Jeffrey Broadbent
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199251780
- eISBN:
- 9780191599057
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199251789.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Presents a case for a network version of the concept of political opportunity structure, focusing on environmental movement activity in eight communities in Japan. Embeddedness in specific networks ...
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Presents a case for a network version of the concept of political opportunity structure, focusing on environmental movement activity in eight communities in Japan. Embeddedness in specific networks shapes political action much more strongly in densely knit societies like Japan than in Western, individualistic societies; in Japan, networks operate mostly in terms of block recruitment rather than individual recruitment, and this holds for both movements and local elites. In particular, vertical ties between elites and citizen strongly shape local political opportunities: it is the presence of ‘breakaway bosses’ (i.e. local leaders who take the protesters’ side) to prove the strongest predictor of success for collective action. The chapter also presents a distinctive theoretical framework, Integrative Structurational Analysis, to link structure and agency.Less
Presents a case for a network version of the concept of political opportunity structure, focusing on environmental movement activity in eight communities in Japan. Embeddedness in specific networks shapes political action much more strongly in densely knit societies like Japan than in Western, individualistic societies; in Japan, networks operate mostly in terms of block recruitment rather than individual recruitment, and this holds for both movements and local elites. In particular, vertical ties between elites and citizen strongly shape local political opportunities: it is the presence of ‘breakaway bosses’ (i.e. local leaders who take the protesters’ side) to prove the strongest predictor of success for collective action. The chapter also presents a distinctive theoretical framework, Integrative Structurational Analysis, to link structure and agency.
Marianne Githens
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198293484
- eISBN:
- 9780191598944
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293488.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter reviews existing research about women's political recruitment focusing on women's participation in electoral politics and social movements and civic organizations. Githens proposes an ...
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This chapter reviews existing research about women's political recruitment focusing on women's participation in electoral politics and social movements and civic organizations. Githens proposes an agenda for future research on women's political recruitment that includes attention to the importance of identity politics, reference groups, perceptions of opportunity structures, political role styles, and role models.Less
This chapter reviews existing research about women's political recruitment focusing on women's participation in electoral politics and social movements and civic organizations. Githens proposes an agenda for future research on women's political recruitment that includes attention to the importance of identity politics, reference groups, perceptions of opportunity structures, political role styles, and role models.
Maria Kousis
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199252060
- eISBN:
- 9780191601064
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199252068.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Analysis of 579 environmental protest events in Greece, reported in Eleftherotypia during 1988–97, showed an uneven decline of protest during the decade, an overrepresentation of urban environmental ...
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Analysis of 579 environmental protest events in Greece, reported in Eleftherotypia during 1988–97, showed an uneven decline of protest during the decade, an overrepresentation of urban environmental claims, and the prominence of nature conservation, pollution, urban, and industrial claims made by both formal and informal environmental groups. Claims involving the health effects of environmental degradation declined, due to a steeper reduction in the reported incidence of grassroots environmental activism. In general, there was limited variation in the tactics used, with conventional protest predominating, followed by confrontation and demonstrations, and rarely by violence. Community activists tended to opt more often for confrontational or violent actions than did formal NGOs. The observed patterns are influenced by the changing political and economic opportunity structure associated with economic liberalization, the pattern of newspaper coverage, and the organization of social space.Less
Analysis of 579 environmental protest events in Greece, reported in Eleftherotypia during 1988–97, showed an uneven decline of protest during the decade, an overrepresentation of urban environmental claims, and the prominence of nature conservation, pollution, urban, and industrial claims made by both formal and informal environmental groups. Claims involving the health effects of environmental degradation declined, due to a steeper reduction in the reported incidence of grassroots environmental activism. In general, there was limited variation in the tactics used, with conventional protest predominating, followed by confrontation and demonstrations, and rarely by violence. Community activists tended to opt more often for confrontational or violent actions than did formal NGOs. The observed patterns are influenced by the changing political and economic opportunity structure associated with economic liberalization, the pattern of newspaper coverage, and the organization of social space.
Martin Kitchener
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195388299
- eISBN:
- 9780199866519
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195388299.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter extends institutional theory to analyze processes by which resource‐poor actors initiate new structures within fields of healthcare organizations. Using insights from studies of ...
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This chapter extends institutional theory to analyze processes by which resource‐poor actors initiate new structures within fields of healthcare organizations. Using insights from studies of counter‐movements, political opportunity structures, and social processes, a series of propositions are derived and illustrated using three case studies of institutional change driven by health reform movements: abortion rights, AIDS, and long‐term care. The framework assumes that multiple belief systems (logics) within healthcare fields ensure that institutional arrangements will be challenged, sometimes by reform movements. Five aspects of political opportunity structures support such efforts: organizational fields that are centralized and immature, an open policy context, a decentralized state, neighboring fields of reform activity, and journalistic standards of balanced reporting. Health reform movements are enabled by networked forms of leadership, the development of equivalent capacities to counter‐movements, and leaders framing an array of arguments. Successful reform processes are likely to be slow, highly contested, and result in the new structure being accommodated alongside aspects of the traditional arrangements.Less
This chapter extends institutional theory to analyze processes by which resource‐poor actors initiate new structures within fields of healthcare organizations. Using insights from studies of counter‐movements, political opportunity structures, and social processes, a series of propositions are derived and illustrated using three case studies of institutional change driven by health reform movements: abortion rights, AIDS, and long‐term care. The framework assumes that multiple belief systems (logics) within healthcare fields ensure that institutional arrangements will be challenged, sometimes by reform movements. Five aspects of political opportunity structures support such efforts: organizational fields that are centralized and immature, an open policy context, a decentralized state, neighboring fields of reform activity, and journalistic standards of balanced reporting. Health reform movements are enabled by networked forms of leadership, the development of equivalent capacities to counter‐movements, and leaders framing an array of arguments. Successful reform processes are likely to be slow, highly contested, and result in the new structure being accommodated alongside aspects of the traditional arrangements.
Jens Borchert
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199260362
- eISBN:
- 9780191601873
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199260362.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
If we are to compare professional politicians in different political systems, we need a conceptual tool that enables us to study functionally equivalent structures and patterns of behaviour in vastly ...
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If we are to compare professional politicians in different political systems, we need a conceptual tool that enables us to study functionally equivalent structures and patterns of behaviour in vastly different institutional settings. This chapter argues that the concept of ‘political class’ is very much suited for that role. It goes on to look at different levels of political professionalization (individual, office, institutional, systemic). Setting the frame for the country chapters to follow, it outlines the historical pathway to political professionalism, the institutional context, the size of the political class, patterns of recruitment and political careers, the remuneration of politicians, and recent reform debates as the principal issues to be dealt with.Less
If we are to compare professional politicians in different political systems, we need a conceptual tool that enables us to study functionally equivalent structures and patterns of behaviour in vastly different institutional settings. This chapter argues that the concept of ‘political class’ is very much suited for that role. It goes on to look at different levels of political professionalization (individual, office, institutional, systemic). Setting the frame for the country chapters to follow, it outlines the historical pathway to political professionalism, the institutional context, the size of the political class, patterns of recruitment and political careers, the remuneration of politicians, and recent reform debates as the principal issues to be dealt with.
Georgina Waylen
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199248032
- eISBN:
- 9780191714894
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199248032.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
The conclusion gives an overview of how the changes in citizenship, participation and policymaking that have been part of transitions to democracy are gendered and lays out the circumstances under ...
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The conclusion gives an overview of how the changes in citizenship, participation and policymaking that have been part of transitions to democracy are gendered and lays out the circumstances under which gender outcomes can be positive. After summarizing the outcomes in the electoral, bureaucratic, and constitutional/legal arenas, the conclusion outlines the key factors involved in any explanation. Although women's movements are often central in articulating gender issues, more is needed to ensure that those issues are placed on the agenda of the transition and subsequently remain on the policy agenda in the post transition period. Any analysis therefore has to include the political opportunity structure and the roles of key actors and strategic alliances. The conclusion then outlines how the book's arguments fit into wider debates within the study of gender and politics and comparative politics.Less
The conclusion gives an overview of how the changes in citizenship, participation and policymaking that have been part of transitions to democracy are gendered and lays out the circumstances under which gender outcomes can be positive. After summarizing the outcomes in the electoral, bureaucratic, and constitutional/legal arenas, the conclusion outlines the key factors involved in any explanation. Although women's movements are often central in articulating gender issues, more is needed to ensure that those issues are placed on the agenda of the transition and subsequently remain on the policy agenda in the post transition period. Any analysis therefore has to include the political opportunity structure and the roles of key actors and strategic alliances. The conclusion then outlines how the book's arguments fit into wider debates within the study of gender and politics and comparative politics.
Carola Frege, Edmund Heery, and Lowell Turner
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199270149
- eISBN:
- 9780191710353
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199270149.003.0008
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Political Economy
This chapter deals with attempts by unions to build coalitions with other movements and institutions in civil society. In the first place, it identifies the functions of coalition-building for unions ...
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This chapter deals with attempts by unions to build coalitions with other movements and institutions in civil society. In the first place, it identifies the functions of coalition-building for unions and notes the types of resource that unions can access through alliance with other civil society agents. Secondly, it develops a typology of union-backed coalitions that distinguishes between vanguard, common-cause, and integrative coalitions. Thirdly, it examines the factors that promote coalition, which range from diminishing traditional union resources, through the availability of coalition partners to the political opportunity structure. This framework is illustrated by comparing patterns of union coalition-building in the five cases of Britain, Germany, Italy, Spain, and the US.Less
This chapter deals with attempts by unions to build coalitions with other movements and institutions in civil society. In the first place, it identifies the functions of coalition-building for unions and notes the types of resource that unions can access through alliance with other civil society agents. Secondly, it develops a typology of union-backed coalitions that distinguishes between vanguard, common-cause, and integrative coalitions. Thirdly, it examines the factors that promote coalition, which range from diminishing traditional union resources, through the availability of coalition partners to the political opportunity structure. This framework is illustrated by comparing patterns of union coalition-building in the five cases of Britain, Germany, Italy, Spain, and the US.
Hans‐Dieter Klingemann and Bernhard Wessels
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199257683
- eISBN:
- 9780191600241
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019925768X.003.0014
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Addresses the question of the relevance the German mixed‐member electoral system has for the party system and for candidate vote, and argues that the mixed‐member electoral system does indeed live up ...
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Addresses the question of the relevance the German mixed‐member electoral system has for the party system and for candidate vote, and argues that the mixed‐member electoral system does indeed live up to its German moniker of ‘personalized proportional representation’, in that it provides at once individualized representation of geographic constituencies and proportionality. The analysis proceeds in four steps and discusses the impact of the electoral system on the interparty and intraparty dimensions. The first two sections deal with the impact of the electoral system (a) on the party system, and (b) on voting behavior, with special attention to ticket‐splitting. The third and fourth sections deal with (a) candidate selection and opportunity structures as shaped by the electoral system and the parties, and (b) the likelihood of a district performance‐based personal vote for members of parliament. Concludes with a confrontation of the normative expectations of the founding fathers and empirical reality and speculates about the future of the German party system.Less
Addresses the question of the relevance the German mixed‐member electoral system has for the party system and for candidate vote, and argues that the mixed‐member electoral system does indeed live up to its German moniker of ‘personalized proportional representation’, in that it provides at once individualized representation of geographic constituencies and proportionality. The analysis proceeds in four steps and discusses the impact of the electoral system on the interparty and intraparty dimensions. The first two sections deal with the impact of the electoral system (a) on the party system, and (b) on voting behavior, with special attention to ticket‐splitting. The third and fourth sections deal with (a) candidate selection and opportunity structures as shaped by the electoral system and the parties, and (b) the likelihood of a district performance‐based personal vote for members of parliament. Concludes with a confrontation of the normative expectations of the founding fathers and empirical reality and speculates about the future of the German party system.
Dorothy McBride Stetson (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199242665
- eISBN:
- 9780191600258
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199242666.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This work presents the results of a comprehensive and integrated research project in comparative abortion policy and politics in post‐industrial democracies. It focuses on the questions of state ...
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This work presents the results of a comprehensive and integrated research project in comparative abortion policy and politics in post‐industrial democracies. It focuses on the questions of state feminism—the extent to which women's policy agencies further goals of women's movements for descriptive and substantive representation. In 11 countries in Western Europe and North America, including Austria, Belgium, Canada, France, Germany, Great Britain, Ireland, Italy, the Netherlands and the US, authors analyse the most significant debates on abortion policies from the 1970s through the 1990s. Following a common research design, individual researchers describe how each issue came to the public agenda, the goals of women's movement actors, the effectiveness of movement actors and women's policy agencies in inserting pro‐woman gendered perspectives into the issue frames, and the policy outcomes. They assess the success of the women's movement in gaining both access to the policy subsystem as well as favourable policy content. The comparative conclusion to the book examines several hypotheses in light of the descriptive information in the chapters. Have women's movement been successful in increasing their representation and thus making policy processes more democratic? To what extent have women's policy agencies been allies of movement activists? What explains patterns of movement success? In addition to state feminism theory, the conclusion assesses the explanatory power of theories of resource mobilization and political opportunity structure on women's movement effectiveness.Less
This work presents the results of a comprehensive and integrated research project in comparative abortion policy and politics in post‐industrial democracies. It focuses on the questions of state feminism—the extent to which women's policy agencies further goals of women's movements for descriptive and substantive representation. In 11 countries in Western Europe and North America, including Austria, Belgium, Canada, France, Germany, Great Britain, Ireland, Italy, the Netherlands and the US, authors analyse the most significant debates on abortion policies from the 1970s through the 1990s. Following a common research design, individual researchers describe how each issue came to the public agenda, the goals of women's movement actors, the effectiveness of movement actors and women's policy agencies in inserting pro‐woman gendered perspectives into the issue frames, and the policy outcomes. They assess the success of the women's movement in gaining both access to the policy subsystem as well as favourable policy content. The comparative conclusion to the book examines several hypotheses in light of the descriptive information in the chapters. Have women's movement been successful in increasing their representation and thus making policy processes more democratic? To what extent have women's policy agencies been allies of movement activists? What explains patterns of movement success? In addition to state feminism theory, the conclusion assesses the explanatory power of theories of resource mobilization and political opportunity structure on women's movement effectiveness.
Emily Erikson
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691159065
- eISBN:
- 9781400850334
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691159065.003.0001
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, South and East Asia
This chapter presents the volume's main argument: that a decentralized organizational structure—constructed through the combination of private and Company trade—was the central pillar of the English ...
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This chapter presents the volume's main argument: that a decentralized organizational structure—constructed through the combination of private and Company trade—was the central pillar of the English East India Company's continued expansion and adaptability over nearly two centuries as a predominantly commercial operation. It delves into the history of the English East India Company and the reasons for its success. Additionally, the chapter also looks at alternative explanations for the success of the company. Finally, this chapter lays out the study's theoretical approach: by considering the micro-level behavioral patterns and opportunity structures that allowed for the development and transformation of the English Company and, through it, larger patterns of global trade.Less
This chapter presents the volume's main argument: that a decentralized organizational structure—constructed through the combination of private and Company trade—was the central pillar of the English East India Company's continued expansion and adaptability over nearly two centuries as a predominantly commercial operation. It delves into the history of the English East India Company and the reasons for its success. Additionally, the chapter also looks at alternative explanations for the success of the company. Finally, this chapter lays out the study's theoretical approach: by considering the micro-level behavioral patterns and opportunity structures that allowed for the development and transformation of the English Company and, through it, larger patterns of global trade.
Joseph Fishkin
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- April 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199812141
- eISBN:
- 9780199395576
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199812141.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter proposes a new way of thinking about equal opportunity: opportunity pluralism. The idea is that, instead of literally attempting to equalize opportunities, we ought to work to broaden ...
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This chapter proposes a new way of thinking about equal opportunity: opportunity pluralism. The idea is that, instead of literally attempting to equalize opportunities, we ought to work to broaden the ranges of opportunities open to people at all stages in life to pursue paths that lead to human flourishing. To achieve this, the chapter argues that we ought to loosen the bottlenecks in the opportunity structure: the narrow places through which people must pass in order to reach a wide range of paths that open out on the other side. The chapter argues that we ought to build a society with a wide plurality of values, in which many of the goods people value are not positional goods, and where there are many competing sources of authority over both the opportunity structure and questions of value.Less
This chapter proposes a new way of thinking about equal opportunity: opportunity pluralism. The idea is that, instead of literally attempting to equalize opportunities, we ought to work to broaden the ranges of opportunities open to people at all stages in life to pursue paths that lead to human flourishing. To achieve this, the chapter argues that we ought to loosen the bottlenecks in the opportunity structure: the narrow places through which people must pass in order to reach a wide range of paths that open out on the other side. The chapter argues that we ought to build a society with a wide plurality of values, in which many of the goods people value are not positional goods, and where there are many competing sources of authority over both the opportunity structure and questions of value.
David J. Hess
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780262035132
- eISBN:
- 9780262336444
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- The MIT Press
- DOI:
- 10.7551/mitpress/9780262035132.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Environmental Politics
The concept of the political opportunity structure from social movement studies has undergone various expansions, including the development of a theory of the industry opportunity structure in social ...
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The concept of the political opportunity structure from social movement studies has undergone various expansions, including the development of a theory of the industry opportunity structure in social movement studies and of the intellectual opportunity structure in science and technology studies. The chapter then discusses how the theory of the political opportunity structure can be further developed through systematic consideration of its epistemic dimension. This dimension has two pairs of basic features: the level of scientization (the use of technical decision-making criteria) and the extent of public participation in the policy process, and the epistemic culture of risk evaluation (the preference of government regulators for narrow or inclusive methods) and the degree of precautionary preference when making decisions in situations of uncertain evidence. The framework is applied to cases of colony collapse disorder, the regulation of genetically modified food, nanotechnology, the smart meter movement, and climate science denialism.Less
The concept of the political opportunity structure from social movement studies has undergone various expansions, including the development of a theory of the industry opportunity structure in social movement studies and of the intellectual opportunity structure in science and technology studies. The chapter then discusses how the theory of the political opportunity structure can be further developed through systematic consideration of its epistemic dimension. This dimension has two pairs of basic features: the level of scientization (the use of technical decision-making criteria) and the extent of public participation in the policy process, and the epistemic culture of risk evaluation (the preference of government regulators for narrow or inclusive methods) and the degree of precautionary preference when making decisions in situations of uncertain evidence. The framework is applied to cases of colony collapse disorder, the regulation of genetically modified food, nanotechnology, the smart meter movement, and climate science denialism.
Florian Trauner
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199596225
- eISBN:
- 9780191729140
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199596225.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union, International Relations and Politics
This chapter maintains that the transition of formal decision rule to the Community method, in combination with a high acceptance of conflict-minimizing special arrangements for cooperation-reluctant ...
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This chapter maintains that the transition of formal decision rule to the Community method, in combination with a high acceptance of conflict-minimizing special arrangements for cooperation-reluctant member states, has been at the centre of the EU's efforts to mitigate problems associated with the joint-decision trap in the field of justice and home affairs. The role of supranational actors in undermining veto players' positions has been less influential than in other policies, although it has evolved with the entering into force of the new decision rules. Using the Prüm Process of police data sharing as a case study, the analysis illustrates how a group of member states managed to escape from a particular decision-making blockade by promoting an enhanced form of cooperation outside the EU's legal framework.Less
This chapter maintains that the transition of formal decision rule to the Community method, in combination with a high acceptance of conflict-minimizing special arrangements for cooperation-reluctant member states, has been at the centre of the EU's efforts to mitigate problems associated with the joint-decision trap in the field of justice and home affairs. The role of supranational actors in undermining veto players' positions has been less influential than in other policies, although it has evolved with the entering into force of the new decision rules. Using the Prüm Process of police data sharing as a case study, the analysis illustrates how a group of member states managed to escape from a particular decision-making blockade by promoting an enhanced form of cooperation outside the EU's legal framework.
della Porta and Caiani Wagemann
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199641260
- eISBN:
- 9780191738654
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199641260.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Chapter 3 introduces to the political, social and cultural opportunities for the extreme right in Germany, Italy and the United States, pointing at the mix of similarities and differences between the ...
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Chapter 3 introduces to the political, social and cultural opportunities for the extreme right in Germany, Italy and the United States, pointing at the mix of similarities and differences between the three countries. As the authors explain, Germany and Italy were chosen within a ‘most similar’ logic, where the cases under examination share similarities in most of their characteristics, but some differences in our set of dependent variables (the frames, networks and actions of the extremist right), which are then explained by some contextual differences. The addition of the rather different case of the US extreme right aimed at testing the generalizability of some descriptive and causal inferences that emerged in the previous comparison.Less
Chapter 3 introduces to the political, social and cultural opportunities for the extreme right in Germany, Italy and the United States, pointing at the mix of similarities and differences between the three countries. As the authors explain, Germany and Italy were chosen within a ‘most similar’ logic, where the cases under examination share similarities in most of their characteristics, but some differences in our set of dependent variables (the frames, networks and actions of the extremist right), which are then explained by some contextual differences. The addition of the rather different case of the US extreme right aimed at testing the generalizability of some descriptive and causal inferences that emerged in the previous comparison.
Neophytos Loizides
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780804794084
- eISBN:
- 9780804796330
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804794084.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Chapter 1 situates Greek and Turkish nationalism within the broader picture of conflict-ridden national majorities. It provides key definitions and typologies; it integrates theories of nationalism, ...
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Chapter 1 situates Greek and Turkish nationalism within the broader picture of conflict-ridden national majorities. It provides key definitions and typologies; it integrates theories of nationalism, social movements and ethnic conflict, aiming to demonstrate major gaps in these literatures. It argues that majority nationalism and the variations in the response of majorities cannot be adequately explained simply by history or long-standing ethnic and religious rivalries. Moreover, theories of ethnic mobilization, which focus on single factor explanations, such as group status, relative (or actual or unexpected) deprivation, fear, and repression, offer an inadequate explanation of the politics of majority nationalism. Following McAdam, Tilly, and Tarrow (1997:152), this chapter argues for an integrated perspective in the study of majority nationalism, noting the conditions and constraints that shape protest, the institutions and mobilizing structures that support it, and the framing processes around which action is perceived and acted out.Less
Chapter 1 situates Greek and Turkish nationalism within the broader picture of conflict-ridden national majorities. It provides key definitions and typologies; it integrates theories of nationalism, social movements and ethnic conflict, aiming to demonstrate major gaps in these literatures. It argues that majority nationalism and the variations in the response of majorities cannot be adequately explained simply by history or long-standing ethnic and religious rivalries. Moreover, theories of ethnic mobilization, which focus on single factor explanations, such as group status, relative (or actual or unexpected) deprivation, fear, and repression, offer an inadequate explanation of the politics of majority nationalism. Following McAdam, Tilly, and Tarrow (1997:152), this chapter argues for an integrated perspective in the study of majority nationalism, noting the conditions and constraints that shape protest, the institutions and mobilizing structures that support it, and the framing processes around which action is perceived and acted out.
Andreas Schedler
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199680320
- eISBN:
- 9780191760242
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199680320.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
When do opposition parties boycott authoritarian elections? When do they mobilize their followers in protest against electoral authoritarianism? This chapters provides a two-pronged response. ...
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When do opposition parties boycott authoritarian elections? When do they mobilize their followers in protest against electoral authoritarianism? This chapters provides a two-pronged response. Opposition actors are reactive, it argues. They respond to existing grievances and opportunities. But they also are creative. They strive to transform given constraints and opportunities. They can do so by publicizing electoral manipulation (the informative role of protest) and by activating institutional threats (the provocative role of protest). The chapter discusses how the twin role it claims for grievances and opportunities (as independent as well as dependent variables) relates to mainstream theories of political contention and collective action. Its empirical data lend credence to both ideas. Electoral protests are adaptive to their societal and institutional environments. They are less likely when their opportunity costs are high. Yet protests are meant to be transformative too. They are more likely when their informative value and their provocative potential are high.Less
When do opposition parties boycott authoritarian elections? When do they mobilize their followers in protest against electoral authoritarianism? This chapters provides a two-pronged response. Opposition actors are reactive, it argues. They respond to existing grievances and opportunities. But they also are creative. They strive to transform given constraints and opportunities. They can do so by publicizing electoral manipulation (the informative role of protest) and by activating institutional threats (the provocative role of protest). The chapter discusses how the twin role it claims for grievances and opportunities (as independent as well as dependent variables) relates to mainstream theories of political contention and collective action. Its empirical data lend credence to both ideas. Electoral protests are adaptive to their societal and institutional environments. They are less likely when their opportunity costs are high. Yet protests are meant to be transformative too. They are more likely when their informative value and their provocative potential are high.
Siri Gloppen
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- September 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780520283091
- eISBN:
- 9780520958920
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520283091.003.0014
- Subject:
- Sociology, Law, Crime and Deviance
This chapter proposes a research strategy for contextualizing legal struggles for human rights in a wider temporal, socio-political, institutional, and dynamic context. Studying the judicialization ...
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This chapter proposes a research strategy for contextualizing legal struggles for human rights in a wider temporal, socio-political, institutional, and dynamic context. Studying the judicialization of matters that were traditionally the domain of public policy is complex, even before taking into account the myriad non-judicial considerations and facilitating or constraining factors that affect processes and outcomes – such as capacity, mobilization, politics, meaning creation, or extra-territorial obligations. The framework presented allows comparative research to proceed in stages, where one phase of data collection answers a set of questions while raising others, and further research addresses new concepts and theoretical concerns. Work of various scholars can thus cumulate iteratively to address complexity in ways that are unfeasible in a single research project.Less
This chapter proposes a research strategy for contextualizing legal struggles for human rights in a wider temporal, socio-political, institutional, and dynamic context. Studying the judicialization of matters that were traditionally the domain of public policy is complex, even before taking into account the myriad non-judicial considerations and facilitating or constraining factors that affect processes and outcomes – such as capacity, mobilization, politics, meaning creation, or extra-territorial obligations. The framework presented allows comparative research to proceed in stages, where one phase of data collection answers a set of questions while raising others, and further research addresses new concepts and theoretical concerns. Work of various scholars can thus cumulate iteratively to address complexity in ways that are unfeasible in a single research project.
della Porta and Caiani Wagemann
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199641260
- eISBN:
- 9780191738654
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199641260.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Chapter 7 looks at the way in which the extreme right frames and acts upon conservative values, within its fight against modernity. Notwithstanding the general religious revival, law and order ...
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Chapter 7 looks at the way in which the extreme right frames and acts upon conservative values, within its fight against modernity. Notwithstanding the general religious revival, law and order concerns emerged in the analysis as still stronger than religious ones. In each of the three countries under study, the extreme right focuses on (and emphasizes) different aspects of conservative issues, more oriented towards God in the US, the family in Italy, and the nation in Germany. These results are linked to the different political and cultural opportunity structures offered by the three contexts.Less
Chapter 7 looks at the way in which the extreme right frames and acts upon conservative values, within its fight against modernity. Notwithstanding the general religious revival, law and order concerns emerged in the analysis as still stronger than religious ones. In each of the three countries under study, the extreme right focuses on (and emphasizes) different aspects of conservative issues, more oriented towards God in the US, the family in Italy, and the nation in Germany. These results are linked to the different political and cultural opportunity structures offered by the three contexts.
della Porta and Caiani Wagemann
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199641260
- eISBN:
- 9780191738654
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199641260.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Notwithstanding its limited capacity in terms of members and mobilization, the extreme right is perceived as an increasing challenge even in established democracies. On delicate issues such as ...
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Notwithstanding its limited capacity in terms of members and mobilization, the extreme right is perceived as an increasing challenge even in established democracies. On delicate issues such as migration, nationalism, and religious practices, the extreme right has been successful in putting exclusive frames and practices on the agenda, often influencing moderate right-wing and even centre-left parties. While the political parties on the right are well-studied, this is the first volume to address, in a comparative perspective, the social movement organizations on the Extreme Right. In particular, in chapter one, we introduce the main concepts and definitions of the research, presenting our theoretical questions in a cross-country comparison of the extreme right in three countries (Germany, Italy, and the US).Less
Notwithstanding its limited capacity in terms of members and mobilization, the extreme right is perceived as an increasing challenge even in established democracies. On delicate issues such as migration, nationalism, and religious practices, the extreme right has been successful in putting exclusive frames and practices on the agenda, often influencing moderate right-wing and even centre-left parties. While the political parties on the right are well-studied, this is the first volume to address, in a comparative perspective, the social movement organizations on the Extreme Right. In particular, in chapter one, we introduce the main concepts and definitions of the research, presenting our theoretical questions in a cross-country comparison of the extreme right in three countries (Germany, Italy, and the US).
Celeste Montoya
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199927197
- eISBN:
- 9780199332946
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199927197.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics, European Union
This chapter provides an institutional analysis of the European Union. It maps out potential sites of advocacy and identifies important actors within and outside of the European Union that pertain to ...
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This chapter provides an institutional analysis of the European Union. It maps out potential sites of advocacy and identifies important actors within and outside of the European Union that pertain to the issue of violence against women and gender equality more broadly. It addresses the institutional context of advocacy within the complex and evolving system of multilevel governance that is the EU. It discusses the role of treaties in defining and redefining the policy process and in shaping political opportunity structures. It provides an overview of the EU institutions and their general favorability and openness to women’s rights advocacy. It also addresses the role of particular nonstate actors, including umbrella organizations and various experts and practitioners.Less
This chapter provides an institutional analysis of the European Union. It maps out potential sites of advocacy and identifies important actors within and outside of the European Union that pertain to the issue of violence against women and gender equality more broadly. It addresses the institutional context of advocacy within the complex and evolving system of multilevel governance that is the EU. It discusses the role of treaties in defining and redefining the policy process and in shaping political opportunity structures. It provides an overview of the EU institutions and their general favorability and openness to women’s rights advocacy. It also addresses the role of particular nonstate actors, including umbrella organizations and various experts and practitioners.
