Martin Ceadel
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199571161
- eISBN:
- 9780191721762
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199571161.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory, International Relations and Politics
This chapter reveals how the tensions in Angell's thought caused him to be associated with contradictory viewpoints on different sides of the Atlantic. Visiting America (May 1915–May 1916) he came to ...
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This chapter reveals how the tensions in Angell's thought caused him to be associated with contradictory viewpoints on different sides of the Atlantic. Visiting America (May 1915–May 1916) he came to be regarded there as an advocate of military intervention against Germany, his ideas being taken seriously by President Wilson. Returning to Britain (May 1916–July 1917), probably to declare himself a conscientious objector (though he turned out to be above conscription age), he was regarded as pacifist and subversive; and with little to lose he espoused socialism and called for a democratically elected ‘parliament of the allies’ to discuss the post-war settlement. During a second sojourn in the United States (July 1917–December 1918) he consorted mainly with the left, which meant that his work for the league-of-nations movement had to be carried out behind the scenes. His ideological eclecticism — he flirted with liberal-internationalist, radical-isolationist, socialist, and pacifist ideas, whilst also promoting his ‘illusion’ thesis — reached its peak.Less
This chapter reveals how the tensions in Angell's thought caused him to be associated with contradictory viewpoints on different sides of the Atlantic. Visiting America (May 1915–May 1916) he came to be regarded there as an advocate of military intervention against Germany, his ideas being taken seriously by President Wilson. Returning to Britain (May 1916–July 1917), probably to declare himself a conscientious objector (though he turned out to be above conscription age), he was regarded as pacifist and subversive; and with little to lose he espoused socialism and called for a democratically elected ‘parliament of the allies’ to discuss the post-war settlement. During a second sojourn in the United States (July 1917–December 1918) he consorted mainly with the left, which meant that his work for the league-of-nations movement had to be carried out behind the scenes. His ideological eclecticism — he flirted with liberal-internationalist, radical-isolationist, socialist, and pacifist ideas, whilst also promoting his ‘illusion’ thesis — reached its peak.
Jonathan Atkin
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719060700
- eISBN:
- 9781781700105
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719060700.001.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, 20th-century Literature and Modernism
The Great War still haunts us. This book draws together examples of the ‘aesthetic pacifism’ practised during the Great War by such celebrated individuals as Virginia Woolf, Siegfried Sassoon and ...
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The Great War still haunts us. This book draws together examples of the ‘aesthetic pacifism’ practised during the Great War by such celebrated individuals as Virginia Woolf, Siegfried Sassoon and Bertrand Russell. It also tells the stories of those less well known who shared the attitudes of the Bloomsbury Group when it came to facing the first ‘total war’. The five-year research for this study gathered evidence from all the major archives in Great Britain and abroad in order to paint a complete picture of this unique form of anti-war expression. The narrative begins with the Great War's effect on philosopher-pacifist Bertrand Russell and Cambridge University.Less
The Great War still haunts us. This book draws together examples of the ‘aesthetic pacifism’ practised during the Great War by such celebrated individuals as Virginia Woolf, Siegfried Sassoon and Bertrand Russell. It also tells the stories of those less well known who shared the attitudes of the Bloomsbury Group when it came to facing the first ‘total war’. The five-year research for this study gathered evidence from all the major archives in Great Britain and abroad in order to paint a complete picture of this unique form of anti-war expression. The narrative begins with the Great War's effect on philosopher-pacifist Bertrand Russell and Cambridge University.
Meredith Baldwin Weddle
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195131383
- eISBN:
- 9780199834839
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019513138X.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, History of Christianity
“All bloody principles and practices we do utterly deny” – so pronounced a small band of the first English Quakers in 1660, renouncing wars, fighting, and weapons and enunciating principles of peace ...
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“All bloody principles and practices we do utterly deny” – so pronounced a small band of the first English Quakers in 1660, renouncing wars, fighting, and weapons and enunciating principles of peace called the “peace testimony.” The deceptively simple words of the peace testimony conceal the complexity of the task facing each Quaker as he worked out their precise meaning and the restraints and the actions they required in his own life. Quakers in early New England had to translate peace principles into practice during King Philip's War between settlers and Indians in 1675–76. In a time of terror, individual Quakers had to decide whether the peace testimony allowed service in militias, standing watch, seeking safety in garrison houses, and paying taxes. Their decisions covered a broad range and resulted in a pacifist continuum of interpretation and behavior.During this war, Quakers who dominated the government of Rhode Island were faced with reconciling the peace testimony with their duties as governors to protect their colony, to punish “evil‐doers,” and to reward “those who do good.” Their dilemma stimulated both imaginative legislation and corrosive compromises, illuminating the ambiguities of principles when applied to public policy. Before the war a Quaker government had enacted legislation, the Exemption of 1673, exempting conscientious objectors from all military duties including alternative civil service. But some Quakers chastised their Quaker rulers in a document called the Rhode Island Testimony for putting their faith in “carnal weapons” when they took warlike measures of offense and defense, such as transporting soldiers to battle. The struggle of early Quakers in England and America illuminates the intricate complications of pacifist belief, suggesting the kind of nuanced questions any pacifist must address.Less
“All bloody principles and practices we do utterly deny” – so pronounced a small band of the first English Quakers in 1660, renouncing wars, fighting, and weapons and enunciating principles of peace called the “peace testimony.” The deceptively simple words of the peace testimony conceal the complexity of the task facing each Quaker as he worked out their precise meaning and the restraints and the actions they required in his own life. Quakers in early New England had to translate peace principles into practice during King Philip's War between settlers and Indians in 1675–76. In a time of terror, individual Quakers had to decide whether the peace testimony allowed service in militias, standing watch, seeking safety in garrison houses, and paying taxes. Their decisions covered a broad range and resulted in a pacifist continuum of interpretation and behavior.
During this war, Quakers who dominated the government of Rhode Island were faced with reconciling the peace testimony with their duties as governors to protect their colony, to punish “evil‐doers,” and to reward “those who do good.” Their dilemma stimulated both imaginative legislation and corrosive compromises, illuminating the ambiguities of principles when applied to public policy. Before the war a Quaker government had enacted legislation, the Exemption of 1673, exempting conscientious objectors from all military duties including alternative civil service. But some Quakers chastised their Quaker rulers in a document called the Rhode Island Testimony for putting their faith in “carnal weapons” when they took warlike measures of offense and defense, such as transporting soldiers to battle. The struggle of early Quakers in England and America illuminates the intricate complications of pacifist belief, suggesting the kind of nuanced questions any pacifist must address.
Alan H. Sommerstein
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199554195
- eISBN:
- 9780191720604
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199554195.003.0012
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, Plays and Playwrights: Classical, Early, and Medieval
This chapter argues that neither Aristophanes, nor his creation Lysistrata, can reasonably be regarded as a pacifist, or even as an unconditional advocate of ending the current war against Sparta. ...
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This chapter argues that neither Aristophanes, nor his creation Lysistrata, can reasonably be regarded as a pacifist, or even as an unconditional advocate of ending the current war against Sparta. Lysistrata herself uses violence and the infliction of pain to achieve her ends; every reference made by her or her supporters to wars against enemies other than Sparta is a favourable one (as is typical of Aristophanes); and the peace terms she makes with Sparta would have been utterly, and obviously, unattainable for a democratic Athens in early 411 bc, as is virtually admitted within the play itself. The play transports the audience into a dream world where, with divine aid, the impossible is achieved. There is no sign, here or elsewhere, that Aristophanes would have accepted, let alone advocated, any peace that did not leave Athens free to maintain her empire.Less
This chapter argues that neither Aristophanes, nor his creation Lysistrata, can reasonably be regarded as a pacifist, or even as an unconditional advocate of ending the current war against Sparta. Lysistrata herself uses violence and the infliction of pain to achieve her ends; every reference made by her or her supporters to wars against enemies other than Sparta is a favourable one (as is typical of Aristophanes); and the peace terms she makes with Sparta would have been utterly, and obviously, unattainable for a democratic Athens in early 411 bc, as is virtually admitted within the play itself. The play transports the audience into a dream world where, with divine aid, the impossible is achieved. There is no sign, here or elsewhere, that Aristophanes would have accepted, let alone advocated, any peace that did not leave Athens free to maintain her empire.
Norman Ingram
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198222958
- eISBN:
- 9780191678547
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198222958.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
Pacifist ideas in France during the interwar period can be characterized as a slow process of internalization and expression. The principles advocated by the APD remained constant and unchanging in ...
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Pacifist ideas in France during the interwar period can be characterized as a slow process of internalization and expression. The principles advocated by the APD remained constant and unchanging in the first decade between the two world wars. APD and its ideas retained the vestiges of their pre-war hegemony in French pacifism until 1928 when the approach to the question of peace considerably changed as more radical and integral methods were needed in addressing the problems of peace. This chapter discusses pacifism nouveau style, its methods, principles, and goals within the confines of old-pacifism. The changes in the international situation are examined as well as they impinged the on the world of growing optimism inhabited by the liberal, bourgeois pacifists.Less
Pacifist ideas in France during the interwar period can be characterized as a slow process of internalization and expression. The principles advocated by the APD remained constant and unchanging in the first decade between the two world wars. APD and its ideas retained the vestiges of their pre-war hegemony in French pacifism until 1928 when the approach to the question of peace considerably changed as more radical and integral methods were needed in addressing the problems of peace. This chapter discusses pacifism nouveau style, its methods, principles, and goals within the confines of old-pacifism. The changes in the international situation are examined as well as they impinged the on the world of growing optimism inhabited by the liberal, bourgeois pacifists.
Heloise Brown
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719065309
- eISBN:
- 9781781700457
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719065309.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Political History
This book explores the pervasive influence of pacifism on Victorian feminism. It provides an account of Victorian women who campaigned for peace, and of the many feminists who incorporated pacifist ...
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This book explores the pervasive influence of pacifism on Victorian feminism. It provides an account of Victorian women who campaigned for peace, and of the many feminists who incorporated pacifist ideas into their writing on women and gender. The book explores feminists' ideas about the role of women within the empire, their eligibility for citizenship, and their ability to act as moral guardians in public life. It shows that such ideas made use – in varying ways – of gendered understandings of the role of force and the relevance of arbitration and other pacifist strategies. The book examines the work of a wide range of individuals and organisations, from well-known feminists such as Lydia Becker, Josephine Butler and Millicent Garrett Fawcett to lesser-known figures such as the Quaker pacifists Ellen Robinson and Priscilla Peckover.Less
This book explores the pervasive influence of pacifism on Victorian feminism. It provides an account of Victorian women who campaigned for peace, and of the many feminists who incorporated pacifist ideas into their writing on women and gender. The book explores feminists' ideas about the role of women within the empire, their eligibility for citizenship, and their ability to act as moral guardians in public life. It shows that such ideas made use – in varying ways – of gendered understandings of the role of force and the relevance of arbitration and other pacifist strategies. The book examines the work of a wide range of individuals and organisations, from well-known feminists such as Lydia Becker, Josephine Butler and Millicent Garrett Fawcett to lesser-known figures such as the Quaker pacifists Ellen Robinson and Priscilla Peckover.
Peter Brock (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195151220
- eISBN:
- 9780199870424
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195151224.003.0006
- Subject:
- Religion, History of Christianity
Thirteen documents are presented, with an introductory text, illustrating the experiences of conscientious objectors in America in the Civil War. This war presented many pacifists, especially in the ...
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Thirteen documents are presented, with an introductory text, illustrating the experiences of conscientious objectors in America in the Civil War. This war presented many pacifists, especially in the North, with an agonizing dilemma. An outline is given of provision made for conscientious objectors on both the Confederate and Unionist sides. The accounts cover: dilemmas over draft‐age sons (1862); William Lloyd Garrison and his son's exemption from military drill at school (1864); conscript dilemmas (1863); draft experiences of a conscripted Shaker (1863); the civil war diary of a Quaker conscript (1863); trials of a Quaker conscientious objector in the Confederate army (1863); a reluctant conscientious objector (1863 onwards); a consistent war‐tax objector (1861); a Mennonite farmer hires a substitute (1864); Brethren and Mennonites as exiles from the Confederate draft (1862); Adventists confront the draft (1863); the case of Benjamin Franklin (1862); and Christadelphians and the draft (1864).Less
Thirteen documents are presented, with an introductory text, illustrating the experiences of conscientious objectors in America in the Civil War. This war presented many pacifists, especially in the North, with an agonizing dilemma. An outline is given of provision made for conscientious objectors on both the Confederate and Unionist sides. The accounts cover: dilemmas over draft‐age sons (1862); William Lloyd Garrison and his son's exemption from military drill at school (1864); conscript dilemmas (1863); draft experiences of a conscripted Shaker (1863); the civil war diary of a Quaker conscript (1863); trials of a Quaker conscientious objector in the Confederate army (1863); a reluctant conscientious objector (1863 onwards); a consistent war‐tax objector (1861); a Mennonite farmer hires a substitute (1864); Brethren and Mennonites as exiles from the Confederate draft (1862); Adventists confront the draft (1863); the case of Benjamin Franklin (1862); and Christadelphians and the draft (1864).
Meredith Baldwin Weddle
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195131383
- eISBN:
- 9780199834839
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019513138X.003.0016
- Subject:
- Religion, History of Christianity
The Quaker peace testimony, like violence itself, is complex, encompassing many dualisms, such as its extreme individualism while asserting one Truth, the importance of motive as well as behavior, ...
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The Quaker peace testimony, like violence itself, is complex, encompassing many dualisms, such as its extreme individualism while asserting one Truth, the importance of motive as well as behavior, and the tension between private belief and public duties for magistrates (a tension resolved in favor of public duties). It is best described as a pacifist continuum, a line along which both belief and behavior fall, allowing for different parameters and even deep shifts in meaning over time. Thus, while the early Quaker peace testimony focused upon the purity of one's own soul, later Quakers expressed more concern for the victims of violence and for earthly justice. With this shift, the consequences of nonviolent behavior became more important, and spiritually based pacifism came to resemble secular pacifism, more strategic in nature. Quakers did not assume that aggression was necessarily dominant in human nature; rather, they believed that the transforming power of love itself might prevail over the evil within, one person at a time.Less
The Quaker peace testimony, like violence itself, is complex, encompassing many dualisms, such as its extreme individualism while asserting one Truth, the importance of motive as well as behavior, and the tension between private belief and public duties for magistrates (a tension resolved in favor of public duties). It is best described as a pacifist continuum, a line along which both belief and behavior fall, allowing for different parameters and even deep shifts in meaning over time. Thus, while the early Quaker peace testimony focused upon the purity of one's own soul, later Quakers expressed more concern for the victims of violence and for earthly justice. With this shift, the consequences of nonviolent behavior became more important, and spiritually based pacifism came to resemble secular pacifism, more strategic in nature. Quakers did not assume that aggression was necessarily dominant in human nature; rather, they believed that the transforming power of love itself might prevail over the evil within, one person at a time.
David A. Hollinger
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691158426
- eISBN:
- 9781400845996
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691158426.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, American History: early to 18th Century
This chapter analyzes the consolidation in 1942 of the two major, religiously defined institutional forces of the entire period from World War II to the present. The Delaware Conference of March 3–5, ...
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This chapter analyzes the consolidation in 1942 of the two major, religiously defined institutional forces of the entire period from World War II to the present. The Delaware Conference of March 3–5, 1942, was the first moment at which rival groups within the leadership of ecumenical Protestantism came together and agreed upon an agenda for the postwar world. The chapter addresses the following questions: Just what did the Delaware Conference agree upon and proclaim to the world? Which Protestant leaders were present at the conference and/or helped to bring it about and to endow it with the character of a summit meeting? In what respects did the new political orientation established at the conference affect the destiny of ecumenical Protestantism?Less
This chapter analyzes the consolidation in 1942 of the two major, religiously defined institutional forces of the entire period from World War II to the present. The Delaware Conference of March 3–5, 1942, was the first moment at which rival groups within the leadership of ecumenical Protestantism came together and agreed upon an agenda for the postwar world. The chapter addresses the following questions: Just what did the Delaware Conference agree upon and proclaim to the world? Which Protestant leaders were present at the conference and/or helped to bring it about and to endow it with the character of a summit meeting? In what respects did the new political orientation established at the conference affect the destiny of ecumenical Protestantism?
Andrew T. McDonald and Verlaine Stoner McDonald
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780813176079
- eISBN:
- 9780813176109
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813176079.003.0004
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Cultural Studies
After the attack on Pearl Harbor, Paul Rusch was detained at a makeshift, minimum-security jail in Tokyo. Sharing quarters with other missionaries and clergy, Rusch acted as chief organizer and camp ...
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After the attack on Pearl Harbor, Paul Rusch was detained at a makeshift, minimum-security jail in Tokyo. Sharing quarters with other missionaries and clergy, Rusch acted as chief organizer and camp cook, preparing meals with food scrounged from the black market and gleaned from his loyal network of students. Daily life among internees at Sumire camp was amiable, almost pleasant, until the Americans bombed Tokyo and Yokohama. The Doolittle Raid sparked a fierce debate between pacifists and prowar factions in the camp, foreshadowing the heated controversy that would arise while Rusch was repatriated on the ships Asama Maru and Gripsholm. Missionaries aboard ship were divided into opposing factions who debated the morality of the war. On the journey home, Rusch made connections with American intelligence officers aboard the ships, setting him up for his work in military intelligence during World War II. Despite his loyalty to the Japanese, Rusch cooperated with military intelligence, dedicating himself to winning a war against a militarist government he believed was enslaving a great people. Rusch still trusted his Japanese colleagues in Tokyo, believing they would hold fast to their promise to protect Rikkyo’s Christian identity while safeguarding Seisen-Ryo.Less
After the attack on Pearl Harbor, Paul Rusch was detained at a makeshift, minimum-security jail in Tokyo. Sharing quarters with other missionaries and clergy, Rusch acted as chief organizer and camp cook, preparing meals with food scrounged from the black market and gleaned from his loyal network of students. Daily life among internees at Sumire camp was amiable, almost pleasant, until the Americans bombed Tokyo and Yokohama. The Doolittle Raid sparked a fierce debate between pacifists and prowar factions in the camp, foreshadowing the heated controversy that would arise while Rusch was repatriated on the ships Asama Maru and Gripsholm. Missionaries aboard ship were divided into opposing factions who debated the morality of the war. On the journey home, Rusch made connections with American intelligence officers aboard the ships, setting him up for his work in military intelligence during World War II. Despite his loyalty to the Japanese, Rusch cooperated with military intelligence, dedicating himself to winning a war against a militarist government he believed was enslaving a great people. Rusch still trusted his Japanese colleagues in Tokyo, believing they would hold fast to their promise to protect Rikkyo’s Christian identity while safeguarding Seisen-Ryo.
Martin Ceadel
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199241170
- eISBN:
- 9780191696893
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199241170.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Peace activists in Britain can be described as semi-detached idealists, and in 1854 they opposed a decision to go to war. By the end of World War II they were in a state of shock, fired by the issue ...
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Peace activists in Britain can be described as semi-detached idealists, and in 1854 they opposed a decision to go to war. By the end of World War II they were in a state of shock, fired by the issue of nuclear weapons. During that period peace activism was achievable to an intermittent level. This chapter discusses peace movements and whether they are to be regarded as pressure groups rather than expressive organizations. Ideology unites the peace movement against militarists, crusaders, and defencists but also divides it between an absolutist and a reformist wing while the amorphous grouping described as ‘pacifist’ argues that the abolition of war will be achieved only by improving the international system structure or of its constituent states.Less
Peace activists in Britain can be described as semi-detached idealists, and in 1854 they opposed a decision to go to war. By the end of World War II they were in a state of shock, fired by the issue of nuclear weapons. During that period peace activism was achievable to an intermittent level. This chapter discusses peace movements and whether they are to be regarded as pressure groups rather than expressive organizations. Ideology unites the peace movement against militarists, crusaders, and defencists but also divides it between an absolutist and a reformist wing while the amorphous grouping described as ‘pacifist’ argues that the abolition of war will be achieved only by improving the international system structure or of its constituent states.
Martin Ceadel
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199241170
- eISBN:
- 9780191696893
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199241170.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
A quickened interest in the peace movement was sparked by The Tsar's Rescript of August 29, 1898 inviting other countries to a peace conference. Its ideas suddenly became prominent: the Hague ...
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A quickened interest in the peace movement was sparked by The Tsar's Rescript of August 29, 1898 inviting other countries to a peace conference. Its ideas suddenly became prominent: the Hague conference of 1899 created an international court of arbitration, this was followed by a second gathering in 1907. In 1901, the word ‘pacifist’ rose to prominence and in 1904 regular National Peace Congresses began. However, these developments reflected a greater breath of interest in war prevention as more people became anxious about the international situation rather than an increased depth of commitment to peace activism. The balance within the peace movement changed significantly, and so did ad hoc bodies including the International Crusade of Peace and a Stop-the-War movement that opposed the conflict in South Africa.Less
A quickened interest in the peace movement was sparked by The Tsar's Rescript of August 29, 1898 inviting other countries to a peace conference. Its ideas suddenly became prominent: the Hague conference of 1899 created an international court of arbitration, this was followed by a second gathering in 1907. In 1901, the word ‘pacifist’ rose to prominence and in 1904 regular National Peace Congresses began. However, these developments reflected a greater breath of interest in war prevention as more people became anxious about the international situation rather than an increased depth of commitment to peace activism. The balance within the peace movement changed significantly, and so did ad hoc bodies including the International Crusade of Peace and a Stop-the-War movement that opposed the conflict in South Africa.
Norman Ingram
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198222958
- eISBN:
- 9780191678547
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198222958.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
France during 1920s and 1930s contained a plethora of pacifists groups of various inspirations and orientations. However, there was no large encompassing pacifist organization in France. Indeed, the ...
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France during 1920s and 1930s contained a plethora of pacifists groups of various inspirations and orientations. However, there was no large encompassing pacifist organization in France. Indeed, the pacifist groups in France were lively but they are splintered and dispersed. French interwar pacifism was divided by the diversity of men and women and by the differing stand on the view of pacifism; some did not see pacifism as their rationale for their organizational existence. This book examines the history of pacifism in interwar France. In this book, the French peace movement, its organization, peace tactics and intellectual content are defined, explored and placed within the context of the French political culture during the interwar period. The three strands of dissent are discussed here along with the nature and the development of feminist pacifism in interwar France. While ethics and religion contoured the Anglo-American peace movements, the nature of French pacifism was grounded on political parameters wherein some of its elements were made to accept and advocate violence as a means to a desirable end.Less
France during 1920s and 1930s contained a plethora of pacifists groups of various inspirations and orientations. However, there was no large encompassing pacifist organization in France. Indeed, the pacifist groups in France were lively but they are splintered and dispersed. French interwar pacifism was divided by the diversity of men and women and by the differing stand on the view of pacifism; some did not see pacifism as their rationale for their organizational existence. This book examines the history of pacifism in interwar France. In this book, the French peace movement, its organization, peace tactics and intellectual content are defined, explored and placed within the context of the French political culture during the interwar period. The three strands of dissent are discussed here along with the nature and the development of feminist pacifism in interwar France. While ethics and religion contoured the Anglo-American peace movements, the nature of French pacifism was grounded on political parameters wherein some of its elements were made to accept and advocate violence as a means to a desirable end.
Norman Ingram
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198222958
- eISBN:
- 9780191678547
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198222958.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter focuses on the years the new pacifism advanced and garnered considerable growth. In this chapter, the focus is centred on the Ligue international des combatants de la paix, an important ...
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This chapter focuses on the years the new pacifism advanced and garnered considerable growth. In this chapter, the focus is centred on the Ligue international des combatants de la paix, an important and influential pacifism nouveau style in interwar France. The LICP was a large French pacifist group, composed of people from varying political, philosophical, and religious backgrounds. The LICP was significant as it provided a consistently high standard of comment on French political affairs for nine years after the Second World War ended. In this chapter, the LCIP proponent Victor Méric, the origin of the LICP, its stand on the issue of peace, and its nature of pacifism are discussed and analyzed carefully.Less
This chapter focuses on the years the new pacifism advanced and garnered considerable growth. In this chapter, the focus is centred on the Ligue international des combatants de la paix, an important and influential pacifism nouveau style in interwar France. The LICP was a large French pacifist group, composed of people from varying political, philosophical, and religious backgrounds. The LICP was significant as it provided a consistently high standard of comment on French political affairs for nine years after the Second World War ended. In this chapter, the LCIP proponent Victor Méric, the origin of the LICP, its stand on the issue of peace, and its nature of pacifism are discussed and analyzed carefully.
Norman Ingram
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198222958
- eISBN:
- 9780191678547
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198222958.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter discusses the changes and the challenges in the peace policies of the LCIP. From 1930 to 1933, the LCIP's pacifism was largely negative. Its rejection of war and call for peace were ...
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This chapter discusses the changes and the challenges in the peace policies of the LCIP. From 1930 to 1933, the LCIP's pacifism was largely negative. Its rejection of war and call for peace were based on condemnation rather than sound and practical peace policies. However in 1934, it began to develop and adapt an intelligent approach to pacifism which reflected a deeper analysis of internal and external political problems and pacifist tactics. It created a politically critical journal, developed many different strands of though on pacifist definitions and tactics, and took a measured view of external conflicts arising outside France.Less
This chapter discusses the changes and the challenges in the peace policies of the LCIP. From 1930 to 1933, the LCIP's pacifism was largely negative. Its rejection of war and call for peace were based on condemnation rather than sound and practical peace policies. However in 1934, it began to develop and adapt an intelligent approach to pacifism which reflected a deeper analysis of internal and external political problems and pacifist tactics. It created a politically critical journal, developed many different strands of though on pacifist definitions and tactics, and took a measured view of external conflicts arising outside France.
Martin Ceadel
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199241170
- eISBN:
- 9780191696893
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199241170.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Britain's attitude towards international relations was altered by the triple crisis of 1936: the remilitarization of the Rhineland, the final defeat of Abyssinia in May, and the outbreak of the ...
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Britain's attitude towards international relations was altered by the triple crisis of 1936: the remilitarization of the Rhineland, the final defeat of Abyssinia in May, and the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War. Both the peace movement and public opinion had started to polarize. One current of opinion was drawn to the pole of accommodation: many pacifists advocated peaceful change: many defencists supported appeasement; unprecedented numbers of pacifists threw in their lot with the Peace Pledge Union and other new associations; and a section of the far left still favoured war resistance. Another current of opinion was attracted by the opposite pole of containment: the leaders of the League of Nations Union still supported collective security even though they now understood that it required rearmament: many socialist pacificists came to advocate a ‘peace front’ of the progressive states against the fascist ones: and those defencists who shared the concerns of Winston Churchill, since 1929 a backbencher, called for more energetic rearmament.Less
Britain's attitude towards international relations was altered by the triple crisis of 1936: the remilitarization of the Rhineland, the final defeat of Abyssinia in May, and the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War. Both the peace movement and public opinion had started to polarize. One current of opinion was drawn to the pole of accommodation: many pacifists advocated peaceful change: many defencists supported appeasement; unprecedented numbers of pacifists threw in their lot with the Peace Pledge Union and other new associations; and a section of the far left still favoured war resistance. Another current of opinion was attracted by the opposite pole of containment: the leaders of the League of Nations Union still supported collective security even though they now understood that it required rearmament: many socialist pacificists came to advocate a ‘peace front’ of the progressive states against the fascist ones: and those defencists who shared the concerns of Winston Churchill, since 1929 a backbencher, called for more energetic rearmament.
Martin Ceadel
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199241170
- eISBN:
- 9780191696893
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199241170.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The peace movement in Britain had lost a little of its detachment by the end of World War II and the idealism it promoted diminished somewhat, but its special sense of mission remained unabated. Even ...
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The peace movement in Britain had lost a little of its detachment by the end of World War II and the idealism it promoted diminished somewhat, but its special sense of mission remained unabated. Even as the peace movement's major reconstruction in 1914–15 had marked a significant break in its organizational continuity, it had been exploring the same intellectual agenda throughout the 1854–1945 period. Above all, it had been continuously posting two questions: whether reforms of domestic politics or interstate relations might not be achievable which would eventually abolish war, and whether an absolutist rejection of war might not bring about this abolition more directly.Less
The peace movement in Britain had lost a little of its detachment by the end of World War II and the idealism it promoted diminished somewhat, but its special sense of mission remained unabated. Even as the peace movement's major reconstruction in 1914–15 had marked a significant break in its organizational continuity, it had been exploring the same intellectual agenda throughout the 1854–1945 period. Above all, it had been continuously posting two questions: whether reforms of domestic politics or interstate relations might not be achievable which would eventually abolish war, and whether an absolutist rejection of war might not bring about this abolition more directly.
Scott H. Bennett
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- March 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780823231201
- eISBN:
- 9780823240791
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fso/9780823231201.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter examines both secular and religious pacifists, the movement's reaction to prewar preparedness, the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor, the vital role that peace ...
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This chapter examines both secular and religious pacifists, the movement's reaction to prewar preparedness, the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor, the vital role that peace activists and conscientious objectors played in supporting civil liberties during the ensuing war, and the latter's heroic role in serving the mentally handicapped in often dangerous and appalling conditions. It also traces how peace activists, especially the Fellowship on Reconciliation, fought Jim Crow by helping to create the Congress of Racial Equality. Many in the so-called “greatest generation” nobly served the republic without taking up arms, and the chapter explores the histories of those pacifists who served as medics in some of the most brutal war zones. Just as military service provided veterans with newfound skills and abilities, so too did conscientious objectors emerge from prison and Civilian Public Service camps with valuable skills that shaped a generation of postwar activism.Less
This chapter examines both secular and religious pacifists, the movement's reaction to prewar preparedness, the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor, the vital role that peace activists and conscientious objectors played in supporting civil liberties during the ensuing war, and the latter's heroic role in serving the mentally handicapped in often dangerous and appalling conditions. It also traces how peace activists, especially the Fellowship on Reconciliation, fought Jim Crow by helping to create the Congress of Racial Equality. Many in the so-called “greatest generation” nobly served the republic without taking up arms, and the chapter explores the histories of those pacifists who served as medics in some of the most brutal war zones. Just as military service provided veterans with newfound skills and abilities, so too did conscientious objectors emerge from prison and Civilian Public Service camps with valuable skills that shaped a generation of postwar activism.
L. V. SCOTT
- Published in print:
- 1993
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198204213
- eISBN:
- 9780191676154
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198204213.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Military History
This chapter discusses the National Service Act and the history and diversity of Labour objections to conscription and to the situation that existed in government in the PLP from the autumn of 1946 ...
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This chapter discusses the National Service Act and the history and diversity of Labour objections to conscription and to the situation that existed in government in the PLP from the autumn of 1946 to the spring of 1947. Opposition to compulsory military service was founded on different arguments and expressed in different sections of the Labour Party. Pacifists, non-conformists, trade unionists, liberals, and the occasional military thinker all had their reasons for opposition. This was the case within Labour and also elsewhere — the Liberal and Independent Labour Parties were to remain resolutely opposed to military conscription. As the government had yet to reach a decision on long-term military policy it was not unreasonable for Atlee and his colleagues to want discussion in the party deferred, until both defence policy and the international situation in general had become clearer.Less
This chapter discusses the National Service Act and the history and diversity of Labour objections to conscription and to the situation that existed in government in the PLP from the autumn of 1946 to the spring of 1947. Opposition to compulsory military service was founded on different arguments and expressed in different sections of the Labour Party. Pacifists, non-conformists, trade unionists, liberals, and the occasional military thinker all had their reasons for opposition. This was the case within Labour and also elsewhere — the Liberal and Independent Labour Parties were to remain resolutely opposed to military conscription. As the government had yet to reach a decision on long-term military policy it was not unreasonable for Atlee and his colleagues to want discussion in the party deferred, until both defence policy and the international situation in general had become clearer.
James Hinton
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199574667
- eISBN:
- 9780191702167
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199574667.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Social History
This chapter focuses on wartime diarist Ernest van Someren. Ernest was a scientist, family man, civic activist, Quaker, pacifist, and socialist. He enjoyed a rich intellectual and cultural life in ...
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This chapter focuses on wartime diarist Ernest van Someren. Ernest was a scientist, family man, civic activist, Quaker, pacifist, and socialist. He enjoyed a rich intellectual and cultural life in concert with his wife and friends in an affluent Home Counties suburb. But even while he lived the ‘new life’ Ernest had his devils to confront, if only because his lifestyle depended on a successful career as a research chemist in war industry. Reading between the lines, and with the help of his responses to MO's monthly directives, one can glimpse the ways in which his civic activism helped to assuage the contradiction he was living between his pacifist beliefs and the satisfactions he derived from his work in war industry and the privileged lifestyle that it paid for.Less
This chapter focuses on wartime diarist Ernest van Someren. Ernest was a scientist, family man, civic activist, Quaker, pacifist, and socialist. He enjoyed a rich intellectual and cultural life in concert with his wife and friends in an affluent Home Counties suburb. But even while he lived the ‘new life’ Ernest had his devils to confront, if only because his lifestyle depended on a successful career as a research chemist in war industry. Reading between the lines, and with the help of his responses to MO's monthly directives, one can glimpse the ways in which his civic activism helped to assuage the contradiction he was living between his pacifist beliefs and the satisfactions he derived from his work in war industry and the privileged lifestyle that it paid for.
