Miles Taylor
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198204824
- eISBN:
- 9780191676413
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198204824.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Political History
The chapter looks at the trend showing the extent to which the reform movement outside the British parliament retained much of its momentum after 1848. The chapter discusses how the British ...
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The chapter looks at the trend showing the extent to which the reform movement outside the British parliament retained much of its momentum after 1848. The chapter discusses how the British Parliament developed a common platform on a number of issues, such as parliamentary reform, the peace question, anti-slavery, and financial reform. Radical organizations continued to find widespread support. In comparison to the 1830s and the mid-1860s, the decade after 1848 saw very little debate about suffrage. Towards the end of the decade concerns were expressed about the failure of the representative system to keep pace with demographic change. Analysis of the composition, character, and behaviour of the existing electorate or the unenfranchised population was markedly absent for most of the decade until the appearance of Benjamin Disraeli's Reform Bill in February 1859.Less
The chapter looks at the trend showing the extent to which the reform movement outside the British parliament retained much of its momentum after 1848. The chapter discusses how the British Parliament developed a common platform on a number of issues, such as parliamentary reform, the peace question, anti-slavery, and financial reform. Radical organizations continued to find widespread support. In comparison to the 1830s and the mid-1860s, the decade after 1848 saw very little debate about suffrage. Towards the end of the decade concerns were expressed about the failure of the representative system to keep pace with demographic change. Analysis of the composition, character, and behaviour of the existing electorate or the unenfranchised population was markedly absent for most of the decade until the appearance of Benjamin Disraeli's Reform Bill in February 1859.
Stephen Small
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199257799
- eISBN:
- 9780191717833
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199257799.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
After 1782, many Irish patriots developed a genuinely radical agenda focused on parliamentary reform. This put the broad church of Irish patriotism under immense strain, as previous allies disagreed ...
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After 1782, many Irish patriots developed a genuinely radical agenda focused on parliamentary reform. This put the broad church of Irish patriotism under immense strain, as previous allies disagreed about the merits of radical reform and the prudence of Catholic inclusion in the polity. This chapter examines the emergence of the movement for radical parliamentary reform from patriotism, describes the various political languages and arguments used by early radical reformers between 1783 and 1785, and analyses the tensions between classical republicanism, Protestant superiority, and natural rights. These tensions reflected competing definitions of ‘the people’ and fundamental doubts over popular sovereignty caused by deep-seated Protestant concerns over Catholic rationality, virtue, and capacity for liberty.Less
After 1782, many Irish patriots developed a genuinely radical agenda focused on parliamentary reform. This put the broad church of Irish patriotism under immense strain, as previous allies disagreed about the merits of radical reform and the prudence of Catholic inclusion in the polity. This chapter examines the emergence of the movement for radical parliamentary reform from patriotism, describes the various political languages and arguments used by early radical reformers between 1783 and 1785, and analyses the tensions between classical republicanism, Protestant superiority, and natural rights. These tensions reflected competing definitions of ‘the people’ and fundamental doubts over popular sovereignty caused by deep-seated Protestant concerns over Catholic rationality, virtue, and capacity for liberty.
Alexandra Kelso
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719076756
- eISBN:
- 9781781702482
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719076756.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
The Labour Party government elected in 1997 pledged to reform the Westminster parliament by modernising the House of Commons and removing the hereditary peers from the House of Lords. Events have ...
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The Labour Party government elected in 1997 pledged to reform the Westminster parliament by modernising the House of Commons and removing the hereditary peers from the House of Lords. Events have consequently demonstrated the deep controversy that accompanies such attempts at institutional reconfiguration, and have highlighted the shifting fault-lines in executive-legislative relations in the UK, as well as the deep complexities surrounding British constitutional politics. The story of parliamentary reform is about the nature of the British political system, about how the government seeks to expand its control over parliament, and about how parliament discharges its duty to scrutinise the executive and hold it to account. This book charts the course of Westminster reform since 1997, but does so by placing it in the context of parliamentary reform pursued in the past, and thus adopts a historical perspective that lends it analytical value. It examines parliamentary reform through the lens of institutional theory, in order not only to describe reform but also to interpret and explain it. The book also draws on extensive interviews conducted with MPs and peers involved in the reform of parliament since 1997, thus offering an insight into how these political actors perceived the reform process in which they played a part. It provides a comprehensive analysis of the trajectory and outcome of the reform of parliament, along with an original interpretation of that reform and its implications.Less
The Labour Party government elected in 1997 pledged to reform the Westminster parliament by modernising the House of Commons and removing the hereditary peers from the House of Lords. Events have consequently demonstrated the deep controversy that accompanies such attempts at institutional reconfiguration, and have highlighted the shifting fault-lines in executive-legislative relations in the UK, as well as the deep complexities surrounding British constitutional politics. The story of parliamentary reform is about the nature of the British political system, about how the government seeks to expand its control over parliament, and about how parliament discharges its duty to scrutinise the executive and hold it to account. This book charts the course of Westminster reform since 1997, but does so by placing it in the context of parliamentary reform pursued in the past, and thus adopts a historical perspective that lends it analytical value. It examines parliamentary reform through the lens of institutional theory, in order not only to describe reform but also to interpret and explain it. The book also draws on extensive interviews conducted with MPs and peers involved in the reform of parliament since 1997, thus offering an insight into how these political actors perceived the reform process in which they played a part. It provides a comprehensive analysis of the trajectory and outcome of the reform of parliament, along with an original interpretation of that reform and its implications.
Matthew Flinders
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199271597
- eISBN:
- 9780191709234
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199271597.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, UK Politics
The relationship between the executive and legislature at the national level remains heavily weighted in favour of the government but a far more balanced relationship is observable at the ...
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The relationship between the executive and legislature at the national level remains heavily weighted in favour of the government but a far more balanced relationship is observable at the sub‐national level.Less
The relationship between the executive and legislature at the national level remains heavily weighted in favour of the government but a far more balanced relationship is observable at the sub‐national level.
S. J. Connolly
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199543472
- eISBN:
- 9780191716553
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199543472.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, European Early Modern History
The administration of Viscount Townshend, replacing reliance on local undertakers with direct rule by a resident lord lieutenant, was part of a wider tightening of imperial control. Between 1776 and ...
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The administration of Viscount Townshend, replacing reliance on local undertakers with direct rule by a resident lord lieutenant, was part of a wider tightening of imperial control. Between 1776 and 1782, on the other hand, a patriot opposition within the Irish parliament, backed by the Volunteers, achieved both free trade and legislative independence. This period represented the high point of patriot enthusiasm. However, the rejection of proposals for parliamentary reform along with the continuation of religious tests meant that Grattan's claim that Ireland was now a nation remained a hollow one.Less
The administration of Viscount Townshend, replacing reliance on local undertakers with direct rule by a resident lord lieutenant, was part of a wider tightening of imperial control. Between 1776 and 1782, on the other hand, a patriot opposition within the Irish parliament, backed by the Volunteers, achieved both free trade and legislative independence. This period represented the high point of patriot enthusiasm. However, the rejection of proposals for parliamentary reform along with the continuation of religious tests meant that Grattan's claim that Ireland was now a nation remained a hollow one.
E. A. Smith
- Published in print:
- 1990
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198201632
- eISBN:
- 9780191674969
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198201632.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Political History
This chapter discusses the formation of the Friends of the People and Grey's commitment to parliamentary reform. The Friends of the People was a society formed primarily to save the Whig Party from ...
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This chapter discusses the formation of the Friends of the People and Grey's commitment to parliamentary reform. The Friends of the People was a society formed primarily to save the Whig Party from Burkean extremism and to further its political objective of destroying Pitt's administration, and to provide a check to the wilder radicalism of Paine and the popular societies. Though the Friends of the People failed in its primary objectives, it raised Grey into greater public prominence and put him in touch with many of the local leaders of reform. Between 1792 and 1802, Grey supported liberal causes in Parliament. He spoke in March 1796 in favour of Curwen's Bill to repeal the Game Laws, voted for the abolition of the slave trade in 1796, and condemned the penal laws against the Irish Catholics in 1797.Less
This chapter discusses the formation of the Friends of the People and Grey's commitment to parliamentary reform. The Friends of the People was a society formed primarily to save the Whig Party from Burkean extremism and to further its political objective of destroying Pitt's administration, and to provide a check to the wilder radicalism of Paine and the popular societies. Though the Friends of the People failed in its primary objectives, it raised Grey into greater public prominence and put him in touch with many of the local leaders of reform. Between 1792 and 1802, Grey supported liberal causes in Parliament. He spoke in March 1796 in favour of Curwen's Bill to repeal the Game Laws, voted for the abolition of the slave trade in 1796, and condemned the penal laws against the Irish Catholics in 1797.
Stephen Small
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199257799
- eISBN:
- 9780191717833
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199257799.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This is a analysis of late 18th-century Irish patriot thought and its development into 1790s radical republicanism. Patriots, radicals, and republicans played key roles in the movements for free ...
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This is a analysis of late 18th-century Irish patriot thought and its development into 1790s radical republicanism. Patriots, radicals, and republicans played key roles in the movements for free trade, legislative independence, parliamentary reform, Catholic relief and independence from Britain; and many of their ideas helped precipitate the rebellion in 1798. This book explains the ideological background to these issues, sheds new light on the origins of Irish republicanism, and places late 18th-century Irish political thought in the wider context of British, Atlantic, and European ideas. The book argues that Irish patriotism, radicalism, and republicanism were constructed out of five key political ‘languages’: Protestant superiority, ancient constitutionalism, commercial grievance, classical republicanism, and natural rights. These political languages, which were Irish dialects of languages shared with the English-speaking and European world, combined in the late 1770s to construct the classic expression of Irish patriotism. This patriotism was full of contradictions, containing the seeds of radical reform, Catholic emancipation, and republican separatism — as well as a defence of Protestant Ascendancy. Over the next two decades, the American and French Revolutions, the reform movement, popular politicisation, Ascendancy reaction, and Catholic political revival disrupted and transformed these languages, causing the fragmentation of a broad patriot consensus and the emergence from it of radicalism and republicanism. These developments are explained in terms of tensions and interactions between Protestant assumptions of Catholic inferiority, the increasing popularity of natural rights, and the enduring centrality of classical republican concepts of virtue to all types of patriot thought.Less
This is a analysis of late 18th-century Irish patriot thought and its development into 1790s radical republicanism. Patriots, radicals, and republicans played key roles in the movements for free trade, legislative independence, parliamentary reform, Catholic relief and independence from Britain; and many of their ideas helped precipitate the rebellion in 1798. This book explains the ideological background to these issues, sheds new light on the origins of Irish republicanism, and places late 18th-century Irish political thought in the wider context of British, Atlantic, and European ideas. The book argues that Irish patriotism, radicalism, and republicanism were constructed out of five key political ‘languages’: Protestant superiority, ancient constitutionalism, commercial grievance, classical republicanism, and natural rights. These political languages, which were Irish dialects of languages shared with the English-speaking and European world, combined in the late 1770s to construct the classic expression of Irish patriotism. This patriotism was full of contradictions, containing the seeds of radical reform, Catholic emancipation, and republican separatism — as well as a defence of Protestant Ascendancy. Over the next two decades, the American and French Revolutions, the reform movement, popular politicisation, Ascendancy reaction, and Catholic political revival disrupted and transformed these languages, causing the fragmentation of a broad patriot consensus and the emergence from it of radicalism and republicanism. These developments are explained in terms of tensions and interactions between Protestant assumptions of Catholic inferiority, the increasing popularity of natural rights, and the enduring centrality of classical republican concepts of virtue to all types of patriot thought.
G. R. Searle
- Published in print:
- 1993
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198203575
- eISBN:
- 9780191675874
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198203575.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
When businessmen in Britain sought to carry out the reforms they believed to be necessary if commerce and industry were to flourish, they often came up against the hostility of an aristocratic ...
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When businessmen in Britain sought to carry out the reforms they believed to be necessary if commerce and industry were to flourish, they often came up against the hostility of an aristocratic legislature unsympathetic to their endeavours. Inevitably, therefore, many urban Radicals were driven to wonder whether limited reforms were worth pursuing at all until such time as the basis of representation had itself been changed. The majority of the middle-class reformers, however, drew back from initiating a campaign for parliamentary reform because they doubted whether so ambitious an objective was at that moment attainable. Some sceptics argued that the success of the Anti-Corn Law League had demonstrated that even an aristocratic-dominated Parliament and government could be successfully pressured when ‘opinion out of doors’ had been mobilized on an issue possessing popular appeal. This chapter examines the debate over parliamentary reform and the events surrounding the Reform Act controversy of 1865–1867.Less
When businessmen in Britain sought to carry out the reforms they believed to be necessary if commerce and industry were to flourish, they often came up against the hostility of an aristocratic legislature unsympathetic to their endeavours. Inevitably, therefore, many urban Radicals were driven to wonder whether limited reforms were worth pursuing at all until such time as the basis of representation had itself been changed. The majority of the middle-class reformers, however, drew back from initiating a campaign for parliamentary reform because they doubted whether so ambitious an objective was at that moment attainable. Some sceptics argued that the success of the Anti-Corn Law League had demonstrated that even an aristocratic-dominated Parliament and government could be successfully pressured when ‘opinion out of doors’ had been mobilized on an issue possessing popular appeal. This chapter examines the debate over parliamentary reform and the events surrounding the Reform Act controversy of 1865–1867.
Miles Taylor
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780198207290
- eISBN:
- 9780191717277
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198207290.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
In 1865, Ernest Jones returned to the field of political agitation in England. He joined the parliamentary reform campaign, initially under the auspices of the Manchester Manhood Suffrage League, and ...
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In 1865, Ernest Jones returned to the field of political agitation in England. He joined the parliamentary reform campaign, initially under the auspices of the Manchester Manhood Suffrage League, and then from the autumn of 1866 as a paid lecturer of the Reform League. Jones took part in one of the defining moments of the reform struggle, debating the merits of democracy with the Scottish scholar J. S. Blackie over two nights in Edinburgh in January 1867, and along with Edmond Beales and John Bright, he became one of the most indefatigable and in-demand speakers in the months leading up to the passage of the Second Reform Bill in July 1867. Jones added the Fenian trials to his curriculum vitae, but they also dampened the Reform League’s enthusiasm for him.Less
In 1865, Ernest Jones returned to the field of political agitation in England. He joined the parliamentary reform campaign, initially under the auspices of the Manchester Manhood Suffrage League, and then from the autumn of 1866 as a paid lecturer of the Reform League. Jones took part in one of the defining moments of the reform struggle, debating the merits of democracy with the Scottish scholar J. S. Blackie over two nights in Edinburgh in January 1867, and along with Edmond Beales and John Bright, he became one of the most indefatigable and in-demand speakers in the months leading up to the passage of the Second Reform Bill in July 1867. Jones added the Fenian trials to his curriculum vitae, but they also dampened the Reform League’s enthusiasm for him.
E. A. Smith
- Published in print:
- 1990
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198201632
- eISBN:
- 9780191674969
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198201632.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Political History
This book is the first biography of Charles, second Earl Grey, since G.M. Trevelyan's biography was published. Earl Grey is known for his lifelong dedication to the cause of civil and religious ...
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This book is the first biography of Charles, second Earl Grey, since G.M. Trevelyan's biography was published. Earl Grey is known for his lifelong dedication to the cause of civil and religious liberty, his consistent opposition to the slave-trade, the Test and Corporation Acts, and the Catholic disabilities. He had a deep sense of public duty and was attracted to parliamentary reform as the practical solution to a national crisis. His achievements during his four years of ministerial office include ending slavery in the British Empire and carrying into effect reform ‘in the Church and in every department of the State’.Less
This book is the first biography of Charles, second Earl Grey, since G.M. Trevelyan's biography was published. Earl Grey is known for his lifelong dedication to the cause of civil and religious liberty, his consistent opposition to the slave-trade, the Test and Corporation Acts, and the Catholic disabilities. He had a deep sense of public duty and was attracted to parliamentary reform as the practical solution to a national crisis. His achievements during his four years of ministerial office include ending slavery in the British Empire and carrying into effect reform ‘in the Church and in every department of the State’.
Peter J. Marshall
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199640355
- eISBN:
- 9780191739279
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199640355.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
To contemporaries Ireland's contribution to Britain's security and wealth was of the utmost importance. Effective British control was therefore deemed to be essential. This control was seriously ...
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To contemporaries Ireland's contribution to Britain's security and wealth was of the utmost importance. Effective British control was therefore deemed to be essential. This control was seriously threatened in the last years of the American War when the Irish parliament, backed by a large movement of armed Volunteers, forced Britain to concede that its parliament had no authority over Ireland. Irish gains turned out, however to be limited. Britain still controlled the executive government of Ireland which was usually able to dominate a parliament elected by very few voters. Attempts to widen the Irish electorate, which were part of widespread movements of discontent, were defeated. In resisting popular turbulence the British regime increasingly identified itself with the maintaining the dominance of Irish Protestants over the Catholic majority of the population.Less
To contemporaries Ireland's contribution to Britain's security and wealth was of the utmost importance. Effective British control was therefore deemed to be essential. This control was seriously threatened in the last years of the American War when the Irish parliament, backed by a large movement of armed Volunteers, forced Britain to concede that its parliament had no authority over Ireland. Irish gains turned out, however to be limited. Britain still controlled the executive government of Ireland which was usually able to dominate a parliament elected by very few voters. Attempts to widen the Irish electorate, which were part of widespread movements of discontent, were defeated. In resisting popular turbulence the British regime increasingly identified itself with the maintaining the dominance of Irish Protestants over the Catholic majority of the population.
Matthew Cragoe
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780198207542
- eISBN:
- 9780191716737
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198207542.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
The previous chapter offered an overview of the distinctive ideologies associated with the main political parties. This chapter examines the way in which these broad positions informed debate at ...
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The previous chapter offered an overview of the distinctive ideologies associated with the main political parties. This chapter examines the way in which these broad positions informed debate at elections between the First and Third Reform Acts. The period falls into three distinct sections. Between 1832 and c.1847 the political atmosphere was intense: the introduction of parliamentary reform opened up a world in which old certainties were questioned, and fifteen years elapsed before a new status quo was established. The years between 1852 and 1867 were, by comparison, much quieter, though the calm surface of politics belied a ferment of new ideas in the principality. For this was the period in which the idea of Wales as a ‘nation of nonconformists’ gathered momentum. The passage of the Second Reform Act brought these fresh ideas into open play, and at elections between 1868 and 1886 they operated at various levels of intensity within the context of an increasingly adversarial political climate.Less
The previous chapter offered an overview of the distinctive ideologies associated with the main political parties. This chapter examines the way in which these broad positions informed debate at elections between the First and Third Reform Acts. The period falls into three distinct sections. Between 1832 and c.1847 the political atmosphere was intense: the introduction of parliamentary reform opened up a world in which old certainties were questioned, and fifteen years elapsed before a new status quo was established. The years between 1852 and 1867 were, by comparison, much quieter, though the calm surface of politics belied a ferment of new ideas in the principality. For this was the period in which the idea of Wales as a ‘nation of nonconformists’ gathered momentum. The passage of the Second Reform Act brought these fresh ideas into open play, and at elections between 1868 and 1886 they operated at various levels of intensity within the context of an increasingly adversarial political climate.
Alexandra Kelso
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719076756
- eISBN:
- 9781781702482
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719076756.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This book has used historical institutionalism because it not only forces us to take the long-term view of an institution's development, but also gives us insights into norms and values, ...
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This book has used historical institutionalism because it not only forces us to take the long-term view of an institution's development, but also gives us insights into norms and values, institutional contexts, agents and ideas, path dependency and critical junctures, all of which assist in the analysis of institutional persistence and change. It is in facilitating consideration of the context in which parliament and its reform exist that the application of the historical institutionalist lens provides the most value. The historical development of the Westminster parliament in Britain points to three central norms and values that contribute to its structured institutional context: parliamentary sovereignty, ministerial responsibility, and party government. Parliamentary reform is pursued as a means to enhance the efficiency and effectiveness of the House of Commons and the House of Lords.Less
This book has used historical institutionalism because it not only forces us to take the long-term view of an institution's development, but also gives us insights into norms and values, institutional contexts, agents and ideas, path dependency and critical junctures, all of which assist in the analysis of institutional persistence and change. It is in facilitating consideration of the context in which parliament and its reform exist that the application of the historical institutionalist lens provides the most value. The historical development of the Westminster parliament in Britain points to three central norms and values that contribute to its structured institutional context: parliamentary sovereignty, ministerial responsibility, and party government. Parliamentary reform is pursued as a means to enhance the efficiency and effectiveness of the House of Commons and the House of Lords.
Peter Mandler
- Published in print:
- 1990
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198217817
- eISBN:
- 9780191678288
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198217817.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
In England, the first government of the Age of Reform was not a Whig, nor even a Whig party government, but a coalition of Whigs, liberals, moderates, and liberal Tories, united only by their ...
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In England, the first government of the Age of Reform was not a Whig, nor even a Whig party government, but a coalition of Whigs, liberals, moderates, and liberal Tories, united only by their agreement on a measure of Parliamentary Reform. Their understanding of that Reform and their hopes for its consequences varied wildly. Even after Reform's enactment, the character of the new political era did not immediately become clear. Moderates wished to continue the line of rational reforms begun by Robert Peel and William Huskisson, and were pleased to find in the reform of the Poor Laws a project upon which they could combine with liberals. Foxite Whigs had other ideas, including the satisfaction of popular demands, such as a restriction upon the hours of factory labour, to which moderates and liberals were adamantly opposed. These were years of experimentation, in which Whigs and liberals could pursue different lines in parallel, and indeed in which those lines still often crossed, as liberals only gradually lost their enthusiasm for constitutional reform.Less
In England, the first government of the Age of Reform was not a Whig, nor even a Whig party government, but a coalition of Whigs, liberals, moderates, and liberal Tories, united only by their agreement on a measure of Parliamentary Reform. Their understanding of that Reform and their hopes for its consequences varied wildly. Even after Reform's enactment, the character of the new political era did not immediately become clear. Moderates wished to continue the line of rational reforms begun by Robert Peel and William Huskisson, and were pleased to find in the reform of the Poor Laws a project upon which they could combine with liberals. Foxite Whigs had other ideas, including the satisfaction of popular demands, such as a restriction upon the hours of factory labour, to which moderates and liberals were adamantly opposed. These were years of experimentation, in which Whigs and liberals could pursue different lines in parallel, and indeed in which those lines still often crossed, as liberals only gradually lost their enthusiasm for constitutional reform.
Alexandra Kelso
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719076756
- eISBN:
- 9781781702482
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719076756.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
Successive governments have been able to use their dominant position inside the House of Commons to implement effectiveness reforms, defined as those which seek to rebalance executive-legislative ...
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Successive governments have been able to use their dominant position inside the House of Commons to implement effectiveness reforms, defined as those which seek to rebalance executive-legislative relations. This chapter examines some of the reforms implemented in the years prior to 1997, suggested for and implemented in the House of Commons to enhance its effectiveness. While effectiveness reforms in the early part of the century tended to suggest particularly radical solutions to the ‘problem of parliament’, such as electoral reform and devolution, that tendency was largely replaced in the post-war era by a desire to enhance effectiveness by promoting internal reform of the House of Commons itself. The chapter also considers the creation of investigative committees in the House of Commons, the decline of parliament, the establishment of Commons committees during 1961–1997, the Procedure Committee report of 1965 on parliamentary reform and how to improve the effectiveness of the Commons, the reforms initiated by Richard Crossman, and the introduction of select committees.Less
Successive governments have been able to use their dominant position inside the House of Commons to implement effectiveness reforms, defined as those which seek to rebalance executive-legislative relations. This chapter examines some of the reforms implemented in the years prior to 1997, suggested for and implemented in the House of Commons to enhance its effectiveness. While effectiveness reforms in the early part of the century tended to suggest particularly radical solutions to the ‘problem of parliament’, such as electoral reform and devolution, that tendency was largely replaced in the post-war era by a desire to enhance effectiveness by promoting internal reform of the House of Commons itself. The chapter also considers the creation of investigative committees in the House of Commons, the decline of parliament, the establishment of Commons committees during 1961–1997, the Procedure Committee report of 1965 on parliamentary reform and how to improve the effectiveness of the Commons, the reforms initiated by Richard Crossman, and the introduction of select committees.
Alexandra Kelso
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719076756
- eISBN:
- 9781781702482
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719076756.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
Norton (2000) outlined three conditions that must be met before effective parliamentary reform may proceed. The first necessary condition is a window of opportunity in which reform can take place. ...
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Norton (2000) outlined three conditions that must be met before effective parliamentary reform may proceed. The first necessary condition is a window of opportunity in which reform can take place. Second, there has to be a coherent reform agenda in place that provides a package behind which MPs might organise. Third, leadership must exist to exploit the window of opportunity and promote the reform agenda. In the summer of 1998, Charter 88 complained of the ‘disappointingly slow’ pace of reform and the ‘extremely cautious’ nature of the Modernisation Committee's recommendations. The Liaison Committee, under the chairmanship of Sir Terence Higgins, used its 1997 report on the work of the select committees as an opportunity to explore the issues in greater depth. This chapter examines effectiveness in the House of Commons since 1997, focusing on various reports prepared by the Liaison Committee, the Commission to Strengthen Parliament, and the Hansard Society Commission on Parliamentary Scrutiny. It also discusses the support of the Labour Party led by Robin Cook to institute reforms in the House of Commons.Less
Norton (2000) outlined three conditions that must be met before effective parliamentary reform may proceed. The first necessary condition is a window of opportunity in which reform can take place. Second, there has to be a coherent reform agenda in place that provides a package behind which MPs might organise. Third, leadership must exist to exploit the window of opportunity and promote the reform agenda. In the summer of 1998, Charter 88 complained of the ‘disappointingly slow’ pace of reform and the ‘extremely cautious’ nature of the Modernisation Committee's recommendations. The Liaison Committee, under the chairmanship of Sir Terence Higgins, used its 1997 report on the work of the select committees as an opportunity to explore the issues in greater depth. This chapter examines effectiveness in the House of Commons since 1997, focusing on various reports prepared by the Liaison Committee, the Commission to Strengthen Parliament, and the Hansard Society Commission on Parliamentary Scrutiny. It also discusses the support of the Labour Party led by Robin Cook to institute reforms in the House of Commons.
L. G. Mitchell
- Published in print:
- 1992
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198201045
- eISBN:
- 9780191674815
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198201045.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Political History
Charles James Fox was one of the most colourful figures in 18th-century politics. Notorious for the excesses of his private life, he was at the same time one of the leading politicians of his ...
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Charles James Fox was one of the most colourful figures in 18th-century politics. Notorious for the excesses of his private life, he was at the same time one of the leading politicians of his generation, dominating the Whig party and polite society. As the political rival of Pitt the Younger and the intellectual rival of Edmund Burke, his views on the major issues of the day — the American War of Independence, the French Revolution, parliamentary reform — formed the character of Whiggery in his own time and for years to come. Fox's historical reputation has been hotly disputed. Some have hailed him as one of the founding fathers of Radicalism, others have dismissed him as an irritating and irresponsible impediment to the statesmanship of Pitt. This book shows that in many ways Fox was a politician through circumstance, not inclination. The book analyses the ties of kinship and friendship which to an astonishing degree dictated Fox's politics, and offers striking new assessments of Whiggery and its most potent personality.Less
Charles James Fox was one of the most colourful figures in 18th-century politics. Notorious for the excesses of his private life, he was at the same time one of the leading politicians of his generation, dominating the Whig party and polite society. As the political rival of Pitt the Younger and the intellectual rival of Edmund Burke, his views on the major issues of the day — the American War of Independence, the French Revolution, parliamentary reform — formed the character of Whiggery in his own time and for years to come. Fox's historical reputation has been hotly disputed. Some have hailed him as one of the founding fathers of Radicalism, others have dismissed him as an irritating and irresponsible impediment to the statesmanship of Pitt. This book shows that in many ways Fox was a politician through circumstance, not inclination. The book analyses the ties of kinship and friendship which to an astonishing degree dictated Fox's politics, and offers striking new assessments of Whiggery and its most potent personality.
Alexandra Kelso
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719076756
- eISBN:
- 9781781702482
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719076756.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
The Westminster parliament has attracted attention in recent years in terms of how it can be changed and reformed so as to improve the role it plays in British politics. Think tanks, public ...
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The Westminster parliament has attracted attention in recent years in terms of how it can be changed and reformed so as to improve the role it plays in British politics. Think tanks, public commissions, and even parliament itself have all examined the way in which it functions as a political institution and how changes might lead to enhanced public engagement with politics and thus to more robust representative democracy. This book explores some of the history of parliamentary reform in Britain. It draws on a series of interviews with some of the key political actors, particularly MPs, who have been interested in and involved with parliamentary reform in the post-1997 era. It analyses the content and arguments of historical institutional theory; the course of House of Commons reform from 1900 to 1997 in terms of efficiency reforms; how the Labour Party government delivered its manifesto commitment to ‘modernise’ the Commons, with a particular focus on how this process of modernisation affected the legislative process; and the House of Lords reform since 1997.Less
The Westminster parliament has attracted attention in recent years in terms of how it can be changed and reformed so as to improve the role it plays in British politics. Think tanks, public commissions, and even parliament itself have all examined the way in which it functions as a political institution and how changes might lead to enhanced public engagement with politics and thus to more robust representative democracy. This book explores some of the history of parliamentary reform in Britain. It draws on a series of interviews with some of the key political actors, particularly MPs, who have been interested in and involved with parliamentary reform in the post-1997 era. It analyses the content and arguments of historical institutional theory; the course of House of Commons reform from 1900 to 1997 in terms of efficiency reforms; how the Labour Party government delivered its manifesto commitment to ‘modernise’ the Commons, with a particular focus on how this process of modernisation affected the legislative process; and the House of Lords reform since 1997.
Alexandra Kelso
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719076756
- eISBN:
- 9781781702482
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719076756.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
To understand why parliamentary reform does or does not take place requires a prior understanding of the context in which it does or does not occur. The characteristics of the institution of ...
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To understand why parliamentary reform does or does not take place requires a prior understanding of the context in which it does or does not occur. The characteristics of the institution of parliament are a product of its historical development, and that development has fostered the emergence of particular norms and values that continue to shape its functioning and capabilities. Crucially, parliament cannot be understood in isolation from government and, consequently, parliamentary reform cannot be understood separately from its likely impact on government. Parliamentary reform can most usefully be analysed with reference to the norms and values that structure the institutional context in which parliament exists. It is necessary, therefore, to explore those norms and values, and the specific ways that they regulate and restrict parliamentary capabilities. This chapter discusses institutional theory and historical institutionalism with respect to parliamentary reform in Britain, along with ministerial responsibility, parliamentary sovereignty, strong party government, the power of the executive at Westminster, role of parliament and individual MPs within the political system, and approaches to parliamentary reform.Less
To understand why parliamentary reform does or does not take place requires a prior understanding of the context in which it does or does not occur. The characteristics of the institution of parliament are a product of its historical development, and that development has fostered the emergence of particular norms and values that continue to shape its functioning and capabilities. Crucially, parliament cannot be understood in isolation from government and, consequently, parliamentary reform cannot be understood separately from its likely impact on government. Parliamentary reform can most usefully be analysed with reference to the norms and values that structure the institutional context in which parliament exists. It is necessary, therefore, to explore those norms and values, and the specific ways that they regulate and restrict parliamentary capabilities. This chapter discusses institutional theory and historical institutionalism with respect to parliamentary reform in Britain, along with ministerial responsibility, parliamentary sovereignty, strong party government, the power of the executive at Westminster, role of parliament and individual MPs within the political system, and approaches to parliamentary reform.
Bob Harris
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197263303
- eISBN:
- 9780191734137
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197263303.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter discusses the frame for radical co-operation in the age of the Friends of the People and later. The links to radicalism south of the Border have tended to be relegated to the margins of ...
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This chapter discusses the frame for radical co-operation in the age of the Friends of the People and later. The links to radicalism south of the Border have tended to be relegated to the margins of historical debate. Through the agency of Thomas Muir, links with the leading Irish radical society, the United Irishmen, were established at a relatively early stage, although the precise nature of these remains obscure. The emphasis on the Scots-Irish connection reflects the formative affect on Irish presbyterian radicals of an education provided by the Scottish universities. The influence of the English reform movement on the emergence of an organised campaign for parliamentary reform in Scotland in the 1790s has not always been fully appreciated, although it appears to have been a significant one. Correspondence and personal contacts across national boundaries were intermittent; the flow of print, in both ways, was continual. During the 1790s, union was a crucial element of radical strategy and tactics in Britain.Less
This chapter discusses the frame for radical co-operation in the age of the Friends of the People and later. The links to radicalism south of the Border have tended to be relegated to the margins of historical debate. Through the agency of Thomas Muir, links with the leading Irish radical society, the United Irishmen, were established at a relatively early stage, although the precise nature of these remains obscure. The emphasis on the Scots-Irish connection reflects the formative affect on Irish presbyterian radicals of an education provided by the Scottish universities. The influence of the English reform movement on the emergence of an organised campaign for parliamentary reform in Scotland in the 1790s has not always been fully appreciated, although it appears to have been a significant one. Correspondence and personal contacts across national boundaries were intermittent; the flow of print, in both ways, was continual. During the 1790s, union was a crucial element of radical strategy and tactics in Britain.
