Christopher Hood, Henry Rothstein, and Robert Baldwin
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199243631
- eISBN:
- 9780191599507
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199243638.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Why does the regulation of risks to human health and safety vary so dramatically from one policy domain to another? Why are some risks regulated aggressively and others responded to only modestly? Is ...
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Why does the regulation of risks to human health and safety vary so dramatically from one policy domain to another? Why are some risks regulated aggressively and others responded to only modestly? Is there any logic to the techniques we use in risk regulation? This book addresses these important questions by systematically examining variety amongst risk regulation regimes across policy domains, analysing the significant driving forces shaping those regimes, and identifying the causes of regulatory failure and success. In order to do so, the book develops a systems‐based concept of a ‘risk regulation regime’, which enables comparative description and analysis of the rules, institutional arrangements, and cultures that are bound up with the handling of risk within and between regimes. Using that framework, the book analyses how regimes and their constituent components are differentially shaped by three major driving forces—namely, the pressures exerted by market failure, by public opinion, and by organized interests inside and outside the state apparatus—and blame‐avoidance responses of regimes in the face of pressures for greater openness. The book applies the method to analyse a range of risk regulation regimes that cross the divide between ‘natural’ and ‘socially created’, state‐created and market‐created, ‘voluntary’ and ‘involuntary’, high‐tech and low‐tech, individually, and corporately produced risks. Those regimes include the release of paedophiles into the community, air pollution, local road safety, radon, pesticides, and dangerous dogs. The analysis reveals both variations and paradoxes that can neither be identified by single case studies, nor be easily explained by macro‐oriented approaches to understanding risk regulation. The Government of Risk shows how such an approach is of high policy relevance as well as of considerable theoretical importance.Less
Why does the regulation of risks to human health and safety vary so dramatically from one policy domain to another? Why are some risks regulated aggressively and others responded to only modestly? Is there any logic to the techniques we use in risk regulation? This book addresses these important questions by systematically examining variety amongst risk regulation regimes across policy domains, analysing the significant driving forces shaping those regimes, and identifying the causes of regulatory failure and success. In order to do so, the book develops a systems‐based concept of a ‘risk regulation regime’, which enables comparative description and analysis of the rules, institutional arrangements, and cultures that are bound up with the handling of risk within and between regimes. Using that framework, the book analyses how regimes and their constituent components are differentially shaped by three major driving forces—namely, the pressures exerted by market failure, by public opinion, and by organized interests inside and outside the state apparatus—and blame‐avoidance responses of regimes in the face of pressures for greater openness. The book applies the method to analyse a range of risk regulation regimes that cross the divide between ‘natural’ and ‘socially created’, state‐created and market‐created, ‘voluntary’ and ‘involuntary’, high‐tech and low‐tech, individually, and corporately produced risks. Those regimes include the release of paedophiles into the community, air pollution, local road safety, radon, pesticides, and dangerous dogs. The analysis reveals both variations and paradoxes that can neither be identified by single case studies, nor be easily explained by macro‐oriented approaches to understanding risk regulation. The Government of Risk shows how such an approach is of high policy relevance as well as of considerable theoretical importance.
Christopher Hood, Henry Rothstein, and Robert Baldwin
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199243631
- eISBN:
- 9780191599507
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199243638.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Explores the logic of basing risk regulation on the interests of cohesive organized groups inside or outside the bureaucracy, including patterns of capture by professions as well as by orthodox ...
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Explores the logic of basing risk regulation on the interests of cohesive organized groups inside or outside the bureaucracy, including patterns of capture by professions as well as by orthodox producer capture. The chapter explores the extent and conditions in which state regulation of the nine case‐study risks is driven by such forces. Analysis suggests that activity by organized interests has powerful explanatory force and can help explain a number of regime features that are anomolous from market‐failure and opinion‐responsive perspectives, especially when the interests of regulatory professionals are taken into account. Moreover, careful analysis reveals that different regulatory components of the same regime, such as standard‐setting and enforcement, may be shaped by different sets of organized interests.Less
Explores the logic of basing risk regulation on the interests of cohesive organized groups inside or outside the bureaucracy, including patterns of capture by professions as well as by orthodox producer capture. The chapter explores the extent and conditions in which state regulation of the nine case‐study risks is driven by such forces. Analysis suggests that activity by organized interests has powerful explanatory force and can help explain a number of regime features that are anomolous from market‐failure and opinion‐responsive perspectives, especially when the interests of regulatory professionals are taken into account. Moreover, careful analysis reveals that different regulatory components of the same regime, such as standard‐setting and enforcement, may be shaped by different sets of organized interests.
Kay Lehman Schlozman, Sidney Verba, and Henry E. Brady
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691154848
- eISBN:
- 9781400841912
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691154848.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter considers several matters that complicate the understanding of inequalities of political voice through organized interests. It first differentiates between, on the one hand, the view of ...
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This chapter considers several matters that complicate the understanding of inequalities of political voice through organized interests. It first differentiates between, on the one hand, the view of organized interest influence that emerges from the periodic scandals involving the use of illicit cash and favors to buy policy benefits from public officials and, on the other, the ordinary, and completely legal, inequalities intrinsic to organized interest politics. The chapter also discusses the multiple factors that make it even more difficult than it is for individual input to identify in practice when a circumstance of equal political voice has been achieved for organized interest input. Finally, a large section of this chapter is devoted to considering whether organized interest activity can make a difference for political outcomes.Less
This chapter considers several matters that complicate the understanding of inequalities of political voice through organized interests. It first differentiates between, on the one hand, the view of organized interest influence that emerges from the periodic scandals involving the use of illicit cash and favors to buy policy benefits from public officials and, on the other, the ordinary, and completely legal, inequalities intrinsic to organized interest politics. The chapter also discusses the multiple factors that make it even more difficult than it is for individual input to identify in practice when a circumstance of equal political voice has been achieved for organized interest input. Finally, a large section of this chapter is devoted to considering whether organized interest activity can make a difference for political outcomes.
Kay Lehman Schlozman, Sidney Verba, and Henry E. Brady
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691154848
- eISBN:
- 9781400841912
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691154848.003.0014
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter maps the terrain of political activity by organizations using systematic empirical data to reveal something about the political voice emerging from organized involvement in various ...
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This chapter maps the terrain of political activity by organizations using systematic empirical data to reveal something about the political voice emerging from organized involvement in various domains of national politics. For various domains of organizational activity, the chapter characterizes categories of organizations with respect to the likelihood that organizations are active and, if active, how much they do. In the process this chapter clarifies the strategic considerations and resource constraints that shape the involvement of different kinds of organizations in different arenas. Here, it becomes apparent that the policy makers in different institutional settings hear quite different mixes of messages.Less
This chapter maps the terrain of political activity by organizations using systematic empirical data to reveal something about the political voice emerging from organized involvement in various domains of national politics. For various domains of organizational activity, the chapter characterizes categories of organizations with respect to the likelihood that organizations are active and, if active, how much they do. In the process this chapter clarifies the strategic considerations and resource constraints that shape the involvement of different kinds of organizations in different arenas. Here, it becomes apparent that the policy makers in different institutional settings hear quite different mixes of messages.
Christopher Hood, Henry Rothstein, and Robert Baldwin
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199243631
- eISBN:
- 9780191599507
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199243638.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Reviews received explanations of why governments regulate risk in the way they do and identifies a triangle of contextual forces that may sometimes pull together in shaping risk regulation regimes ...
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Reviews received explanations of why governments regulate risk in the way they do and identifies a triangle of contextual forces that may sometimes pull together in shaping risk regulation regimes and sometimes pull in opposite directions. Those forces relate to market failure, mass public opinion, and organized interests. The chapter argues that analysis of these contextual factors can help explain variety amongst risk regulation regimes but identifies some of the methodological problems involved in such an analysis. Detailed analysis of how far such contextual factors shape the content of risk regulation regimes is presented in Chs.5, 6, and 7.Less
Reviews received explanations of why governments regulate risk in the way they do and identifies a triangle of contextual forces that may sometimes pull together in shaping risk regulation regimes and sometimes pull in opposite directions. Those forces relate to market failure, mass public opinion, and organized interests. The chapter argues that analysis of these contextual factors can help explain variety amongst risk regulation regimes but identifies some of the methodological problems involved in such an analysis. Detailed analysis of how far such contextual factors shape the content of risk regulation regimes is presented in Chs.5, 6, and 7.
Kay Lehman Schlozman, Sidney Verba, and Henry E. Brady
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691154848
- eISBN:
- 9781400841912
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691154848.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter uses systematic data collected for the Washington Representatives Study to inquire into the kinds of interests that are represented by organizations in national politics and the extent ...
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This chapter uses systematic data collected for the Washington Representatives Study to inquire into the kinds of interests that are represented by organizations in national politics and the extent to which that configuration approximates equality of political voice. The survey presented here has made clear that, for all the variety in the interests represented by organizations in Washington, the pressure system is far from universal. Many constituencies with a seeming interest in federal policies have no organization of their own. What is more, both the free rider problem and the resource constraint problem here imply that organized interest representation in Washington is riddled with everyday inequalities.Less
This chapter uses systematic data collected for the Washington Representatives Study to inquire into the kinds of interests that are represented by organizations in national politics and the extent to which that configuration approximates equality of political voice. The survey presented here has made clear that, for all the variety in the interests represented by organizations in Washington, the pressure system is far from universal. Many constituencies with a seeming interest in federal policies have no organization of their own. What is more, both the free rider problem and the resource constraint problem here imply that organized interest representation in Washington is riddled with everyday inequalities.
Jack Hayward and Anand Menon (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199250158
- eISBN:
- 9780191599439
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199250154.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This book is intended to be the leading advanced survey of politics in Western Europe. It examines in detail all aspects of political life in Western Europe, from public protest to core executives, ...
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This book is intended to be the leading advanced survey of politics in Western Europe. It examines in detail all aspects of political life in Western Europe, from public protest to core executives, and from social policy to Europe’s place in the world. It brings together a team of leading scholars from the United Kingdom, continental Europe and North America. The contributions provide not only a sophisticated introduction to the various issues covered, but also a detailed discussion of the major theoretical and empirical debates and developments in the field. The book thus combines the functions of providing a comprehensive overview and a series of original contributions to scholarly debate. It has 23 chapters, two of which are introductory, and look at institutions and the evolution of European democracy, and national courts and European Community Law. The focus of the remainder is on European core executives (4 chapters), public administration (4 chapters), parties and organized interests (3 chapters), democracy and popular participation (3 chapters), public policy (4 chapters) and the changing European state (3 chapters). The book is intended as a tribute to the late Vincent Wright of Nuffield College, Oxford University, to whom the Foreword and Preface are devoted.Less
This book is intended to be the leading advanced survey of politics in Western Europe. It examines in detail all aspects of political life in Western Europe, from public protest to core executives, and from social policy to Europe’s place in the world. It brings together a team of leading scholars from the United Kingdom, continental Europe and North America. The contributions provide not only a sophisticated introduction to the various issues covered, but also a detailed discussion of the major theoretical and empirical debates and developments in the field. The book thus combines the functions of providing a comprehensive overview and a series of original contributions to scholarly debate. It has 23 chapters, two of which are introductory, and look at institutions and the evolution of European democracy, and national courts and European Community Law. The focus of the remainder is on European core executives (4 chapters), public administration (4 chapters), parties and organized interests (3 chapters), democracy and popular participation (3 chapters), public policy (4 chapters) and the changing European state (3 chapters). The book is intended as a tribute to the late Vincent Wright of Nuffield College, Oxford University, to whom the Foreword and Preface are devoted.
Christopher Hood, Henry Rothstein, and Robert Baldwin
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199243631
- eISBN:
- 9780191599507
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199243638.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Sets out two key dimensions for analysing risk regulation regimes that are employed throughout the book. The first dimension relates to the three constituent components of a risk regulation regime ...
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Sets out two key dimensions for analysing risk regulation regimes that are employed throughout the book. The first dimension relates to the three constituent components of a risk regulation regime that are common to any control system—i.e. ways of gathering information, ways of setting standards, goals or targets and ways of changing behaviour and enforcement to meet the standards or targets. The second dimension relates both to the context of risk regulation regimes—i.e. the character of the risks being tackled, public attitudes towards risks and the configuration of related organized interests— and the content of regimes—i.e. their size, structure, and style. Analysis of risk regulation regimes along these two dimensions provides an essential starting point for compartive analysis, picks up fine‐grained distinctions between regimes and identifies regime features that are central to a range of debates about risk regulation.Less
Sets out two key dimensions for analysing risk regulation regimes that are employed throughout the book. The first dimension relates to the three constituent components of a risk regulation regime that are common to any control system—i.e. ways of gathering information, ways of setting standards, goals or targets and ways of changing behaviour and enforcement to meet the standards or targets. The second dimension relates both to the context of risk regulation regimes—i.e. the character of the risks being tackled, public attitudes towards risks and the configuration of related organized interests— and the content of regimes—i.e. their size, structure, and style. Analysis of risk regulation regimes along these two dimensions provides an essential starting point for compartive analysis, picks up fine‐grained distinctions between regimes and identifies regime features that are central to a range of debates about risk regulation.
Christopher Hood, Henry Rothstein, and Robert Baldwin
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199243631
- eISBN:
- 9780191599507
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199243638.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Explores the logic of basing risk regulation on mass popular opinion and explores the extent and conditions in which state regulation of risk reflects general public opinion. The chapter draws ...
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Explores the logic of basing risk regulation on mass popular opinion and explores the extent and conditions in which state regulation of risk reflects general public opinion. The chapter draws together existing empirical evidence about public attitudes towards the nine case‐study risks and presents a substantial and original analysis of the salience of those risks in UK newspapers over 12 years to 1998. Analysis suggests that public opinion is certainly a shaper of risk regulation regimes, most obviously in relation to some standard‐setting activities, but it appears to be a constraint or support rather than the key driver. Regulatory activity appears to be better explained by the contingent alignment and relative strengths of other forces shaping regimes. Moreover, the chapter also identifies four important strategies employed by regulators for managing misalignments between public preferences and the preferences of policy experts or other organized interests.Less
Explores the logic of basing risk regulation on mass popular opinion and explores the extent and conditions in which state regulation of risk reflects general public opinion. The chapter draws together existing empirical evidence about public attitudes towards the nine case‐study risks and presents a substantial and original analysis of the salience of those risks in UK newspapers over 12 years to 1998. Analysis suggests that public opinion is certainly a shaper of risk regulation regimes, most obviously in relation to some standard‐setting activities, but it appears to be a constraint or support rather than the key driver. Regulatory activity appears to be better explained by the contingent alignment and relative strengths of other forces shaping regimes. Moreover, the chapter also identifies four important strategies employed by regulators for managing misalignments between public preferences and the preferences of policy experts or other organized interests.
Kay Lehman Schlozman, Sidney Verba, and Henry E. Brady
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691154848
- eISBN:
- 9781400841912
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691154848.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter examines the evolution of the Washington pressure community, assessing changes in the number and distribution of active organizations over a twenty-five-year span. Of special concern is ...
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This chapter examines the evolution of the Washington pressure community, assessing changes in the number and distribution of active organizations over a twenty-five-year span. Of special concern is whether these patterns—in particular, the strong representation of business interests in contrast to the economic interests of less economically advantaged—are unique to a 2001 analysis or are a persistent aspect of organized interest representation in Washington. The chapter reveals how most of the organizations new to the pressure community are not organizations that never existed before; rather, they are organizations that have been outside of politics and, for reasons that are less well studied, are activated into politics. Thus the shape of the pressure community is influenced by a number of factors—of which an important one, but far from the only one, is the set of processes by which new political organizations come into being.Less
This chapter examines the evolution of the Washington pressure community, assessing changes in the number and distribution of active organizations over a twenty-five-year span. Of special concern is whether these patterns—in particular, the strong representation of business interests in contrast to the economic interests of less economically advantaged—are unique to a 2001 analysis or are a persistent aspect of organized interest representation in Washington. The chapter reveals how most of the organizations new to the pressure community are not organizations that never existed before; rather, they are organizations that have been outside of politics and, for reasons that are less well studied, are activated into politics. Thus the shape of the pressure community is influenced by a number of factors—of which an important one, but far from the only one, is the set of processes by which new political organizations come into being.
Kay Lehman Schlozman, Sidney Verba, and Henry E. Brady
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691154848
- eISBN:
- 9781400841912
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691154848.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Politically active individuals and organizations make huge investments of time, energy, and money to influence everything from election outcomes to congressional subcommittee hearings to local school ...
More
Politically active individuals and organizations make huge investments of time, energy, and money to influence everything from election outcomes to congressional subcommittee hearings to local school politics, while other groups and individual citizens seem woefully underrepresented in our political system. This book is a comprehensive and systematic examination of political voice in America, and its findings are sobering. The book looks at the political participation of individual citizens alongside the political advocacy of thousands of organized interests—membership associations such as unions, professional associations, trade associations, and citizens groups, as well as organizations like corporations, hospitals, and universities. Drawing on numerous in-depth surveys of members of the public as well as the largest database of interest organizations ever created—representing more than 35,000 organizations over a 25-year period—this book conclusively demonstrates that American democracy is marred by deeply ingrained and persistent class-based political inequality. The well-educated and affluent are active in many ways to make their voices heard, while the less advantaged are not. This book reveals how the political voices of organized interests are even less representative than those of individuals, how political advantage is handed down across generations, how recruitment to political activity perpetuates and exaggerates existing biases, how political voice on the Internet replicates these inequalities—and more. In a true democracy, the preferences and needs of all citizens deserve equal consideration. Yet equal consideration is only possible with equal citizen voice. This book reveals how far we really are from the democratic ideal and how hard it would be to attain it.Less
Politically active individuals and organizations make huge investments of time, energy, and money to influence everything from election outcomes to congressional subcommittee hearings to local school politics, while other groups and individual citizens seem woefully underrepresented in our political system. This book is a comprehensive and systematic examination of political voice in America, and its findings are sobering. The book looks at the political participation of individual citizens alongside the political advocacy of thousands of organized interests—membership associations such as unions, professional associations, trade associations, and citizens groups, as well as organizations like corporations, hospitals, and universities. Drawing on numerous in-depth surveys of members of the public as well as the largest database of interest organizations ever created—representing more than 35,000 organizations over a 25-year period—this book conclusively demonstrates that American democracy is marred by deeply ingrained and persistent class-based political inequality. The well-educated and affluent are active in many ways to make their voices heard, while the less advantaged are not. This book reveals how the political voices of organized interests are even less representative than those of individuals, how political advantage is handed down across generations, how recruitment to political activity perpetuates and exaggerates existing biases, how political voice on the Internet replicates these inequalities—and more. In a true democracy, the preferences and needs of all citizens deserve equal consideration. Yet equal consideration is only possible with equal citizen voice. This book reveals how far we really are from the democratic ideal and how hard it would be to attain it.