CHRISTOPHER HAIGH
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199216505
- eISBN:
- 9780191711947
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199216505.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, Social History, History of Ideas
This chapter focuses on papists. ‘Church papists’ went to church to avoid trouble: they usually kept their heads down, and their opinions to themselves. Catholics who stayed away from church — the ...
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This chapter focuses on papists. ‘Church papists’ went to church to avoid trouble: they usually kept their heads down, and their opinions to themselves. Catholics who stayed away from church — the recusants (or ‘refusers’) — denied the legitimacy and authority of the Church of England, and so rarely bothered to appear before its courts. When recusants were indicted at quarter sessions or assizes, certified absence was enough to convict them, and their reasons hardly mattered. So historians have found it difficult to write about grass-roots Catholic opinion — what ordinary Catholics thought of their own religion and of the religion of Protestants.Less
This chapter focuses on papists. ‘Church papists’ went to church to avoid trouble: they usually kept their heads down, and their opinions to themselves. Catholics who stayed away from church — the recusants (or ‘refusers’) — denied the legitimacy and authority of the Church of England, and so rarely bothered to appear before its courts. When recusants were indicted at quarter sessions or assizes, certified absence was enough to convict them, and their reasons hardly mattered. So historians have found it difficult to write about grass-roots Catholic opinion — what ordinary Catholics thought of their own religion and of the religion of Protestants.
Regina Grafe
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691144849
- eISBN:
- 9781400840533
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691144849.003.0007
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Economic History
This chapter looks at how descriptions of Spain in the eighteenth century are intriguing for their accounts of perceived indolence, or more generally of a people who failed to take advantage “of ...
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This chapter looks at how descriptions of Spain in the eighteenth century are intriguing for their accounts of perceived indolence, or more generally of a people who failed to take advantage “of their Climate and Situation.” Taken at face value, these observations convinced contemporaries and historians that Spain was simply producing less than it could have. Alleged idleness was a well-rehearsed theme in Europe's Protestant north whenever the mores of southern European papists (or non-Europeans, for that matter) were described. Travel writer Henry Swinburne argued that Spaniards worked fewer hours and days than he thought they ought to, and intuitively provided one possible explanation for such behavior: Spaniards simply did not believe they could benefit from higher levels of “industry,” that is, effort.Less
This chapter looks at how descriptions of Spain in the eighteenth century are intriguing for their accounts of perceived indolence, or more generally of a people who failed to take advantage “of their Climate and Situation.” Taken at face value, these observations convinced contemporaries and historians that Spain was simply producing less than it could have. Alleged idleness was a well-rehearsed theme in Europe's Protestant north whenever the mores of southern European papists (or non-Europeans, for that matter) were described. Travel writer Henry Swinburne argued that Spaniards worked fewer hours and days than he thought they ought to, and intuitively provided one possible explanation for such behavior: Spaniards simply did not believe they could benefit from higher levels of “industry,” that is, effort.
R. A. Beddard
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199510146
- eISBN:
- 9780191700958
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199510146.003.0019
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History
Oxford University could not escape the political agitation set in motion by the Popish Plot. The scaremongering associated with Titus Oates's discovery of a supposed Catholic conspiracy against the ...
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Oxford University could not escape the political agitation set in motion by the Popish Plot. The scaremongering associated with Titus Oates's discovery of a supposed Catholic conspiracy against the life of Charles II seriously bothered Protestants. No sooner had the anti-Catholic hysteria of the capital invaded Oxford than there was a sharp revulsion of feeling against individual papists. The inbred anti-Catholicism of the nation — never far beneath the surface of Restoration politics — became ever more strident and merciless. The local magistracy made good use of the information collected by Bishop John Fell in his primary visitation of the diocese in 1676. Vice-Chancellor John Nicholas, the trimming warden of New College, was particularly active. His officious conduct in arresting the most harmless of Catholics, such as the poverty-stricken William Joyner, was seen by his critics as a bid to curry favour at Westminster in the hope of attracting preferment.Less
Oxford University could not escape the political agitation set in motion by the Popish Plot. The scaremongering associated with Titus Oates's discovery of a supposed Catholic conspiracy against the life of Charles II seriously bothered Protestants. No sooner had the anti-Catholic hysteria of the capital invaded Oxford than there was a sharp revulsion of feeling against individual papists. The inbred anti-Catholicism of the nation — never far beneath the surface of Restoration politics — became ever more strident and merciless. The local magistracy made good use of the information collected by Bishop John Fell in his primary visitation of the diocese in 1676. Vice-Chancellor John Nicholas, the trimming warden of New College, was particularly active. His officious conduct in arresting the most harmless of Catholics, such as the poverty-stricken William Joyner, was seen by his critics as a bid to curry favour at Westminster in the hope of attracting preferment.
Paul Langford
- Published in print:
- 1994
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198205340
- eISBN:
- 9780191676574
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198205340.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History
This chapter examines the growing reluctance to conceive of the State in terms which could impede the accumulation of property and the competition of propertied interests, especially in relation to ...
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This chapter examines the growing reluctance to conceive of the State in terms which could impede the accumulation of property and the competition of propertied interests, especially in relation to religious allegiance and party politics. In a society dominated by property, nothing could be more inimical to prevailing values than distinctions unconnected with property. This was the plight of English society after the Revolution of 1688. Catholics were obvious beneficiaries of the marked change in attitudes towards religious dissent. Public office for papists was a far more sensitive question than it was for Protestant Dissenters. Dissenters of the mid-18th century would have been startled by the vehemence of the debate about their rights and privileges in the 18th century. Loyalties imposed by the State were one impediment to benevolent combination by propertied people.Less
This chapter examines the growing reluctance to conceive of the State in terms which could impede the accumulation of property and the competition of propertied interests, especially in relation to religious allegiance and party politics. In a society dominated by property, nothing could be more inimical to prevailing values than distinctions unconnected with property. This was the plight of English society after the Revolution of 1688. Catholics were obvious beneficiaries of the marked change in attitudes towards religious dissent. Public office for papists was a far more sensitive question than it was for Protestant Dissenters. Dissenters of the mid-18th century would have been startled by the vehemence of the debate about their rights and privileges in the 18th century. Loyalties imposed by the State were one impediment to benevolent combination by propertied people.
Maura Jane Farrelly
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199757718
- eISBN:
- 9780199932504
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199757718.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, History of Christianity
Anti-Catholicism was ubiquitous in the rhetoric of the American Revolution. Yet, Maryland’s Catholics supported the independence movement more enthusiastically than their Protestant neighbors. In ...
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Anti-Catholicism was ubiquitous in the rhetoric of the American Revolution. Yet, Maryland’s Catholics supported the independence movement more enthusiastically than their Protestant neighbors. In fact, support for the war may actually have been greater among Catholics in Maryland than it was among Protestants in Massachusetts. Catholics embraced the individualistic, rights-oriented ideology that defined the Revolution, in spite of not just the rhetoric, but also the reality that theirs was a communally oriented denomination that stressed the importance of hierarchy, order, and obligation. Catholic leaders in Europe made it clear that the war was a “sedition” worthy of damnation, even as they acknowledged that England had been no friend to the Catholic Church. So why, then, did “papists” become “patriots?” Maura Jane Farrelly finds that the answer has a long history, one that begins in England in the early seventeenth century and gains momentum during the nine decades leading up to the American Revolution, when Maryland’s Catholics lost a religious toleration that had been uniquely theirs in the English-speaking world and were forced to maintain their faith in an environment that was legally hostile and clerically poor. This experience made Maryland’s Catholics the colonists who were most prepared in 1776 to accept the cultural, ideological, and psychological implications of a break from England.Less
Anti-Catholicism was ubiquitous in the rhetoric of the American Revolution. Yet, Maryland’s Catholics supported the independence movement more enthusiastically than their Protestant neighbors. In fact, support for the war may actually have been greater among Catholics in Maryland than it was among Protestants in Massachusetts. Catholics embraced the individualistic, rights-oriented ideology that defined the Revolution, in spite of not just the rhetoric, but also the reality that theirs was a communally oriented denomination that stressed the importance of hierarchy, order, and obligation. Catholic leaders in Europe made it clear that the war was a “sedition” worthy of damnation, even as they acknowledged that England had been no friend to the Catholic Church. So why, then, did “papists” become “patriots?” Maura Jane Farrelly finds that the answer has a long history, one that begins in England in the early seventeenth century and gains momentum during the nine decades leading up to the American Revolution, when Maryland’s Catholics lost a religious toleration that had been uniquely theirs in the English-speaking world and were forced to maintain their faith in an environment that was legally hostile and clerically poor. This experience made Maryland’s Catholics the colonists who were most prepared in 1776 to accept the cultural, ideological, and psychological implications of a break from England.
Antoinina Bevan Zlatar
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199604692
- eISBN:
- 9780191729430
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199604692.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History
This chapter discusses five anti-Catholic dialogues, all of which engage explicitly with highly topical issues. A dialogue agaynst the tyrannye of the papistes (1562), attributed to Walter Haddon, ...
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This chapter discusses five anti-Catholic dialogues, all of which engage explicitly with highly topical issues. A dialogue agaynst the tyrannye of the papistes (1562), attributed to Walter Haddon, exploits the massacre of Protestants in France to advocate English support for the Huguenots. In An historical dialogve tovching antichrist and poperie (1589) Thomas Rogers sees divine intervention in the defeat of the Armada and proof of the ‘truth‘ of Protestantism. The chapter argues that John Nicholls's Pilgrimage (1581) and George Gifford's A Dialogue betweene a papist and a protestant (1582) form part of a government‐sponsored media campaign to convict the Jesuit Edmund Campion of treason. Finally, in A conference betwixt a mother…and her son (1600), Francis Savage tackles female Catholic recusancy, the long‐standing bugbear of the government and the bishops. A dextrous deployment of characterization and a plot of failed or successful conversion licenses hard-hitting messages.Less
This chapter discusses five anti-Catholic dialogues, all of which engage explicitly with highly topical issues. A dialogue agaynst the tyrannye of the papistes (1562), attributed to Walter Haddon, exploits the massacre of Protestants in France to advocate English support for the Huguenots. In An historical dialogve tovching antichrist and poperie (1589) Thomas Rogers sees divine intervention in the defeat of the Armada and proof of the ‘truth‘ of Protestantism. The chapter argues that John Nicholls's Pilgrimage (1581) and George Gifford's A Dialogue betweene a papist and a protestant (1582) form part of a government‐sponsored media campaign to convict the Jesuit Edmund Campion of treason. Finally, in A conference betwixt a mother…and her son (1600), Francis Savage tackles female Catholic recusancy, the long‐standing bugbear of the government and the bishops. A dextrous deployment of characterization and a plot of failed or successful conversion licenses hard-hitting messages.
Peter Marshall
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780300170627
- eISBN:
- 9780300226331
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300170627.003.0017
- Subject:
- Religion, Church History
This chapter examines how Reformation changed what it meant to be a Christian in England, affecting not just what people believed but how they believed it. The late 1580s did not herald the end of ...
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This chapter examines how Reformation changed what it meant to be a Christian in England, affecting not just what people believed but how they believed it. The late 1580s did not herald the end of endeavours to reform the worship, habits and thoughts of the people of England. But more than one grandiose project of Reformation peaked and ebbed in the period around 1587–1589. The chapter considers the precariousness of peace and Protestantism in Elizabethan England, the moral panic about Jesuits, the use of judicial torture that reflected some important claims about the limits of ‘religion’, and the division between papists and Protestants. It also discusses the results of the campaign to encourage the Protestant Church of England to become the best version of itself, with particular emphasis on the failure of bishops to make the case for continuing reformation that pushed Puritanism into becoming a political movement.Less
This chapter examines how Reformation changed what it meant to be a Christian in England, affecting not just what people believed but how they believed it. The late 1580s did not herald the end of endeavours to reform the worship, habits and thoughts of the people of England. But more than one grandiose project of Reformation peaked and ebbed in the period around 1587–1589. The chapter considers the precariousness of peace and Protestantism in Elizabethan England, the moral panic about Jesuits, the use of judicial torture that reflected some important claims about the limits of ‘religion’, and the division between papists and Protestants. It also discusses the results of the campaign to encourage the Protestant Church of England to become the best version of itself, with particular emphasis on the failure of bishops to make the case for continuing reformation that pushed Puritanism into becoming a political movement.
Rachel Weil
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804775366
- eISBN:
- 9780804780704
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804775366.003.0005
- Subject:
- Law, Legal History
This chapter examines security laws, including loyalty oaths, enforced in the wake of the English Revolution, and designed to preserve the new regime from disloyal elements, especially those known as ...
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This chapter examines security laws, including loyalty oaths, enforced in the wake of the English Revolution, and designed to preserve the new regime from disloyal elements, especially those known as papists. It shows that reading these strictures through the lens of an earlier “equation of Protestantism and loyalty, Catholicism and disloyalty” does not do justice to the way they were now used. This change was due in part to the newly visible phenomenon of disloyal Anglicans, and resulted in the development of new religious tests, such as the Declaration against Transubstantiation, which were aimed only at suspected Catholics. It argues that the equation of Catholicism with political disloyalty was counterfactual, but politically useful to Anglicans. A similar conflation of religious with political identity can be observed today, with the threat of Islamic terrorism.Less
This chapter examines security laws, including loyalty oaths, enforced in the wake of the English Revolution, and designed to preserve the new regime from disloyal elements, especially those known as papists. It shows that reading these strictures through the lens of an earlier “equation of Protestantism and loyalty, Catholicism and disloyalty” does not do justice to the way they were now used. This change was due in part to the newly visible phenomenon of disloyal Anglicans, and resulted in the development of new religious tests, such as the Declaration against Transubstantiation, which were aimed only at suspected Catholics. It argues that the equation of Catholicism with political disloyalty was counterfactual, but politically useful to Anglicans. A similar conflation of religious with political identity can be observed today, with the threat of Islamic terrorism.
Tadhg Ó hAnnracháin
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- October 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780199272723
- eISBN:
- 9780191801006
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199272723.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, European Early Modern History, History of Religion
This chapter examines three societies in the west of Europe where Catholicism was confronted with a hostile state and a dominant non-Catholic church establishment. It analyses the reasons why ...
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This chapter examines three societies in the west of Europe where Catholicism was confronted with a hostile state and a dominant non-Catholic church establishment. It analyses the reasons why Catholicism suffered the most precipitous decline in the region in Britain while outlining the reasons why England remained a significant imaginative space in the Catholic world. In the Netherlands and especially in Ireland far larger numbers continued to adhere to the church of Rome. This was strongly related to the lesser deployment of coercive measures by state authorities. Ironically one of the effects of the religious change was to give Rome greater possibilities to influence the ecclesiastical leadership of both Ireland and the Netherlands. The exclusion of Catholicism from public space also had gender implications which identified this region as different from the European norm.Less
This chapter examines three societies in the west of Europe where Catholicism was confronted with a hostile state and a dominant non-Catholic church establishment. It analyses the reasons why Catholicism suffered the most precipitous decline in the region in Britain while outlining the reasons why England remained a significant imaginative space in the Catholic world. In the Netherlands and especially in Ireland far larger numbers continued to adhere to the church of Rome. This was strongly related to the lesser deployment of coercive measures by state authorities. Ironically one of the effects of the religious change was to give Rome greater possibilities to influence the ecclesiastical leadership of both Ireland and the Netherlands. The exclusion of Catholicism from public space also had gender implications which identified this region as different from the European norm.
Norman Jones
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- November 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780199593606
- eISBN:
- 9780191779121
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199593606.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History, Political History
By nationalizing the church, the Tudor monarchs created a new managerial issue. The Queen was the Supreme Governor, and Parliament made laws about the church, but its management remained in the hands ...
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By nationalizing the church, the Tudor monarchs created a new managerial issue. The Queen was the Supreme Governor, and Parliament made laws about the church, but its management remained in the hands of bishops. They were powers in their own right, and answerable directly to the Queen. The institution, created in 1559, that bound the church to the state bureaucratically was the Ecclesiastical High Commission, a joint clerical and lay effort that gained power as the reign went on. Burghley’s management of the ecclesiastical side was primarily carried out through the appointment of bishops and commissioners, but after Grindal fell from grace, Archbishop Whitgift pursued a policy out of sync with Burghley’s. Charged with keeping the peace, Burghley’s policy was anti-papal but did not overly pressure Catholics who showed allegiance to Elizabeth. He did not like Whitgift’s willingness to prosecute Protestants and Catholics alike.Less
By nationalizing the church, the Tudor monarchs created a new managerial issue. The Queen was the Supreme Governor, and Parliament made laws about the church, but its management remained in the hands of bishops. They were powers in their own right, and answerable directly to the Queen. The institution, created in 1559, that bound the church to the state bureaucratically was the Ecclesiastical High Commission, a joint clerical and lay effort that gained power as the reign went on. Burghley’s management of the ecclesiastical side was primarily carried out through the appointment of bishops and commissioners, but after Grindal fell from grace, Archbishop Whitgift pursued a policy out of sync with Burghley’s. Charged with keeping the peace, Burghley’s policy was anti-papal but did not overly pressure Catholics who showed allegiance to Elizabeth. He did not like Whitgift’s willingness to prosecute Protestants and Catholics alike.
Peter Lake
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780198753995
- eISBN:
- 9780191815744
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198753995.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History
This chapter argues that the first English Catholic recourse to the libellous secret history and systematic use of the argument from evil counsel, The treatise of treasons, has to be read as a ...
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This chapter argues that the first English Catholic recourse to the libellous secret history and systematic use of the argument from evil counsel, The treatise of treasons, has to be read as a response to the official and semi-official exercises in public politics and black propaganda outlined in the previous two chapters. Echoes between this tract and central tropes in the texts by Thomas Norton are discussed. Particular emphasis is placed on the use of Roman history and the figures of Catiline and Cicero, and on the way in which the rhetorically inflected claims and counter claims contained in these texts created or called into being an evaluating audience to whose sympathies and credulities all of these texts were designed to appeal.Less
This chapter argues that the first English Catholic recourse to the libellous secret history and systematic use of the argument from evil counsel, The treatise of treasons, has to be read as a response to the official and semi-official exercises in public politics and black propaganda outlined in the previous two chapters. Echoes between this tract and central tropes in the texts by Thomas Norton are discussed. Particular emphasis is placed on the use of Roman history and the figures of Catiline and Cicero, and on the way in which the rhetorically inflected claims and counter claims contained in these texts created or called into being an evaluating audience to whose sympathies and credulities all of these texts were designed to appeal.