Kirsten E. Schulze
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199244348
- eISBN:
- 9780191599866
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199244340.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
Concerns the issue of what is to be done with paramilitaries and their weapons in post‐settlement scenarios. It argues that Lebanon has lessons in this matter that are relevant for Northern Ireland. ...
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Concerns the issue of what is to be done with paramilitaries and their weapons in post‐settlement scenarios. It argues that Lebanon has lessons in this matter that are relevant for Northern Ireland. Schulze argues that the key to progress is a process that is inclusive of all groups, including the representatives of paramilitary organizations.Less
Concerns the issue of what is to be done with paramilitaries and their weapons in post‐settlement scenarios. It argues that Lebanon has lessons in this matter that are relevant for Northern Ireland. Schulze argues that the key to progress is a process that is inclusive of all groups, including the representatives of paramilitary organizations.
John D. Brewer, Bill Lockhart, and Paula Rodgers
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198265702
- eISBN:
- 9780191682940
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198265702.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Criminal Law and Criminology
This book establishes Ireland's unique contribution to criminological research, addressing the effects on crime of its peculiar patterns of industrialisation and social change, as well as the effect ...
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This book establishes Ireland's unique contribution to criminological research, addressing the effects on crime of its peculiar patterns of industrialisation and social change, as well as the effect on ordinary crime of a quarter of a century of civil unrest and terrorism. Crime trends are explored over a fifty-year period between 1945–95 at the national level for the two Irish countries as a whole, and at a city level for Belfast and Dublin. Trends in specific categories of crime, from murder to rape and drug crime, are also explored over the same period. The book makes a significant contribution by supplementing statistical material with ethnographic data. It reports on in-depth interview material among residents in two areas of Belfast, one in largely Catholic West Belfast and the other in largely Protestant East Belfast. In these interviews, those questioned speak of their own experiences of crime, the police, and the paramilitary organisations.Less
This book establishes Ireland's unique contribution to criminological research, addressing the effects on crime of its peculiar patterns of industrialisation and social change, as well as the effect on ordinary crime of a quarter of a century of civil unrest and terrorism. Crime trends are explored over a fifty-year period between 1945–95 at the national level for the two Irish countries as a whole, and at a city level for Belfast and Dublin. Trends in specific categories of crime, from murder to rape and drug crime, are also explored over the same period. The book makes a significant contribution by supplementing statistical material with ethnographic data. It reports on in-depth interview material among residents in two areas of Belfast, one in largely Catholic West Belfast and the other in largely Protestant East Belfast. In these interviews, those questioned speak of their own experiences of crime, the police, and the paramilitary organisations.
Akinyele Umoja
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9781617039331
- eISBN:
- 9781626740037
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781617039331.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This chapter focuses on the Deacons for Defense and its place in the civil rights movement in Mississippi. It examines the role of the Deacons as an option for African Americans who perceived a lack ...
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This chapter focuses on the Deacons for Defense and its place in the civil rights movement in Mississippi. It examines the role of the Deacons as an option for African Americans who perceived a lack of local or federal government protection for protest efforts. It traces the roots of the Deacons to Louisiana, where they began as a paramilitary group in 1965, and their eventual foray into Mississippi, where they gained new public significance during the James Meredith “March against Fear and Intimidation” in 1966. The chapter explores the tradition of armed resistance in Mississippi and its distinction from paramilitary organizations, along with issues of organizing and self-defense and the multiple strategies employed by the Deacons. It also highlights the role of the Deacons in the Natchez consumer boycott in order to contextualize the group’s political relevance in the communities where they were active.Less
This chapter focuses on the Deacons for Defense and its place in the civil rights movement in Mississippi. It examines the role of the Deacons as an option for African Americans who perceived a lack of local or federal government protection for protest efforts. It traces the roots of the Deacons to Louisiana, where they began as a paramilitary group in 1965, and their eventual foray into Mississippi, where they gained new public significance during the James Meredith “March against Fear and Intimidation” in 1966. The chapter explores the tradition of armed resistance in Mississippi and its distinction from paramilitary organizations, along with issues of organizing and self-defense and the multiple strategies employed by the Deacons. It also highlights the role of the Deacons in the Natchez consumer boycott in order to contextualize the group’s political relevance in the communities where they were active.
Vera Stojarova
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780719089732
- eISBN:
- 9781781706473
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719089732.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter briefly outlines the strategies and tactics used by far right parties and focuses on party organizational structure and its relationship to the way parties perform at the polls. Strong, ...
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This chapter briefly outlines the strategies and tactics used by far right parties and focuses on party organizational structure and its relationship to the way parties perform at the polls. Strong, charismatic leaders, centralized organizational structures and efficient mechanisms for enforcing party discipline are likely to bring better performance than is enjoyed by parties with weaker, less-charismatic leadership, less centralized internal structures and lower levels of party discipline. It also focuses on local and pan-European cooperation by far right parties. The greatest cooperation between parties is visible between the mother parties and their branches abroad. The author also examines the ties of paramilitary organizations to the parties of the far right after 2000. The conclusion is that far right parties no longer have their own paramilitary structures. The only exception is the New Right and an alleged relation to the marginal political party PNG-CD in Romania.Less
This chapter briefly outlines the strategies and tactics used by far right parties and focuses on party organizational structure and its relationship to the way parties perform at the polls. Strong, charismatic leaders, centralized organizational structures and efficient mechanisms for enforcing party discipline are likely to bring better performance than is enjoyed by parties with weaker, less-charismatic leadership, less centralized internal structures and lower levels of party discipline. It also focuses on local and pan-European cooperation by far right parties. The greatest cooperation between parties is visible between the mother parties and their branches abroad. The author also examines the ties of paramilitary organizations to the parties of the far right after 2000. The conclusion is that far right parties no longer have their own paramilitary structures. The only exception is the New Right and an alleged relation to the marginal political party PNG-CD in Romania.
Laura McAtackney
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- March 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780199673919
- eISBN:
- 9780191804779
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:osobl/9780199673919.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, Ancient History / Archaeology
This chapter examines Long Kesh/Maze prison within the context of the Troubles in Northern Ireland, with particular emphasis on its impact on society. Before contextualising Long Kesh/Maze within its ...
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This chapter examines Long Kesh/Maze prison within the context of the Troubles in Northern Ireland, with particular emphasis on its impact on society. Before contextualising Long Kesh/Maze within its immediate setting and societal context, the chapter explains the role of terminology, categorisation and naming conventions, and their relationship with the prison site. It then considers the nature and impact of external relations on the prison and its inhabitants, especially the relationship between prisoners and external paramilitary organisations. It also discusses the impact of Long Kesh/Maze on Northern Irish politics, economy, media, culture, and social aspects of life.Less
This chapter examines Long Kesh/Maze prison within the context of the Troubles in Northern Ireland, with particular emphasis on its impact on society. Before contextualising Long Kesh/Maze within its immediate setting and societal context, the chapter explains the role of terminology, categorisation and naming conventions, and their relationship with the prison site. It then considers the nature and impact of external relations on the prison and its inhabitants, especially the relationship between prisoners and external paramilitary organisations. It also discusses the impact of Long Kesh/Maze on Northern Irish politics, economy, media, culture, and social aspects of life.
Jonathan M. House
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781479881154
- eISBN:
- 9781479836635
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9781479881154.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, Military History
This chapter examines the rise of paramilitary forces in Paris in 1848. The collapse of the July Monarchy was followed by the emergence of leaders of different political persuasions both inside and ...
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This chapter examines the rise of paramilitary forces in Paris in 1848. The collapse of the July Monarchy was followed by the emergence of leaders of different political persuasions both inside and outside the Provisional Government. Private armies were soon formed to support or oppose that government. Before discussing the political and military events of that uncertain period, this chapter considers both the composition of the Provisional Government and the various paramilitary organizations that developed in revolutionary Paris. These include the normal or Sedentary National Guard, the Republican Guard, the Garde du Peuple or Montagnards, the Lyonnais, and Vésuviennes.Less
This chapter examines the rise of paramilitary forces in Paris in 1848. The collapse of the July Monarchy was followed by the emergence of leaders of different political persuasions both inside and outside the Provisional Government. Private armies were soon formed to support or oppose that government. Before discussing the political and military events of that uncertain period, this chapter considers both the composition of the Provisional Government and the various paramilitary organizations that developed in revolutionary Paris. These include the normal or Sedentary National Guard, the Republican Guard, the Garde du Peuple or Montagnards, the Lyonnais, and Vésuviennes.
Nick Acheson and Carl Milofsky
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- November 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780231151689
- eISBN:
- 9780231525282
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231151689.003.0008
- Subject:
- Social Work, Communities and Organizations
This chapter describes the community and political conflict in Derry, Northern Ireland. Derry is the second largest urban center in the country, dominated by Catholics. The problem arose when ...
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This chapter describes the community and political conflict in Derry, Northern Ireland. Derry is the second largest urban center in the country, dominated by Catholics. The problem arose when Protestants governing Derry implemented housing policy that corralled most Catholics into one electoral ward in the city. The conflict was resolved through the conflict strategy of paramilitary organizations as well as through effective diplomatic initiatives from England, Ireland, the United States, and the European Union. Several things stand out about the conflict in Derry in relation to sustained dialogue. One of which is that peace would never have been possible without the efforts of leaders in Derry and at the regional Northern Ireland level to build ties between community organizations. This process required leaders from both groups to examine long held personal prejudices and acknowledge the good intentions.Less
This chapter describes the community and political conflict in Derry, Northern Ireland. Derry is the second largest urban center in the country, dominated by Catholics. The problem arose when Protestants governing Derry implemented housing policy that corralled most Catholics into one electoral ward in the city. The conflict was resolved through the conflict strategy of paramilitary organizations as well as through effective diplomatic initiatives from England, Ireland, the United States, and the European Union. Several things stand out about the conflict in Derry in relation to sustained dialogue. One of which is that peace would never have been possible without the efforts of leaders in Derry and at the regional Northern Ireland level to build ties between community organizations. This process required leaders from both groups to examine long held personal prejudices and acknowledge the good intentions.
Teo Ballvé
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781501747533
- eISBN:
- 9781501747564
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501747533.001.0001
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Latin American Cultural Anthropology
This book challenges the notion that in Urabá, Colombia, the cause of the region's violent history and unruly contemporary condition is the absence of the state. Although the book takes this locally ...
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This book challenges the notion that in Urabá, Colombia, the cause of the region's violent history and unruly contemporary condition is the absence of the state. Although the book takes this locally oft-repeated claim seriously, it demonstrates that Urabá is more than a case of Hobbesian political disorder. Through this exploration of war, paramilitary organizations, grassroots support and resistance, and drug-related violence, the book argues that Urabá, rather than existing in statelessness, has actually been an intense and persistent site of state-building projects. Indeed, these projects have thrust together an unlikely gathering of guerilla groups, drug-trafficking paramilitaries, military strategists, technocratic planners, local politicians, and development experts each seeking to give concrete coherence to the inherently unwieldy abstraction of “the state” in a space in which it supposedly does not exist. By untangling this odd mix, the book reveals how Colombia's violent conflicts have produced surprisingly coherent and resilient, if not at all benevolent, regimes of rule.Less
This book challenges the notion that in Urabá, Colombia, the cause of the region's violent history and unruly contemporary condition is the absence of the state. Although the book takes this locally oft-repeated claim seriously, it demonstrates that Urabá is more than a case of Hobbesian political disorder. Through this exploration of war, paramilitary organizations, grassroots support and resistance, and drug-related violence, the book argues that Urabá, rather than existing in statelessness, has actually been an intense and persistent site of state-building projects. Indeed, these projects have thrust together an unlikely gathering of guerilla groups, drug-trafficking paramilitaries, military strategists, technocratic planners, local politicians, and development experts each seeking to give concrete coherence to the inherently unwieldy abstraction of “the state” in a space in which it supposedly does not exist. By untangling this odd mix, the book reveals how Colombia's violent conflicts have produced surprisingly coherent and resilient, if not at all benevolent, regimes of rule.
Minkah Makalani
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- July 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780807835043
- eISBN:
- 9781469602516
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/9780807869161_makalani.7
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This chapter describes how Cyril Valentine Briggs joined a group of black Socialists in Harlem to establish the African Blood Brotherhood for African Liberation and Redemption (ABB). They fashioned ...
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This chapter describes how Cyril Valentine Briggs joined a group of black Socialists in Harlem to establish the African Blood Brotherhood for African Liberation and Redemption (ABB). They fashioned themselves as a secret paramilitary organization but in fact functioned as a group of activist-intellectuals intent on guiding the black freedom movement toward a pan-Africanist proletarian revolution. They believed that they would achieve nothing less than liberating Africa, ending colonialism and racial oppression, and contributing to the cause of freedom everywhere. As a national organization, the ABB could hardly compare in size and reach to its more notable contemporaries, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People and Marcus Garvey's Universal Negro Improvement Association.Less
This chapter describes how Cyril Valentine Briggs joined a group of black Socialists in Harlem to establish the African Blood Brotherhood for African Liberation and Redemption (ABB). They fashioned themselves as a secret paramilitary organization but in fact functioned as a group of activist-intellectuals intent on guiding the black freedom movement toward a pan-Africanist proletarian revolution. They believed that they would achieve nothing less than liberating Africa, ending colonialism and racial oppression, and contributing to the cause of freedom everywhere. As a national organization, the ABB could hardly compare in size and reach to its more notable contemporaries, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People and Marcus Garvey's Universal Negro Improvement Association.
Federico Finchelstein
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- April 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199930241
- eISBN:
- 9780199372256
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199930241.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, Latin American History
From 1943 to 1945, many nacionalistas saw Peronism as representing exactly what all nacionalistas had wanted: a strong antiliberal movement with a strong military leader and an astonishing new ...
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From 1943 to 1945, many nacionalistas saw Peronism as representing exactly what all nacionalistas had wanted: a strong antiliberal movement with a strong military leader and an astonishing new feature, namely a working-class base. From 1946 to1955 many of them became wary of the idiosyncrasies of Perón’s brand of populism. Once the Peronist regime was gone, two neofascist organizations emerged: Tacuara and the Triple A. They shared many members, an extreme anti-Semitism, and terrorist forms of political violence. The two groups also shared a close relationship with the security forces and the army, as well as connections to the “hard-core“ sectors of Peronist trade unionism. As Tacuara had done before, the Triple A operated in a gray zone located somewhere between radical politics and mere criminality.Less
From 1943 to 1945, many nacionalistas saw Peronism as representing exactly what all nacionalistas had wanted: a strong antiliberal movement with a strong military leader and an astonishing new feature, namely a working-class base. From 1946 to1955 many of them became wary of the idiosyncrasies of Perón’s brand of populism. Once the Peronist regime was gone, two neofascist organizations emerged: Tacuara and the Triple A. They shared many members, an extreme anti-Semitism, and terrorist forms of political violence. The two groups also shared a close relationship with the security forces and the army, as well as connections to the “hard-core“ sectors of Peronist trade unionism. As Tacuara had done before, the Triple A operated in a gray zone located somewhere between radical politics and mere criminality.