ethics can be at odds with the contemporary political debates surrounding environmental politics. He then goes on to examine the environmental scope of liberalism, communitarianism, participatory democracy, and socialism, and concludes that while elements of liberalism and communitarianism may support environmental protection, it is participatory democracy and a modified version of socialism that are crucial for protecting the environment.Less
When constructing environmental policies in democratic regimes, there is a need for a theory that can be used not only by academics but also by politicians and activists. So why has the major part of environmental ethics failed to penetrate environmental policy and serve as its rationale? Obviously, there is a gap between the questions that environmental philosophers discuss and the issues that motivate environmental activists. Avner de‐Shalit attempts to bridge this gap by combining tools of political philosophy with questions of environmental ethics and environmental politics. He defends a radical position in relation to both environmental protection and social policies, in order to put forward a political theory, which is not only philosophically sound, but also relevant to the practice of environmental activism. The author argues that several directions in environmental ethics can be at odds with the contemporary political debates surrounding environmental politics. He then goes on to examine the environmental scope of liberalism, communitarianism, participatory democracy, and socialism, and concludes that while elements of liberalism and communitarianism may support environmental protection, it is participatory democracy and a modified version of socialism that are crucial for protecting the environment.
Frank Hendriks
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199572786
- eISBN:
- 9780191722370
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199572786.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Political Theory
Vital Democracy outlines a theory of democracy in action, based on four elementary forms of democracy – pendulum, consensus, voter, and participatory democracy – that are thoroughly ...
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Vital Democracy outlines a theory of democracy in action, based on four elementary forms of democracy – pendulum, consensus, voter, and participatory democracy – that are thoroughly analysed, compared, and related to both the literature and the real world of democracy. Just as a few primary colours produce an array of shades, a few basic models of democracy appear, the author argues, to constitute a wide range of democratic variants in real life. Focusing on tried and tested democratic institutions, Frank Hendriks shows that the four models of democracy – with their divergent patterns of leadership, citizenship, and governance, their inherent strengths and weaknesses – are never purely instantiated. He argues that wherever democracy is practised with some level of success, it is always as hybrid democracy, thereby challenging those democratic reformers and theorists that have inspired the quest for democratic purity. Vital Democracy builds on Arend Lijphart's well‐known work which distinguishes between majoritarian and consensual democratic countries but also goes well beyond it, urging attention to non‐national, non‐formal, and non‐representative expressions of democracy as well.Less
Vital Democracy outlines a theory of democracy in action, based on four elementary forms of democracy – pendulum, consensus, voter, and participatory democracy – that are thoroughly analysed, compared, and related to both the literature and the real world of democracy. Just as a few primary colours produce an array of shades, a few basic models of democracy appear, the author argues, to constitute a wide range of democratic variants in real life. Focusing on tried and tested democratic institutions, Frank Hendriks shows that the four models of democracy – with their divergent patterns of leadership, citizenship, and governance, their inherent strengths and weaknesses – are never purely instantiated. He argues that wherever democracy is practised with some level of success, it is always as hybrid democracy, thereby challenging those democratic reformers and theorists that have inspired the quest for democratic purity. Vital Democracy builds on Arend Lijphart's well‐known work which distinguishes between majoritarian and consensual democratic countries but also goes well beyond it, urging attention to non‐national, non‐formal, and non‐representative expressions of democracy as well.
Avner de‐Shalit
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199240388
- eISBN:
- 9780191599033
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199240388.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Environmental Politics
What sort of democracy is more likely to sustain environment‐friendly policies? Unlike a number of recent works that have praised representative democracy as the optimal form of democracy for the ...
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What sort of democracy is more likely to sustain environment‐friendly policies? Unlike a number of recent works that have praised representative democracy as the optimal form of democracy for the environment, it is argued that the more deliberative and participatory the democracy the more environment friendly it will be. It is shown that many environmental activists support such conclusions.Less
What sort of democracy is more likely to sustain environment‐friendly policies? Unlike a number of recent works that have praised representative democracy as the optimal form of democracy for the environment, it is argued that the more deliberative and participatory the democracy the more environment friendly it will be. It is shown that many environmental activists support such conclusions.
Luiz Carlos Bresser-Pereira
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- November 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199261185
- eISBN:
- 9780191601507
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199261180.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
In the more developed countries, democracy was liberal in the first part of the twentieth century, social-democratic in the second part, and now is in transition to republican or participative ...
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In the more developed countries, democracy was liberal in the first part of the twentieth century, social-democratic in the second part, and now is in transition to republican or participative democracy. Liberal democracy followed Schumpeter’s definition and was elitist. Social-democracy may also be called “plural” and “public opinion democracy”, in so far as electors’ general views become politicians’ central concern. Recently democracy is turning republican or participatory, as the public space becomes a reality and an increasing number of citizens seek to influence political decisions through civil society’s organizations either representing group interests or directly promoting the public interest. In the future, we may think in a deliberative democracy, as public debate gains density, political advocacy gains strength, and politicians’ accountability is enhanced. A short survey of the literature on participative democracy substantiates the argument.Less
In the more developed countries, democracy was liberal in the first part of the twentieth century, social-democratic in the second part, and now is in transition to republican or participative democracy. Liberal democracy followed Schumpeter’s definition and was elitist. Social-democracy may also be called “plural” and “public opinion democracy”, in so far as electors’ general views become politicians’ central concern. Recently democracy is turning republican or participatory, as the public space becomes a reality and an increasing number of citizens seek to influence political decisions through civil society’s organizations either representing group interests or directly promoting the public interest. In the future, we may think in a deliberative democracy, as public debate gains density, political advocacy gains strength, and politicians’ accountability is enhanced. A short survey of the literature on participative democracy substantiates the argument.
Françoise Montambeault
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780804795166
- eISBN:
- 9780804796576
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804795166.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Participatory democracy institutional innovations aimed at bringing citizens back into local governance processes are now at the core of the international democratic development agenda. Around the ...
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Participatory democracy institutional innovations aimed at bringing citizens back into local governance processes are now at the core of the international democratic development agenda. Around the world, and especially in Latin America, many local governments, from left and right, have implemented mechanisms to formally include citizens’ input in decision-making processes at the local level. How is the assumed democratization potential of participatory mechanisms actually realized in practice? Institutionalized participatory mechanisms are not, in fact, a panacea against all of democracy’s ills. They have had mixed results in practice at the municipal level, between countries but also between municipalities within a single country, as is the case for Mexico’s participatory planning mechanisms and for Brazil’s participatory budgeting programs. Under what conditions is such institutional change more likely to succeed? Drawing from a comparative study of five participatory democracy experiences located in two Mexican cities and two Brazilian cities, the book develops a conceptual and comparative framework to better understand democratic success by looking at the variety of state-society relationships observed within these institutions. It offers a set of theoretical tools that grasp the variety of empirical realities observed in practice, and seeks to explain them. The novel comparison undertaken reveals that if institutional design matters, then how these institutional mechanisms are appropriated by political and social actors is even more important as it conditions the potential for an autonomous civil society to emerge and actively engage with the local state.Less
Participatory democracy institutional innovations aimed at bringing citizens back into local governance processes are now at the core of the international democratic development agenda. Around the world, and especially in Latin America, many local governments, from left and right, have implemented mechanisms to formally include citizens’ input in decision-making processes at the local level. How is the assumed democratization potential of participatory mechanisms actually realized in practice? Institutionalized participatory mechanisms are not, in fact, a panacea against all of democracy’s ills. They have had mixed results in practice at the municipal level, between countries but also between municipalities within a single country, as is the case for Mexico’s participatory planning mechanisms and for Brazil’s participatory budgeting programs. Under what conditions is such institutional change more likely to succeed? Drawing from a comparative study of five participatory democracy experiences located in two Mexican cities and two Brazilian cities, the book develops a conceptual and comparative framework to better understand democratic success by looking at the variety of state-society relationships observed within these institutions. It offers a set of theoretical tools that grasp the variety of empirical realities observed in practice, and seeks to explain them. The novel comparison undertaken reveals that if institutional design matters, then how these institutional mechanisms are appropriated by political and social actors is even more important as it conditions the potential for an autonomous civil society to emerge and actively engage with the local state.
Frank Hendriks
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199572786
- eISBN:
- 9780191722370
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199572786.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Political Theory
Democracy is defined as a political system in which citizens rule, either by themselves or through others that are elected, influenced, and controlled by the people, in a way that puts each citizen ...
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Democracy is defined as a political system in which citizens rule, either by themselves or through others that are elected, influenced, and controlled by the people, in a way that puts each citizen on a par with every other. After the rise and fall of the Athenian and Roman archetypes of democracy and republicanism, the idea of citizen rule was shelved for a long time. This chapter discusses how democracy revived in subsequent waves of democratization, and how multiformity and multi‐interpretability became inevitable characteristics of democratic life. Consequently, democracy comes in many shapes and forms, many definitions and categorizations. This chapter presents an abstraction of this multitude by specifying four crucial variations on the general theme of democracy, juxtaposing the dimensions of direct versus indirect democracy and integrative versus aggregative democracy. This results in four ideal types: pendulum democracy (indirect‐aggregative), consensus democracy (indirect‐integrative), participatory democracy (direct‐integrative), voter democracy (direct‐aggregative).Less
Democracy is defined as a political system in which citizens rule, either by themselves or through others that are elected, influenced, and controlled by the people, in a way that puts each citizen on a par with every other. After the rise and fall of the Athenian and Roman archetypes of democracy and republicanism, the idea of citizen rule was shelved for a long time. This chapter discusses how democracy revived in subsequent waves of democratization, and how multiformity and multi‐interpretability became inevitable characteristics of democratic life. Consequently, democracy comes in many shapes and forms, many definitions and categorizations. This chapter presents an abstraction of this multitude by specifying four crucial variations on the general theme of democracy, juxtaposing the dimensions of direct versus indirect democracy and integrative versus aggregative democracy. This results in four ideal types: pendulum democracy (indirect‐aggregative), consensus democracy (indirect‐integrative), participatory democracy (direct‐integrative), voter democracy (direct‐aggregative).
Koen P.R. Bartels
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781447318507
- eISBN:
- 9781447318521
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781447318507.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Public Policy
This chapter reviews the theoretical debate on participatory democracy and develops a focus on public encounters. This leads to an explanation of the theory and practice of communicative capacity and ...
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This chapter reviews the theoretical debate on participatory democracy and develops a focus on public encounters. This leads to an explanation of the theory and practice of communicative capacity and how this framework is used to analyse the case studies. The theoretical review reveals that public encounters did not feature in the work of the first advocates of participatory democracy, but evolved into an important medium for putting it into practice. However, public encounters have mainly been considered within a framework of democratic political theory, primarily within the deliberative democracy literature. Existing studies of communicative practices are of limited help in appreciating and understanding how participatory encounters generate new types of practices. The work of Mary Follett provides a framework for understanding public encounters on their own terms. Such integrative encounters will not necessarily happen organically; citizens and public professionals need to communicatively enact the quality of their encounters in a shared, evolving practice. The theory of communicative capacity provides a theoretical and practical framework for doing so.Less
This chapter reviews the theoretical debate on participatory democracy and develops a focus on public encounters. This leads to an explanation of the theory and practice of communicative capacity and how this framework is used to analyse the case studies. The theoretical review reveals that public encounters did not feature in the work of the first advocates of participatory democracy, but evolved into an important medium for putting it into practice. However, public encounters have mainly been considered within a framework of democratic political theory, primarily within the deliberative democracy literature. Existing studies of communicative practices are of limited help in appreciating and understanding how participatory encounters generate new types of practices. The work of Mary Follett provides a framework for understanding public encounters on their own terms. Such integrative encounters will not necessarily happen organically; citizens and public professionals need to communicatively enact the quality of their encounters in a shared, evolving practice. The theory of communicative capacity provides a theoretical and practical framework for doing so.
Robert E. Goodin
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199256174
- eISBN:
- 9780191599354
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199256179.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Introduces Goodin's proposed model of reflective democracy, which is fundamentally liberal democracy. It starts by situating the overall project—which is an attempt to identify deliberative ...
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Introduces Goodin's proposed model of reflective democracy, which is fundamentally liberal democracy. It starts by situating the overall project—which is an attempt to identify deliberative democratic methods for evoking more reflective preferences as inputs into the political process—in the more familiar traditions/theories of democratic discourse: democratic elitism, participatory democracy, and deliberative democracy. It then goes on to discuss the model of reflective democracy chosen in more detail, by looking at its precepts. These are: that inputs matter, not just outputs; that thoughts matter, not just acts, and that the mute matter, not just the vocal. The plan of the book is then outlined, with a note on what it does not include.Less
Introduces Goodin's proposed model of reflective democracy, which is fundamentally liberal democracy. It starts by situating the overall project—which is an attempt to identify deliberative democratic methods for evoking more reflective preferences as inputs into the political process—in the more familiar traditions/theories of democratic discourse: democratic elitism, participatory democracy, and deliberative democracy. It then goes on to discuss the model of reflective democracy chosen in more detail, by looking at its precepts. These are: that inputs matter, not just outputs; that thoughts matter, not just acts, and that the mute matter, not just the vocal. The plan of the book is then outlined, with a note on what it does not include.
Françoise Montambeault
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780804795166
- eISBN:
- 9780804796576
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804795166.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The Introduction sets up the theoretical and empirical puzzles of the book. In Mexico and Brazil, participatory democracy reforms have been implemented as part of an emerging democratizing discourse ...
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The Introduction sets up the theoretical and empirical puzzles of the book. In Mexico and Brazil, participatory democracy reforms have been implemented as part of an emerging democratizing discourse among political parties to which citizen participation was central. In practice, however, these reforms have had mixed results, between countries and also between municipalities within a single country, as in the case of Mexico and Brazil. How do we explain success? And more important, how do we define success? The Introduction poses the debate around these two questions, presenting the theoretical arguments developed and the novel comparative method used to empirically demonstrate these arguments.Less
The Introduction sets up the theoretical and empirical puzzles of the book. In Mexico and Brazil, participatory democracy reforms have been implemented as part of an emerging democratizing discourse among political parties to which citizen participation was central. In practice, however, these reforms have had mixed results, between countries and also between municipalities within a single country, as in the case of Mexico and Brazil. How do we explain success? And more important, how do we define success? The Introduction poses the debate around these two questions, presenting the theoretical arguments developed and the novel comparative method used to empirically demonstrate these arguments.
Koen P.R. Bartels
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781447318507
- eISBN:
- 9781447318521
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781447318507.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Public Policy
Participatory democracy has become an unshakable norm and widespread practice. Nowadays, public professionals and citizens regularly encounter each other in participatory practice to address shared ...
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Participatory democracy has become an unshakable norm and widespread practice. Nowadays, public professionals and citizens regularly encounter each other in participatory practice to address shared problems. But while the frequency, pace, and diversity of their public encounters has increased, communicating productively in participatory practice remains a challenging, fragile, and demanding undertaking that often runs astray. This book explores how citizens and public professionals communicate, why this is so difficult, and what could lead to more productive conversations. This done by comparing cases of community participation in neighbourhood governance in three European countries (the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, and Italy). An emergent, grounded theory is presented based on interpretive research of the narratives citizens and public professionals tell about participatory practice. The theory of communicative capacity holds that citizens and public professionals tend to sustain habitual communicative patterns that limit their ability to cooperatively solve the problems they are facing together. Therefore, they need the ability to recognise and break through these habitual patterns by adapting the nature, tone, and conditions of conversations to the ‘law of the situation’. Exercising communicative capacity will enable public professionals and citizens to have more integrative encounters leading to shared understandings, joint activities, and cooperative relating. As such, the book presents policy makers, practitioners, students, and academics with a much needed evidence base for understanding and appreciating the often overlooked impact of communicative practices in participatory theory and practice.Less
Participatory democracy has become an unshakable norm and widespread practice. Nowadays, public professionals and citizens regularly encounter each other in participatory practice to address shared problems. But while the frequency, pace, and diversity of their public encounters has increased, communicating productively in participatory practice remains a challenging, fragile, and demanding undertaking that often runs astray. This book explores how citizens and public professionals communicate, why this is so difficult, and what could lead to more productive conversations. This done by comparing cases of community participation in neighbourhood governance in three European countries (the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, and Italy). An emergent, grounded theory is presented based on interpretive research of the narratives citizens and public professionals tell about participatory practice. The theory of communicative capacity holds that citizens and public professionals tend to sustain habitual communicative patterns that limit their ability to cooperatively solve the problems they are facing together. Therefore, they need the ability to recognise and break through these habitual patterns by adapting the nature, tone, and conditions of conversations to the ‘law of the situation’. Exercising communicative capacity will enable public professionals and citizens to have more integrative encounters leading to shared understandings, joint activities, and cooperative relating. As such, the book presents policy makers, practitioners, students, and academics with a much needed evidence base for understanding and appreciating the often overlooked impact of communicative practices in participatory theory and practice.
Craig T. Borowiak
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199778256
- eISBN:
- 9780199919086
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199778256.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory, International Relations and Politics
This chapter turns to the participatory democracy of ancient Athens to summon alternative possibilities for realizing democratic accountability in contemporary life. For the Athenians, democratic ...
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This chapter turns to the participatory democracy of ancient Athens to summon alternative possibilities for realizing democratic accountability in contemporary life. For the Athenians, democratic accountability was valuable not only for negative, protective reasons relating to the corruptibility of citizens and the tendency of officials to subvert the public good. It also played a vital role in generating political community and, thereby, in the constitution of the public good. Virtually every male citizen served in public office at some time. And everyone who served in public office faced public accountability proceedings before, during, and after their term in office. Gaps existed between rulers and the ruled such that public power could be abused, but those gaps were mobilized to spread both accountability and power among citizens. Entering into public view and being held publicly accountable were part of the process through which citizens were gathered together and related to one another as political equals in what Hannah Arendt called a “common world.” Such an understanding of mutual accountability as constitutive of community offers an instructive contrast to shallower treatments of accountability within recent debates.Less
This chapter turns to the participatory democracy of ancient Athens to summon alternative possibilities for realizing democratic accountability in contemporary life. For the Athenians, democratic accountability was valuable not only for negative, protective reasons relating to the corruptibility of citizens and the tendency of officials to subvert the public good. It also played a vital role in generating political community and, thereby, in the constitution of the public good. Virtually every male citizen served in public office at some time. And everyone who served in public office faced public accountability proceedings before, during, and after their term in office. Gaps existed between rulers and the ruled such that public power could be abused, but those gaps were mobilized to spread both accountability and power among citizens. Entering into public view and being held publicly accountable were part of the process through which citizens were gathered together and related to one another as political equals in what Hannah Arendt called a “common world.” Such an understanding of mutual accountability as constitutive of community offers an instructive contrast to shallower treatments of accountability within recent debates.
Albert W. Dzur
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199874095
- eISBN:
- 9780199980024
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199874095.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
As in the previous chapter, this chapter seeks to uproot entrenched intellectual obstacles to participatory democracy, this time within political theory. Lay citizens without the guidance of experts ...
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As in the previous chapter, this chapter seeks to uproot entrenched intellectual obstacles to participatory democracy, this time within political theory. Lay citizens without the guidance of experts are commonly viewed as handicapped by lack of knowledge, experience, and by being too numerous; even democratic theorists like Rousseau are modest about citizens’ ability to govern themselves without strict institutional constraints. Mainstream political science, exemplified by Hibbing and Theiss-Morse, provides apparent empirical support for more rather than less expert and representative government by showing lay citizens as uninterested in greater participation or civic responsibility. Progressive intellectuals Wolin and Morone have also argued that once integrated into formal governmental institutions, popular participation becomes co-opted and counterproductive. To overcome these challenges, this chapter introduces the concept of rational disorganization, the idea that power-sharing collaboration between laypeople and officials on complex tasks, such as reaching a verdict, draws on public practical reason, allows for reflexivity about rules and procedures, and permits greater attention to individual cases. Rational disorganization explains how participatory democratic institutions like the jury empower and give responsibility to citizens without overburdening or bureaucratizing them.Less
As in the previous chapter, this chapter seeks to uproot entrenched intellectual obstacles to participatory democracy, this time within political theory. Lay citizens without the guidance of experts are commonly viewed as handicapped by lack of knowledge, experience, and by being too numerous; even democratic theorists like Rousseau are modest about citizens’ ability to govern themselves without strict institutional constraints. Mainstream political science, exemplified by Hibbing and Theiss-Morse, provides apparent empirical support for more rather than less expert and representative government by showing lay citizens as uninterested in greater participation or civic responsibility. Progressive intellectuals Wolin and Morone have also argued that once integrated into formal governmental institutions, popular participation becomes co-opted and counterproductive. To overcome these challenges, this chapter introduces the concept of rational disorganization, the idea that power-sharing collaboration between laypeople and officials on complex tasks, such as reaching a verdict, draws on public practical reason, allows for reflexivity about rules and procedures, and permits greater attention to individual cases. Rational disorganization explains how participatory democratic institutions like the jury empower and give responsibility to citizens without overburdening or bureaucratizing them.
Frank Hendriks
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199572786
- eISBN:
- 9780191722370
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199572786.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Political Theory
In the opening debate, the four models of democracy – central to the main text of the book – are discussed by ‘six characters in search of democracy’. The six, reunited former members of a Politics ...
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In the opening debate, the four models of democracy – central to the main text of the book – are discussed by ‘six characters in search of democracy’. The six, reunited former members of a Politics and Democracy reading group, personify different positions in the general debate about democracy, and in plain language they express different preferences regarding (in)direct democracy as well as (non‐)majoritarian democracy. At some point during their talks, one of them summarizes the various positions, along lines similar to the ones that are central to this book.Less
In the opening debate, the four models of democracy – central to the main text of the book – are discussed by ‘six characters in search of democracy’. The six, reunited former members of a Politics and Democracy reading group, personify different positions in the general debate about democracy, and in plain language they express different preferences regarding (in)direct democracy as well as (non‐)majoritarian democracy. At some point during their talks, one of them summarizes the various positions, along lines similar to the ones that are central to this book.
Pierre Rosanvallon
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691149486
- eISBN:
- 9781400838745
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691149486.003.0013
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter explores recent practices of participatory democracy. A government is said to be close to its citizens if it does not stand on ceremony, if it is prepared to step down from its pedestal ...
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This chapter explores recent practices of participatory democracy. A government is said to be close to its citizens if it does not stand on ceremony, if it is prepared to step down from its pedestal to confront criticism directly and engage in debate or seek outside opinions—in other words, if it recognizes that formal institutions are not enough and that it must seek to establish more flexible and direct relations with the people. Since the 1990s, many initiatives of this sort have been attempted in any number of countries. Although the number of such experiments remains relatively small, the interest they have aroused attests to a profound evolution in our perception of what constitutes a legitimate government.Less
This chapter explores recent practices of participatory democracy. A government is said to be close to its citizens if it does not stand on ceremony, if it is prepared to step down from its pedestal to confront criticism directly and engage in debate or seek outside opinions—in other words, if it recognizes that formal institutions are not enough and that it must seek to establish more flexible and direct relations with the people. Since the 1990s, many initiatives of this sort have been attempted in any number of countries. Although the number of such experiments remains relatively small, the interest they have aroused attests to a profound evolution in our perception of what constitutes a legitimate government.
Robert Innes, Leigh Gilchrist, Susan Friedman, and Kristen Tompkins
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780823268795
- eISBN:
- 9780823272518
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fordham/9780823268795.003.0002
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Cultural Studies
The educational philosophy of John Dewey and the contemporary constructivist learning theories that have evolved from his pragmatist perspective provide a foundation for guiding efforts to introduce ...
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The educational philosophy of John Dewey and the contemporary constructivist learning theories that have evolved from his pragmatist perspective provide a foundation for guiding efforts to introduce higher education reforms that harmonize the three global missions of the university: teaching and learning, research and scholarship, and service to communities and society. A broad principle of Dewey’s perspective is that useful knowledge is the unity of abstraction and application (i.e., praxis). Useful knowledge is constructed in communities of inquiry when learners in classrooms and participants in university-community partnerships engage in dialog to solve meaningful problems. Core concepts and practices consistent with pragmatism and constructivism are explored (e.g., participatory democracy, dialogic discourse, project-based learning, service learning, participatory research) in the context of efforts to enhance the quality of communication across cultural barriers in both the classroom and the community.Less
The educational philosophy of John Dewey and the contemporary constructivist learning theories that have evolved from his pragmatist perspective provide a foundation for guiding efforts to introduce higher education reforms that harmonize the three global missions of the university: teaching and learning, research and scholarship, and service to communities and society. A broad principle of Dewey’s perspective is that useful knowledge is the unity of abstraction and application (i.e., praxis). Useful knowledge is constructed in communities of inquiry when learners in classrooms and participants in university-community partnerships engage in dialog to solve meaningful problems. Core concepts and practices consistent with pragmatism and constructivism are explored (e.g., participatory democracy, dialogic discourse, project-based learning, service learning, participatory research) in the context of efforts to enhance the quality of communication across cultural barriers in both the classroom and the community.
Koen P.R. Bartels
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781447318507
- eISBN:
- 9781447318521
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781447318507.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Public Policy
This chapter introduces the topic, main argument, and structure of the book. It stresses the tremendous increase of participatory democracy and the associated rise in public encounters. Pointing out ...
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This chapter introduces the topic, main argument, and structure of the book. It stresses the tremendous increase of participatory democracy and the associated rise in public encounters. Pointing out that more contact making does not automatically mean more sense making together, it presents the theory of communicative capacity as an important contribution to participatory theory and practice. It explains how this theory differs from existing democratic political theory and adds to other work on communication. The chapter ends with an overview of the plan of the book, including a brief background to the three cases and their interpretive analysis.Less
This chapter introduces the topic, main argument, and structure of the book. It stresses the tremendous increase of participatory democracy and the associated rise in public encounters. Pointing out that more contact making does not automatically mean more sense making together, it presents the theory of communicative capacity as an important contribution to participatory theory and practice. It explains how this theory differs from existing democratic political theory and adds to other work on communication. The chapter ends with an overview of the plan of the book, including a brief background to the three cases and their interpretive analysis.
Koen P.R. Bartels
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781447318507
- eISBN:
- 9781447318521
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781447318507.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Public Policy
This chapter explains how we can understand public encounters in participatory practice in terms of the communicative in-between and the capacity transpiring from it. In light of the findings of the ...
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This chapter explains how we can understand public encounters in participatory practice in terms of the communicative in-between and the capacity transpiring from it. In light of the findings of the preceding four chapters, it argues that participatory democracy often fails to achieve its desirable purposes because public professionals and citizens tend to uphold habitual patterns of communication. They usually do not recognise how they enact these patterns, and those who do seem unable to change much about the habitual ‘on-going business’, ‘actionable understandings’, and ‘regimes of competence’ of their encounters. Therefore, the chapter concludes that the theory of communicative capacity can lead to better understand and improve public encounters in participatory theory and practice. The chapter ends with a call for more attention to how communicative capacity is exercised, what inhibits it, and how we can aid public professionals and citizens in having more productive conversations.Less
This chapter explains how we can understand public encounters in participatory practice in terms of the communicative in-between and the capacity transpiring from it. In light of the findings of the preceding four chapters, it argues that participatory democracy often fails to achieve its desirable purposes because public professionals and citizens tend to uphold habitual patterns of communication. They usually do not recognise how they enact these patterns, and those who do seem unable to change much about the habitual ‘on-going business’, ‘actionable understandings’, and ‘regimes of competence’ of their encounters. Therefore, the chapter concludes that the theory of communicative capacity can lead to better understand and improve public encounters in participatory theory and practice. The chapter ends with a call for more attention to how communicative capacity is exercised, what inhibits it, and how we can aid public professionals and citizens in having more productive conversations.
Ben Berger
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691144689
- eISBN:
- 9781400840311
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691144689.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This book has argued that civic engagement is a hopelessly confusing term and therefore should give way to political, social, and moral engagement. It has also critiqued idealistic conceptions of ...
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This book has argued that civic engagement is a hopelessly confusing term and therefore should give way to political, social, and moral engagement. It has also critiqued idealistic conceptions of participatory democracy for aiming for the Full Monty: high and widespread political engagement among all citizens, all (or much) of the time, in spite of citizens' long-standing inclinations toward the opposite. Some idealistic theories of democracy, the Full Monty versions, have asked too much of citizens' tastes, attention, and energy. This concluding chapter proposes three approaches to improving democracy that conform to Alexis de Tocqueville's premises and insights: changing our approach to politics and political mobilization, changing ourselves, and changing our institutions.Less
This book has argued that civic engagement is a hopelessly confusing term and therefore should give way to political, social, and moral engagement. It has also critiqued idealistic conceptions of participatory democracy for aiming for the Full Monty: high and widespread political engagement among all citizens, all (or much) of the time, in spite of citizens' long-standing inclinations toward the opposite. Some idealistic theories of democracy, the Full Monty versions, have asked too much of citizens' tastes, attention, and energy. This concluding chapter proposes three approaches to improving democracy that conform to Alexis de Tocqueville's premises and insights: changing our approach to politics and political mobilization, changing ourselves, and changing our institutions.
P. P. Craig
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198256373
- eISBN:
- 9780191681646
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198256373.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
This book has two themes. The ‘minor’ theme is that the content and direction of both constitutional and administrative law are integrally related. The ‘major’ theme is that their nature and content ...
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This book has two themes. The ‘minor’ theme is that the content and direction of both constitutional and administrative law are integrally related. The ‘major’ theme is that their nature and content can only be properly understood against the background political theory which a society actually espouses, or against such a background which a particular commentator believes a society should espouse. The book brings the fruits of writings in political science and political theory to bear on the issues of public law. A critical examination of the centralist democratic views of Dicey is followed by an extensive discussion of a variety of pluralist theories of democracy, tracing their development in the USA from the early 20th century to their more sophisticated recent versions. A similar analysis is applied to a cross-section of English pluralists, and in all cases the discussion is followed by a criticism of the views expounded and an exploration of their implications for public law. Considerable space is devoted to the examination of Rawls’ views and their implications for public law and to a discussion of Republicanism and radical participatory democracy arguments.Less
This book has two themes. The ‘minor’ theme is that the content and direction of both constitutional and administrative law are integrally related. The ‘major’ theme is that their nature and content can only be properly understood against the background political theory which a society actually espouses, or against such a background which a particular commentator believes a society should espouse. The book brings the fruits of writings in political science and political theory to bear on the issues of public law. A critical examination of the centralist democratic views of Dicey is followed by an extensive discussion of a variety of pluralist theories of democracy, tracing their development in the USA from the early 20th century to their more sophisticated recent versions. A similar analysis is applied to a cross-section of English pluralists, and in all cases the discussion is followed by a criticism of the views expounded and an exploration of their implications for public law. Considerable space is devoted to the examination of Rawls’ views and their implications for public law and to a discussion of Republicanism and radical participatory democracy arguments.
Beate Kohler-Koch and Christine Quittkat
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199674596
- eISBN:
- 9780191756221
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199674596.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
The democratic legitimacy of the European Union has become an increasingly urgent issue. In searching for a way out, academics, EU institutions and political forces advocate the involvement of civil ...
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The democratic legitimacy of the European Union has become an increasingly urgent issue. In searching for a way out, academics, EU institutions and political forces advocate the involvement of civil society. The Commission’s new governance approach and finally the Lisbon Treaty introduced elements of participatory democracy and elevated civil society to a key actor in democratizing the EU. Does this hold upon closer scrutiny? This is the main question of this book. It investigates how the promise of civil society participation is put into practice and, based on an elaborate theoretical framework, evaluates whether the political practice deserves the quality attribute “participatory democracy”. The book presents the results of a large research project composed of several highly original empirical studies. The research team used various methodological approaches and generated a rich data set. The wealth of empirical insight is evaluated against clear criteria deduced from normative democratic theory. As key elements of the analyses – democracy, participation, and civil society – are contested concepts, the authors placed particular emphasize on clarifying their understanding of these concepts and on considering competing interpretations. By relying on a consistent theoretical approach the authors present an unusually balanced evaluation. They come to convincing, though rather skeptical conclusions. Civil society participation in EU governance is not the democratic remedy its advocates had hoped for. This may not be a welcome but nevertheless it is an important finding both for European decision-makers, for civil society organizations and for scholars.Less
The democratic legitimacy of the European Union has become an increasingly urgent issue. In searching for a way out, academics, EU institutions and political forces advocate the involvement of civil society. The Commission’s new governance approach and finally the Lisbon Treaty introduced elements of participatory democracy and elevated civil society to a key actor in democratizing the EU. Does this hold upon closer scrutiny? This is the main question of this book. It investigates how the promise of civil society participation is put into practice and, based on an elaborate theoretical framework, evaluates whether the political practice deserves the quality attribute “participatory democracy”. The book presents the results of a large research project composed of several highly original empirical studies. The research team used various methodological approaches and generated a rich data set. The wealth of empirical insight is evaluated against clear criteria deduced from normative democratic theory. As key elements of the analyses – democracy, participation, and civil society – are contested concepts, the authors placed particular emphasize on clarifying their understanding of these concepts and on considering competing interpretations. By relying on a consistent theoretical approach the authors present an unusually balanced evaluation. They come to convincing, though rather skeptical conclusions. Civil society participation in EU governance is not the democratic remedy its advocates had hoped for. This may not be a welcome but nevertheless it is an important finding both for European decision-makers, for civil society organizations and for scholars.
