Andrew Mason
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199264414
- eISBN:
- 9780191718489
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199264414.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
‘Equality of opportunity for all’ is a fine piece of political rhetoric but the ideal that lies behind it is slippery. Some see it as an alternative to a more robust form of egalitarianism, whilst ...
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‘Equality of opportunity for all’ is a fine piece of political rhetoric but the ideal that lies behind it is slippery. Some see it as an alternative to a more robust form of egalitarianism, whilst others think that when it is properly understood it provides us with a real radical vision of what it is to level the playing field. This book combines a meritocratic conception of equality of opportunity that governs access to advantaged social positions, with redistributive principles that seek to mitigate the effects of differences in people's circumstances. Taken together, these spell out what it is to level the playing field in the way that justice requires.Less
‘Equality of opportunity for all’ is a fine piece of political rhetoric but the ideal that lies behind it is slippery. Some see it as an alternative to a more robust form of egalitarianism, whilst others think that when it is properly understood it provides us with a real radical vision of what it is to level the playing field. This book combines a meritocratic conception of equality of opportunity that governs access to advantaged social positions, with redistributive principles that seek to mitigate the effects of differences in people's circumstances. Taken together, these spell out what it is to level the playing field in the way that justice requires.
Mary McClintock Fulkerson
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199296477
- eISBN:
- 9780191711930
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199296477.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
The primary aim of this book is to explore the contradiction between the widely shared beliefs in the USA about racial inclusiveness and equal opportunity for all, and the fact that most churches are ...
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The primary aim of this book is to explore the contradiction between the widely shared beliefs in the USA about racial inclusiveness and equal opportunity for all, and the fact that most churches are racially homogeneous and do not include people with disabilities. To address the problem, the book explores the practices of an interracial church (United Methodist) that includes people with disabilities. The analysis focuses on those activities that create opportunities for people to experience those who are ‘different’ as equal in ways that diminish both obliviousness to the other and fear of the other. In contrast with theology's typical focus on the beliefs of Christians, this book offers a theory of practices and place that foregrounds the instinctual reactions and communications that shape all groups. The effect is to broaden the academic field of theology through the benefits of ethnographic research and postmodern place theory.Less
The primary aim of this book is to explore the contradiction between the widely shared beliefs in the USA about racial inclusiveness and equal opportunity for all, and the fact that most churches are racially homogeneous and do not include people with disabilities. To address the problem, the book explores the practices of an interracial church (United Methodist) that includes people with disabilities. The analysis focuses on those activities that create opportunities for people to experience those who are ‘different’ as equal in ways that diminish both obliviousness to the other and fear of the other. In contrast with theology's typical focus on the beliefs of Christians, this book offers a theory of practices and place that foregrounds the instinctual reactions and communications that shape all groups. The effect is to broaden the academic field of theology through the benefits of ethnographic research and postmodern place theory.
Alexander Kaufman
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294672
- eISBN:
- 9780191599637
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198294670.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Kant's theory of justice continues to exert a powerful influence on contemporary discussions of justice and equality. Modern theorists disagree, however, regarding the implications of Kant's theory ...
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Kant's theory of justice continues to exert a powerful influence on contemporary discussions of justice and equality. Modern theorists disagree, however, regarding the implications of Kant's theory for the state's responsibility for public welfare. A traditional interpretation holds that Kant's political theory simply involves an investigation of the constraints that reason places on the state's authority to regulate external action. This ‘standard interpretation’ of Kant's thought has remained influential, and has grounded a reinterpretation of the classic liberal state by theorists such as Humboldt and Hayek. Kaufman argues that the standard interpretation neither succeeds as a faithful reading of Kant's texts nor as a plausible, philosophically sound reconstruction of a ‘Kantian’ political theory. Rather, Kaufman argues, Kant's political theory articulates a positive conception of the state's role. In particular, Kantian justice requires that each member of society must be guaranteed the opportunity to realize his or her purposive capacities. In order to secure this guarantee, Kantian justice requires interventions to secure equality of capabilities.Less
Kant's theory of justice continues to exert a powerful influence on contemporary discussions of justice and equality. Modern theorists disagree, however, regarding the implications of Kant's theory for the state's responsibility for public welfare. A traditional interpretation holds that Kant's political theory simply involves an investigation of the constraints that reason places on the state's authority to regulate external action. This ‘standard interpretation’ of Kant's thought has remained influential, and has grounded a reinterpretation of the classic liberal state by theorists such as Humboldt and Hayek. Kaufman argues that the standard interpretation neither succeeds as a faithful reading of Kant's texts nor as a plausible, philosophically sound reconstruction of a ‘Kantian’ political theory. Rather, Kaufman argues, Kant's political theory articulates a positive conception of the state's role. In particular, Kantian justice requires that each member of society must be guaranteed the opportunity to realize his or her purposive capacities. In order to secure this guarantee, Kantian justice requires interventions to secure equality of capabilities.
David Miller
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199235056
- eISBN:
- 9780191715792
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199235056.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Russian Politics
This book presents a non-cosmopolitan theory of global justice. In contrast to theories that seek to extend principles of social justice, such as equality of opportunity or resources, to the world as ...
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This book presents a non-cosmopolitan theory of global justice. In contrast to theories that seek to extend principles of social justice, such as equality of opportunity or resources, to the world as a whole, it argues that in a world made up of self-determining national communities, a different conception is needed. The book presents and defends an account of national responsibility which entails that nations may justifiably claim the benefits that their decisions and policies produce, while also being held liable for harms that they inflict on other peoples. Such collective responsibility extends to responsibility for the national past, so the present generation may owe redress to those who have been harmed by the actions of their predecessors. Global justice, therefore, must be understood not in terms of equality, but in terms of a minimum set of basic rights that belong to human beings everywhere. Where these rights are being violated or threatened, remedial responsibility may fall on outsiders. The book considers how this responsibility should be allocated, and how far citizens of democratic societies must limit their pursuit of domestic objectives in order to discharge their global obligations.Less
This book presents a non-cosmopolitan theory of global justice. In contrast to theories that seek to extend principles of social justice, such as equality of opportunity or resources, to the world as a whole, it argues that in a world made up of self-determining national communities, a different conception is needed. The book presents and defends an account of national responsibility which entails that nations may justifiably claim the benefits that their decisions and policies produce, while also being held liable for harms that they inflict on other peoples. Such collective responsibility extends to responsibility for the national past, so the present generation may owe redress to those who have been harmed by the actions of their predecessors. Global justice, therefore, must be understood not in terms of equality, but in terms of a minimum set of basic rights that belong to human beings everywhere. Where these rights are being violated or threatened, remedial responsibility may fall on outsiders. The book considers how this responsibility should be allocated, and how far citizens of democratic societies must limit their pursuit of domestic objectives in order to discharge their global obligations.
T. M. Scanlon
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199281688
- eISBN:
- 9780191603747
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199281688.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This essay considers the disagreement between Cohen and Rawls on the question of whether individuals should be held responsible for their tastes and preferences. It notes the difference in principle, ...
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This essay considers the disagreement between Cohen and Rawls on the question of whether individuals should be held responsible for their tastes and preferences. It notes the difference in principle, since the primary goods measure of Rawls holds individuals responsible for their choices as to how to deploy these goods, whereas Cohen’s aim is to equalize access to advantage, and thereby the satisfaction of persons, however costly. It is argued that since Cohen concedes that practical matters of application might compromise egalitarian principle, the two thinkers might be, in practice, not that dissimilar.Less
This essay considers the disagreement between Cohen and Rawls on the question of whether individuals should be held responsible for their tastes and preferences. It notes the difference in principle, since the primary goods measure of Rawls holds individuals responsible for their choices as to how to deploy these goods, whereas Cohen’s aim is to equalize access to advantage, and thereby the satisfaction of persons, however costly. It is argued that since Cohen concedes that practical matters of application might compromise egalitarian principle, the two thinkers might be, in practice, not that dissimilar.
Jonathan Wolff and Avner de-Shalit
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199278268
- eISBN:
- 9780191707902
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199278268.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
What does it mean to be disadvantaged? Is it possible to compare different disadvantages? What should governments do to move their societies in the direction of equality, where equality is to be ...
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What does it mean to be disadvantaged? Is it possible to compare different disadvantages? What should governments do to move their societies in the direction of equality, where equality is to be understood both in distributional and social terms? Linking analytical philosophical theory with broad empirical studies, including interviews conducted for the purpose of this book, it is shown how taking theory and practice together is essential if the theory is to be rich enough to be applied to the real world, and policy systematic enough to have purpose and justification. The book is divided into three parts. Part 1 presents a pluralist analysis of disadvantage, modifying the capability theory of Sen and Nussbaum to produce the ‘genuine opportunity for secure functioning’ view. This emphasizes risk and insecurity as a central component of disadvantage. Part 2 shows how to identify the least advantaged in society even on a pluralist view. It is suggested that disadvantage ‘clusters’ in the sense that some people are disadvantaged in several different respects. Thus, it is not necessary to solve the problem of how to weigh different categories of disadvantage against each other in order to identify the least advantaged. Conversely, a society which has ‘declustered disadvantaged’ — in the sense that no group lacks secure functioning on a range of functionings — has made considerable progress in the direction of equality. Part 3 explores how to decluster disadvantage, by paying special attention to ‘corrosive disadvantages’ — those disadvantages that cause further disadvantages, and ‘fertile functionings’ — those which are likely to secure other functionings.Less
What does it mean to be disadvantaged? Is it possible to compare different disadvantages? What should governments do to move their societies in the direction of equality, where equality is to be understood both in distributional and social terms? Linking analytical philosophical theory with broad empirical studies, including interviews conducted for the purpose of this book, it is shown how taking theory and practice together is essential if the theory is to be rich enough to be applied to the real world, and policy systematic enough to have purpose and justification. The book is divided into three parts. Part 1 presents a pluralist analysis of disadvantage, modifying the capability theory of Sen and Nussbaum to produce the ‘genuine opportunity for secure functioning’ view. This emphasizes risk and insecurity as a central component of disadvantage. Part 2 shows how to identify the least advantaged in society even on a pluralist view. It is suggested that disadvantage ‘clusters’ in the sense that some people are disadvantaged in several different respects. Thus, it is not necessary to solve the problem of how to weigh different categories of disadvantage against each other in order to identify the least advantaged. Conversely, a society which has ‘declustered disadvantaged’ — in the sense that no group lacks secure functioning on a range of functionings — has made considerable progress in the direction of equality. Part 3 explores how to decluster disadvantage, by paying special attention to ‘corrosive disadvantages’ — those disadvantages that cause further disadvantages, and ‘fertile functionings’ — those which are likely to secure other functionings.
Jonathan Wolff and Avner De-Shalit
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199278268
- eISBN:
- 9780191707902
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199278268.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter argues that the idea of ‘capability’ is too vague; it is replaced with the concept of ‘genuine opportunities’ for secure functioning. An opportunity for a functioning is genuine to the ...
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This chapter argues that the idea of ‘capability’ is too vague; it is replaced with the concept of ‘genuine opportunities’ for secure functioning. An opportunity for a functioning is genuine to the extent that the agent is not required to sacrifice the security of other important functionings to secure this particular functioning. It is argued that only in such cases can people be held responsible for failing to make use of their opportunities. Therefore, the government should guarantee genuine opportunities for secure functionings. The case in which an individual has achieved a functioning level that is higher than could be reasonably expected is briefly addressed.Less
This chapter argues that the idea of ‘capability’ is too vague; it is replaced with the concept of ‘genuine opportunities’ for secure functioning. An opportunity for a functioning is genuine to the extent that the agent is not required to sacrifice the security of other important functionings to secure this particular functioning. It is argued that only in such cases can people be held responsible for failing to make use of their opportunities. Therefore, the government should guarantee genuine opportunities for secure functionings. The case in which an individual has achieved a functioning level that is higher than could be reasonably expected is briefly addressed.
Benjamin I. Page and Lawrence R. Jacobs
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195392135
- eISBN:
- 9780199852543
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195392135.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter argues that Americans are no longer apathetic about rising economic inequality. Oppositions to egalitarian government programs have decreased extensively and the majority is now ...
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This chapter argues that Americans are no longer apathetic about rising economic inequality. Oppositions to egalitarian government programs have decreased extensively and the majority is now supporting a wide range of measures that can reduce inequality. This chapter gives a collection of data based on a survey with the average American as the main respondent. The chapter focuses on awareness and concerns of Americans about economic inequality. It states that even though most Americans still believe in the American dream, wherein, people can still start as poor, work hard, and become rich, people's consciousness on the high inequalities in income and wealth nowadays made it plausible for them to favor government programs such as increasing the budget for education to create equal opportunities.Less
This chapter argues that Americans are no longer apathetic about rising economic inequality. Oppositions to egalitarian government programs have decreased extensively and the majority is now supporting a wide range of measures that can reduce inequality. This chapter gives a collection of data based on a survey with the average American as the main respondent. The chapter focuses on awareness and concerns of Americans about economic inequality. It states that even though most Americans still believe in the American dream, wherein, people can still start as poor, work hard, and become rich, people's consciousness on the high inequalities in income and wealth nowadays made it plausible for them to favor government programs such as increasing the budget for education to create equal opportunities.
Andrew Mason
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199264414
- eISBN:
- 9780191718489
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199264414.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This introductory chapter begins with a discussion of equality of opportunity. It then considers the relationship between equality of opportunity and egalitarian principles. An overview of the ...
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This introductory chapter begins with a discussion of equality of opportunity. It then considers the relationship between equality of opportunity and egalitarian principles. An overview of the chapters included in this volume is presented.Less
This introductory chapter begins with a discussion of equality of opportunity. It then considers the relationship between equality of opportunity and egalitarian principles. An overview of the chapters included in this volume is presented.
Andrew Mason
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199264414
- eISBN:
- 9780191718489
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199264414.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter begins with an examination of the simple view that equality of opportunity requires open competition for advantaged social positions. It is argued that this idea is not really so simple. ...
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This chapter begins with an examination of the simple view that equality of opportunity requires open competition for advantaged social positions. It is argued that this idea is not really so simple. The notion of an open competition and the idea of a qualification which it presupposes are more complicated than they seem, and need to be looked at in a broad account of justice in general, or equality of opportunity in particular. The simple view must be regarded as incomplete: it is implausible to suppose, for example, that open competition for advantaged social positions is a sufficient condition of equality of opportunity. Reflection upon the simple view suggests that any adequate account of equality of opportunity must include at least two components: the idea that there should be open competition for advantaged social positions, and that there should be fair access to the qualifications required for success in these competitions.Less
This chapter begins with an examination of the simple view that equality of opportunity requires open competition for advantaged social positions. It is argued that this idea is not really so simple. The notion of an open competition and the idea of a qualification which it presupposes are more complicated than they seem, and need to be looked at in a broad account of justice in general, or equality of opportunity in particular. The simple view must be regarded as incomplete: it is implausible to suppose, for example, that open competition for advantaged social positions is a sufficient condition of equality of opportunity. Reflection upon the simple view suggests that any adequate account of equality of opportunity must include at least two components: the idea that there should be open competition for advantaged social positions, and that there should be fair access to the qualifications required for success in these competitions.
Andrew Mason
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199264414
- eISBN:
- 9780191718489
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199264414.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter examines Rawls' account of fair equality of opportunity. Rawls argues that fair equality of opportunity requires not only ‘careers to be open to talents’, but also that those with the ...
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This chapter examines Rawls' account of fair equality of opportunity. Rawls argues that fair equality of opportunity requires not only ‘careers to be open to talents’, but also that those with the same talents and ability and willingness to use these talents should have equal chance of success. Whilst defending Rawls' account against some influential criticisms that have been levelled against it, it is argued that the idea that fair equality of opportunity is lexically prior to the difference principle cannot be justified.Less
This chapter examines Rawls' account of fair equality of opportunity. Rawls argues that fair equality of opportunity requires not only ‘careers to be open to talents’, but also that those with the same talents and ability and willingness to use these talents should have equal chance of success. Whilst defending Rawls' account against some influential criticisms that have been levelled against it, it is argued that the idea that fair equality of opportunity is lexically prior to the difference principle cannot be justified.
Andrew Mason
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199264414
- eISBN:
- 9780191718489
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199264414.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter focuses on the neutralization approach and raises a difficulty inherent in it. In particular, it argued that the aim of neutralizing the effects of differences in people's circumstances ...
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This chapter focuses on the neutralization approach and raises a difficulty inherent in it. In particular, it argued that the aim of neutralizing the effects of differences in people's circumstances runs counter to some widely held moral intuitions. For if we suppose that justice or equality of opportunity requires the neutralization of these effects, then it would seem that each of us has a reason to refrain from behaving in any way that would advantage our children relative to others. Yet that, in turn, would entail that we have a reason (even if that reason is inconclusive) not to pass on our skills and experience to our children, or even spend ‘quality time’ with them, when we know that doing so would advantage them. This is strongly counter-intuitive. In place of the neutralization approach, justice requires us to mitigate the effects of differences in people's circumstances.Less
This chapter focuses on the neutralization approach and raises a difficulty inherent in it. In particular, it argued that the aim of neutralizing the effects of differences in people's circumstances runs counter to some widely held moral intuitions. For if we suppose that justice or equality of opportunity requires the neutralization of these effects, then it would seem that each of us has a reason to refrain from behaving in any way that would advantage our children relative to others. Yet that, in turn, would entail that we have a reason (even if that reason is inconclusive) not to pass on our skills and experience to our children, or even spend ‘quality time’ with them, when we know that doing so would advantage them. This is strongly counter-intuitive. In place of the neutralization approach, justice requires us to mitigate the effects of differences in people's circumstances.
Andrew Mason
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199264414
- eISBN:
- 9780191718489
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199264414.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This concluding chapter presents a synthesis of the topics discussed in this volume. Against the idea that justice requires us to neutralize the effects of differences in people's circumstances, it ...
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This concluding chapter presents a synthesis of the topics discussed in this volume. Against the idea that justice requires us to neutralize the effects of differences in people's circumstances, it has been argued that it requires us merely to mitigate these effects, to prevent them from having an undue impact upon people's relative access to advantage. Competing versions of this mitigation approach include different sets of principles, which give different determinations of what is to count as an ‘undue effect’. Such principles are defended and this provides a vision of what it is to level the playing field that is rather different, at least at the level of fundamentals, from what is in the neutralization approach.Less
This concluding chapter presents a synthesis of the topics discussed in this volume. Against the idea that justice requires us to neutralize the effects of differences in people's circumstances, it has been argued that it requires us merely to mitigate these effects, to prevent them from having an undue impact upon people's relative access to advantage. Competing versions of this mitigation approach include different sets of principles, which give different determinations of what is to count as an ‘undue effect’. Such principles are defended and this provides a vision of what it is to level the playing field that is rather different, at least at the level of fundamentals, from what is in the neutralization approach.
Mariko Lin Chang
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195367690
- eISBN:
- 9780199944101
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195367690.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Gender and Sexuality
Women now receive more college degrees than men, and enter the workforce with better job opportunities than ever before. Indeed, the wage gap between men and women has never been smaller. So why does ...
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Women now receive more college degrees than men, and enter the workforce with better job opportunities than ever before. Indeed, the wage gap between men and women has never been smaller. So why does the typical woman have only 36 cents for every dollar of wealth owned by the typical man? How is it that never-married women working full-time have only 16% as much wealth as similarly situated men? And why do single mothers have only 8% of the wealth of single fathers? The first book to focus on the differences in wealth between women and men, this is an accessible examination of why women struggle to accumulate assets, who has what, and why it matters. The book draws on the most comprehensive national data on wealth and on in-depth interviews to show how differences in earnings, in saving and investing, and, most important, the demands of care-giving all contribute to the gender-wealth gap. It argues that the current focus on equal pay and family-friendly workplace policies, although important, will not ultimately change or eliminate wealth inequalities. What the book calls the “wealth escalator”—comprised of fringe benefits, the tax code, and government benefits—and the “debt anchor” must be the targets of policies aimed at strengthening women's financial resources. The book proposes a number of practical suggestions to address the unequal burdens and consequences of care-giving, so that women who work just as hard as men will not be left standing in financial quicksand.Less
Women now receive more college degrees than men, and enter the workforce with better job opportunities than ever before. Indeed, the wage gap between men and women has never been smaller. So why does the typical woman have only 36 cents for every dollar of wealth owned by the typical man? How is it that never-married women working full-time have only 16% as much wealth as similarly situated men? And why do single mothers have only 8% of the wealth of single fathers? The first book to focus on the differences in wealth between women and men, this is an accessible examination of why women struggle to accumulate assets, who has what, and why it matters. The book draws on the most comprehensive national data on wealth and on in-depth interviews to show how differences in earnings, in saving and investing, and, most important, the demands of care-giving all contribute to the gender-wealth gap. It argues that the current focus on equal pay and family-friendly workplace policies, although important, will not ultimately change or eliminate wealth inequalities. What the book calls the “wealth escalator”—comprised of fringe benefits, the tax code, and government benefits—and the “debt anchor” must be the targets of policies aimed at strengthening women's financial resources. The book proposes a number of practical suggestions to address the unequal burdens and consequences of care-giving, so that women who work just as hard as men will not be left standing in financial quicksand.
Lane Kenworthy
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199591527
- eISBN:
- 9780191731389
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199591527.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
If we commit to improvement in the absolute living standards of the least well-off, must we sacrifice other desirable outcomes? The comparative empirical evidence suggests not.
If we commit to improvement in the absolute living standards of the least well-off, must we sacrifice other desirable outcomes? The comparative empirical evidence suggests not.
P. J. P. Goldberg
- Published in print:
- 1992
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198201540
- eISBN:
- 9780191674938
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198201540.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Medieval History, Economic History
This is an innovative analysis of the relationship between women's economic opportunity and marriage in the 14th and 15th centuries. It is based on an intensive study of York and Yorkshire, but also ...
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This is an innovative analysis of the relationship between women's economic opportunity and marriage in the 14th and 15th centuries. It is based on an intensive study of York and Yorkshire, but also utilizes evidence from other parts of England and continental Europe. The book explores the role of women in the economy and the part that marriage played in their lives. Importantly, it challenges the Wrigley and Schofield thesis of nuptiality: the analysis of the demography of marriage demonstrates that in late medieval Yorkshire, women participated strongly in the labour force, deferring marriage or avoiding it entirely.Less
This is an innovative analysis of the relationship between women's economic opportunity and marriage in the 14th and 15th centuries. It is based on an intensive study of York and Yorkshire, but also utilizes evidence from other parts of England and continental Europe. The book explores the role of women in the economy and the part that marriage played in their lives. Importantly, it challenges the Wrigley and Schofield thesis of nuptiality: the analysis of the demography of marriage demonstrates that in late medieval Yorkshire, women participated strongly in the labour force, deferring marriage or avoiding it entirely.
Gordon Marshall, Adam Swift, and Stephen Roberts
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198292401
- eISBN:
- 9780191684913
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198292401.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
What is the relation between social class and social justice? This is currently a matter of public as well as academic controversy. While nobody would deny that the distribution of rewards in ...
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What is the relation between social class and social justice? This is currently a matter of public as well as academic controversy. While nobody would deny that the distribution of rewards in industrial societies is unequal, there is sharp disagreement about whether this inequality can be justified. Some see existing patterns of social mobility as evidence of inequality of opportunity. Others regard them as meritocratic, simply reflecting the distribution of abilities among the population. This book brings together recent developments in normative thinking about social justice with recent empirical findings about educational attainment and social mobility. The book deals in detail with issues of class and justice.Less
What is the relation between social class and social justice? This is currently a matter of public as well as academic controversy. While nobody would deny that the distribution of rewards in industrial societies is unequal, there is sharp disagreement about whether this inequality can be justified. Some see existing patterns of social mobility as evidence of inequality of opportunity. Others regard them as meritocratic, simply reflecting the distribution of abilities among the population. This book brings together recent developments in normative thinking about social justice with recent empirical findings about educational attainment and social mobility. The book deals in detail with issues of class and justice.
Peter Taylor‐Gooby
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199546701
- eISBN:
- 9780191720420
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199546701.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Political Economy
This chapter analyses responses to the pressures on social and public provision among European countries and at the level of the EU. It argues that attempts to develop common EU-wide social provision ...
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This chapter analyses responses to the pressures on social and public provision among European countries and at the level of the EU. It argues that attempts to develop common EU-wide social provision have been largely unsuccessful, while EU monetary and open market policies have transformed the economic context. Social policy reforms have developed mainly at the national level, in the shadow of European economic policies. While major differences remain between groupings of countries, two common directions can be identified. Social security benefit, employment, and labour market reforms strengthen work incentives and increasingly put the responsibility on individuals to pursue opportunities actively. New Managerialist policies in health, social care, and other services impose strict targets on providers and introduce competitive quasi-markets. Taken together these new policy directions imply a shift in the assumptions about social citizenship. Those involved as providers and users are expected to act as deliberative and pro-active rational actors, with individual opportunities and incentives playing a major role. Governments become increasingly concerned with equality of opportunity rather than outcome.Less
This chapter analyses responses to the pressures on social and public provision among European countries and at the level of the EU. It argues that attempts to develop common EU-wide social provision have been largely unsuccessful, while EU monetary and open market policies have transformed the economic context. Social policy reforms have developed mainly at the national level, in the shadow of European economic policies. While major differences remain between groupings of countries, two common directions can be identified. Social security benefit, employment, and labour market reforms strengthen work incentives and increasingly put the responsibility on individuals to pursue opportunities actively. New Managerialist policies in health, social care, and other services impose strict targets on providers and introduce competitive quasi-markets. Taken together these new policy directions imply a shift in the assumptions about social citizenship. Those involved as providers and users are expected to act as deliberative and pro-active rational actors, with individual opportunities and incentives playing a major role. Governments become increasingly concerned with equality of opportunity rather than outcome.
Magnus Holmén, Mats Magnusson, and Maureen McKelvey
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199290475
- eISBN:
- 9780191603495
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199290474.003.0003
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Economic Systems
This chapter examines the role played by innovative opportunities in driving economic transformation through dependencies between actors. It explores the extent of experimentation and inertia when ...
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This chapter examines the role played by innovative opportunities in driving economic transformation through dependencies between actors. It explores the extent of experimentation and inertia when actors identify, act upon, and realize innovative opportunities. Innovative opportunities are used to capture dependencies between key processes in innovation, as well as understand the systemic effects present in complex innovation activities characterized by uncertainty. The dependencies are illustrated by case studies of the early stages of development of technology and business platforms in the telecom industry. Empirical observations demonstrate dependencies between different actors which result in ‘systemic’ effects. These take the form of dependencies across different types of opportunities (technological, entrepreneurial, and productive ones), as well as dependencies across different elements of these processes (value perception, resource mobilization, and value appropriation). Such interdependencies are the force helping to drive flexibility and stability in economic transformations.Less
This chapter examines the role played by innovative opportunities in driving economic transformation through dependencies between actors. It explores the extent of experimentation and inertia when actors identify, act upon, and realize innovative opportunities. Innovative opportunities are used to capture dependencies between key processes in innovation, as well as understand the systemic effects present in complex innovation activities characterized by uncertainty. The dependencies are illustrated by case studies of the early stages of development of technology and business platforms in the telecom industry. Empirical observations demonstrate dependencies between different actors which result in ‘systemic’ effects. These take the form of dependencies across different types of opportunities (technological, entrepreneurial, and productive ones), as well as dependencies across different elements of these processes (value perception, resource mobilization, and value appropriation). Such interdependencies are the force helping to drive flexibility and stability in economic transformations.
Christopher Rootes (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199252060
- eISBN:
- 9780191601064
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199252068.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
It is frequently claimed that, as a result of the institutionalization of environmentalism in the years following its rapid rise in the 1970s and 1980s, the environmental movement has been ...
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It is frequently claimed that, as a result of the institutionalization of environmentalism in the years following its rapid rise in the 1970s and 1980s, the environmental movement has been demobilized, and that once radical groups have been incorporated into the web of policy‐making and consultation and have moderated their tactics to the point that lobbying and partnerships have displaced protest. Such claims were, however, based on casual observation and anecdote rather than systematic investigation of the incidence of protest, and during the 1990s, in several western European countries, the conventional wisdom was challenged by a resurgence of environmental protest that was sometimes markedly more confrontational than that of the 1980s. To determine whether there had indeed been a decline or deradicalization of protest, protest event analysis was undertaken of the environmental protests reported in one quality newspaper in each of eight countries–Britain, France, Germany, Greece, Italy, Spain, Sweden, and the Basque Country – during the 10 years 1988–97. No universal or monotonic decline of environmental protests was apparent during the decade, with reported protests declining and becoming less confrontational in some countries, but rising and becoming more confrontational in others. Most reported environmental protest was moderate and nondisruptive throughout the decade, and violent action remained rare. It was expected that opportunities created by the increased environmental competence of the European Union would produce a Europeanization of environmental protest, but there was no evidence of any increase in the proportions of protest mobilized on the level of, stimulated by, or targeted at the European Union and its institutions, all of which remained at very low levels in all of the countries. Nor was there evidence of Europeanization of environmental protest in the shape of convergence of national patterns of the incidence of protest. The patterns of the incidence of protest varied considerably and remained nationally idiosyncratic, with considerable cross‐national variations in the issues and the forms of protest tending to persist over time. Protest event methodology encounters problems of selection bias associated with cycles of media attention, and so, in the attempt better to understand these biases and their impact upon the pattern of reported protest, journalists and editors associated with the production of those reports were interviewed. On the basis of a protest event analysis of newspaper reports during a decade in which environmental protest was no longer novel, this investigation concludes that there is little or no evidence of the demobilization of environmentalism, and some that the institutionalization of environmental activism may be self‐limiting.Less
It is frequently claimed that, as a result of the institutionalization of environmentalism in the years following its rapid rise in the 1970s and 1980s, the environmental movement has been demobilized, and that once radical groups have been incorporated into the web of policy‐making and consultation and have moderated their tactics to the point that lobbying and partnerships have displaced protest. Such claims were, however, based on casual observation and anecdote rather than systematic investigation of the incidence of protest, and during the 1990s, in several western European countries, the conventional wisdom was challenged by a resurgence of environmental protest that was sometimes markedly more confrontational than that of the 1980s. To determine whether there had indeed been a decline or deradicalization of protest, protest event analysis was undertaken of the environmental protests reported in one quality newspaper in each of eight countries–Britain, France, Germany, Greece, Italy, Spain, Sweden, and the Basque Country – during the 10 years 1988–97. No universal or monotonic decline of environmental protests was apparent during the decade, with reported protests declining and becoming less confrontational in some countries, but rising and becoming more confrontational in others. Most reported environmental protest was moderate and nondisruptive throughout the decade, and violent action remained rare. It was expected that opportunities created by the increased environmental competence of the European Union would produce a Europeanization of environmental protest, but there was no evidence of any increase in the proportions of protest mobilized on the level of, stimulated by, or targeted at the European Union and its institutions, all of which remained at very low levels in all of the countries. Nor was there evidence of Europeanization of environmental protest in the shape of convergence of national patterns of the incidence of protest. The patterns of the incidence of protest varied considerably and remained nationally idiosyncratic, with considerable cross‐national variations in the issues and the forms of protest tending to persist over time. Protest event methodology encounters problems of selection bias associated with cycles of media attention, and so, in the attempt better to understand these biases and their impact upon the pattern of reported protest, journalists and editors associated with the production of those reports were interviewed. On the basis of a protest event analysis of newspaper reports during a decade in which environmental protest was no longer novel, this investigation concludes that there is little or no evidence of the demobilization of environmentalism, and some that the institutionalization of environmental activism may be self‐limiting.
