Patrick Major
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199243280
- eISBN:
- 9780191714061
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199243280.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
Few historical changes occur literally overnight, but on 13 August 1961 18 million East Germans awoke to find themselves walled in by an edifice which was to become synonymous with the Cold War: the ...
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Few historical changes occur literally overnight, but on 13 August 1961 18 million East Germans awoke to find themselves walled in by an edifice which was to become synonymous with the Cold War: the Berlin Wall. This new history rejects traditional, top‐down approaches to Cold War politics, exploring instead how the border closure affected ordinary East Germans, from workers and farmers to teenagers and even party members, ‘caught out’ by Sunday the Thirteenth. Party, police, and Stasi reports reveal why one in six East Germans fled the country during the 1950s, undermining communist rule and forcing the eleventh‐hour decision by Khrushchev and Ulbricht to build a wall along the Cold War's frontline. Did East Germans resist or come to terms with immurement? Did the communist regime become more or less dictatorial within the confines of the so‐called ‘Antifascist Defence Rampart’? Using film and literature, but also the GDR's losing battle against Beatlemania, Patrick Major's cross‐disciplinary study suggests that popular culture both reinforced and undermined the closed society. Linking external and internal developments, Major argues that the GDR's official quest for international recognition, culminating in Ostpolitik and United Nations membership in the early 1970s, became its undoing, unleashing a human rights movement which fed into, but then broke with, the protests of 1989. After exploring the reasons for the fall of the Wall and reconstructing the heady days of the autumn revolution, the author reflects on the fate of the Wall after 1989, as it moved from demolition into the realm of memory.Less
Few historical changes occur literally overnight, but on 13 August 1961 18 million East Germans awoke to find themselves walled in by an edifice which was to become synonymous with the Cold War: the Berlin Wall. This new history rejects traditional, top‐down approaches to Cold War politics, exploring instead how the border closure affected ordinary East Germans, from workers and farmers to teenagers and even party members, ‘caught out’ by Sunday the Thirteenth. Party, police, and Stasi reports reveal why one in six East Germans fled the country during the 1950s, undermining communist rule and forcing the eleventh‐hour decision by Khrushchev and Ulbricht to build a wall along the Cold War's frontline. Did East Germans resist or come to terms with immurement? Did the communist regime become more or less dictatorial within the confines of the so‐called ‘Antifascist Defence Rampart’? Using film and literature, but also the GDR's losing battle against Beatlemania, Patrick Major's cross‐disciplinary study suggests that popular culture both reinforced and undermined the closed society. Linking external and internal developments, Major argues that the GDR's official quest for international recognition, culminating in Ostpolitik and United Nations membership in the early 1970s, became its undoing, unleashing a human rights movement which fed into, but then broke with, the protests of 1989. After exploring the reasons for the fall of the Wall and reconstructing the heady days of the autumn revolution, the author reflects on the fate of the Wall after 1989, as it moved from demolition into the realm of memory.
Federico Varese
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691128559
- eISBN:
- 9781400836727
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691128559.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Criminal Law and Criminology
Organized crime is spreading like a global virus as mobs take advantage of open borders to establish local franchises at will. That at least is the fear, inspired by stories of Russian mobsters in ...
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Organized crime is spreading like a global virus as mobs take advantage of open borders to establish local franchises at will. That at least is the fear, inspired by stories of Russian mobsters in New York, Chinese triads in London, and Italian mafias throughout the West. As this book explains, the truth is more complicated. The author has spent years researching mafia groups in Italy, Russia, the United States, and China, and argues that mafiosi often find themselves abroad against their will, rather than through a strategic plan to colonize new territories. Once there, they do not always succeed in establishing themselves. The book spells out the conditions that lead to their long-term success, namely sudden market expansion that is neither exploited by local rivals nor blocked by authorities. Ultimately the inability of the state to govern economic transformations gives mafias their opportunity. In a series of matched comparisons, the book charts the attempts of the Calabrese 'Ndrangheta to move to the north of Italy, and shows how the Sicilian mafia expanded to early twentieth-century New York, but failed around the same time to find a niche in Argentina. The book explains why the Russian mafia failed to penetrate Rome but succeeded in Hungary. A pioneering chapter on China examines the challenges that triads from Taiwan and Hong Kong find in branching out to the mainland. This book is both a compelling read and a sober assessment of the risks posed by globalization and immigration for the spread of mafias.Less
Organized crime is spreading like a global virus as mobs take advantage of open borders to establish local franchises at will. That at least is the fear, inspired by stories of Russian mobsters in New York, Chinese triads in London, and Italian mafias throughout the West. As this book explains, the truth is more complicated. The author has spent years researching mafia groups in Italy, Russia, the United States, and China, and argues that mafiosi often find themselves abroad against their will, rather than through a strategic plan to colonize new territories. Once there, they do not always succeed in establishing themselves. The book spells out the conditions that lead to their long-term success, namely sudden market expansion that is neither exploited by local rivals nor blocked by authorities. Ultimately the inability of the state to govern economic transformations gives mafias their opportunity. In a series of matched comparisons, the book charts the attempts of the Calabrese 'Ndrangheta to move to the north of Italy, and shows how the Sicilian mafia expanded to early twentieth-century New York, but failed around the same time to find a niche in Argentina. The book explains why the Russian mafia failed to penetrate Rome but succeeded in Hungary. A pioneering chapter on China examines the challenges that triads from Taiwan and Hong Kong find in branching out to the mainland. This book is both a compelling read and a sober assessment of the risks posed by globalization and immigration for the spread of mafias.
Peter Higgins
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780748670260
- eISBN:
- 9780748695126
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748670260.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
By what moral standards must nation-states select immigration policies? A central contention of Immigration Justice is that the justice of an immigration policy can be ascertained only through ...
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By what moral standards must nation-states select immigration policies? A central contention of Immigration Justice is that the justice of an immigration policy can be ascertained only through consideration of the pervasive, systematic, and unjust inequalities engendered by the institutions that constitute our social world. Immigration policies affect people primarily as members of social groups demarcated from each other by members’ gender, race, and class. For this reason, this book argues that states’ selection of immigration policies is a matter of structural justice, defending the cosmopolitan principle that immigration policies are not just if they avoidably harm social groups that are already unjustly disadvantaged. Via this principle, Immigration Justice challenges the three most widely-held views on immigration justice among philosophers, political theorists and the general public: the moral sovereignty of states view, on which states have moral discretion to select immigration policies by criteria of their own choosing; nationalism, on which states morally must choose immigration policies that promote the national interest; and open borders, the view that states morally ought to eliminate virtually all restrictions on immigration. Instead, this book argues, just immigration policies vary among states in accordance with a variety of contextual factors influencing their consequences for disadvantaged social groups.Less
By what moral standards must nation-states select immigration policies? A central contention of Immigration Justice is that the justice of an immigration policy can be ascertained only through consideration of the pervasive, systematic, and unjust inequalities engendered by the institutions that constitute our social world. Immigration policies affect people primarily as members of social groups demarcated from each other by members’ gender, race, and class. For this reason, this book argues that states’ selection of immigration policies is a matter of structural justice, defending the cosmopolitan principle that immigration policies are not just if they avoidably harm social groups that are already unjustly disadvantaged. Via this principle, Immigration Justice challenges the three most widely-held views on immigration justice among philosophers, political theorists and the general public: the moral sovereignty of states view, on which states have moral discretion to select immigration policies by criteria of their own choosing; nationalism, on which states morally must choose immigration policies that promote the national interest; and open borders, the view that states morally ought to eliminate virtually all restrictions on immigration. Instead, this book argues, just immigration policies vary among states in accordance with a variety of contextual factors influencing their consequences for disadvantaged social groups.
Peter W. Higgins
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780748670260
- eISBN:
- 9780748695126
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748670260.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter evaluates cosmopolitan views on immigration justice. Cosmopolitans hold that states may not favor the interests of citizens over those of foreigners in the selection of immigration ...
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This chapter evaluates cosmopolitan views on immigration justice. Cosmopolitans hold that states may not favor the interests of citizens over those of foreigners in the selection of immigration policies. Most cosmopolitans argue for “open borders,” a position that demands the elimination of all or most restrictions on immigration. This chapter assesses cosmopolitan defenses of open borders from Carens, Kukathas, Cole, Whelan, Exdell, Steiner, and others. It also examines cosmopolitan defenses of non-trivially restrictive immigration policies by Chapman, Risse, Blake, and Wilcox. This chapter does not reject cosmopolitan approaches on principle, but finds that all rely on idealized, falsely-neutral conceptions of the social wherewithal of potential migrants and on overly optimistic predictions of the global egalitarian consequences of international mobility. In particular, most cosmopolitans, this chapter argues, underestimate the effects of emigration on human development (“brain drain”) and overestimate the promise of migrant remittances.Less
This chapter evaluates cosmopolitan views on immigration justice. Cosmopolitans hold that states may not favor the interests of citizens over those of foreigners in the selection of immigration policies. Most cosmopolitans argue for “open borders,” a position that demands the elimination of all or most restrictions on immigration. This chapter assesses cosmopolitan defenses of open borders from Carens, Kukathas, Cole, Whelan, Exdell, Steiner, and others. It also examines cosmopolitan defenses of non-trivially restrictive immigration policies by Chapman, Risse, Blake, and Wilcox. This chapter does not reject cosmopolitan approaches on principle, but finds that all rely on idealized, falsely-neutral conceptions of the social wherewithal of potential migrants and on overly optimistic predictions of the global egalitarian consequences of international mobility. In particular, most cosmopolitans, this chapter argues, underestimate the effects of emigration on human development (“brain drain”) and overestimate the promise of migrant remittances.
Bryan Caplan and Vipul Naik
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- September 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780190258788
- eISBN:
- 9780190258825
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190258788.003.0008
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Public and Welfare
This chapter argues that immigration policy should be reformed so that there are no quantitative caps on legal migration. It argues that a policy of open borders and free migration would create ...
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This chapter argues that immigration policy should be reformed so that there are no quantitative caps on legal migration. It argues that a policy of open borders and free migration would create massive poverty reduction while helping to improve the lives of most of the native born, and that any adverse consequences could be made up for with “keyhole solutions” that leave massive migration flows intact while tweaking policy to deal with specific consequences. It provocatively argues that given the evidence surveyed in the earlier chapters, every major moral theory recommends open borders.Less
This chapter argues that immigration policy should be reformed so that there are no quantitative caps on legal migration. It argues that a policy of open borders and free migration would create massive poverty reduction while helping to improve the lives of most of the native born, and that any adverse consequences could be made up for with “keyhole solutions” that leave massive migration flows intact while tweaking policy to deal with specific consequences. It provocatively argues that given the evidence surveyed in the earlier chapters, every major moral theory recommends open borders.
Amy Reed-Sandoval
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- January 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780190619800
- eISBN:
- 9780190619848
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190619800.003.0007
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy, General
This chapter seeks to problematize the so-called open borders option as a means for undermining the oppressive constraints associated with socially undocumented identity. Its goal is to create ...
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This chapter seeks to problematize the so-called open borders option as a means for undermining the oppressive constraints associated with socially undocumented identity. Its goal is to create conceptual space for a philosophical conversation about the legitimacy of our current system of borders and its relationship to ongoing socially undocumented oppression that is not beholden to established frameworks of the established open borders debate. First, it explores a range of reasons why one might argue that opening borders could reduce socially undocumented oppression. Second, it argues that despite this appeal of an open borders policy, such oppression could nevertheless continue to exist in an “open borders world.” Third, it argues positively that eliminating borders is not, at present, the most effective means for addressing socially undocumented oppression.Less
This chapter seeks to problematize the so-called open borders option as a means for undermining the oppressive constraints associated with socially undocumented identity. Its goal is to create conceptual space for a philosophical conversation about the legitimacy of our current system of borders and its relationship to ongoing socially undocumented oppression that is not beholden to established frameworks of the established open borders debate. First, it explores a range of reasons why one might argue that opening borders could reduce socially undocumented oppression. Second, it argues that despite this appeal of an open borders policy, such oppression could nevertheless continue to exist in an “open borders world.” Third, it argues positively that eliminating borders is not, at present, the most effective means for addressing socially undocumented oppression.
Paulina Ochoa Espejo
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- July 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780190074197
- eISBN:
- 9780190074234
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190074197.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics, Political Theory
Many people today hold that borders are morally arbitrary, and therefore we should seek a world without borders. This chapter challenges this view. It holds that borders matter morally because ...
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Many people today hold that borders are morally arbitrary, and therefore we should seek a world without borders. This chapter challenges this view. It holds that borders matter morally because bounded jurisdictions sustain liberal rights, which are still the most effective means to resist oppression. However, the chapter argues, the value of borders does not come from grounding equal rights among the members of a group defined by identity, instead what defines the scope of right is place. The chapter examines the idea of place and place-specific duties. The chapter argues that rights cannot be upheld unless the beneficiaries participate in common institutions with others, and a necessary part of these institutions is indexed to place rather than identity. Such institutions, including the rule of law, are embodied and require specific local practices of cooperation. This explains why we need borders to coordinate action in modern societies marked by pluralism.Less
Many people today hold that borders are morally arbitrary, and therefore we should seek a world without borders. This chapter challenges this view. It holds that borders matter morally because bounded jurisdictions sustain liberal rights, which are still the most effective means to resist oppression. However, the chapter argues, the value of borders does not come from grounding equal rights among the members of a group defined by identity, instead what defines the scope of right is place. The chapter examines the idea of place and place-specific duties. The chapter argues that rights cannot be upheld unless the beneficiaries participate in common institutions with others, and a necessary part of these institutions is indexed to place rather than identity. Such institutions, including the rule of law, are embodied and require specific local practices of cooperation. This explains why we need borders to coordinate action in modern societies marked by pluralism.
Frank Dikötter
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9789622099203
- eISBN:
- 9789882206595
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Hong Kong University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5790/hongkong/9789622099203.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, Asian History
This chapter investigates how individuals from all backgrounds, whether ordinary farmers or privileged students, were interested in the world beyond ...
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This chapter investigates how individuals from all backgrounds, whether ordinary farmers or privileged students, were interested in the world beyond their community, while the opening of the borders led to growing movement of people in and out of China. It also demonstrates how foreign communities were part of the social texture of republican life and should be considered as an integral part of the social history of the country. It concentrates on the travel of relatively privileged migrants, and ordinary farmers that joined a growing flow of movement in and out of the country, often thanks to the steamer.Less
This chapter investigates how individuals from all backgrounds, whether ordinary farmers or privileged students, were interested in the world beyond their community, while the opening of the borders led to growing movement of people in and out of China. It also demonstrates how foreign communities were part of the social texture of republican life and should be considered as an integral part of the social history of the country. It concentrates on the travel of relatively privileged migrants, and ordinary farmers that joined a growing flow of movement in and out of the country, often thanks to the steamer.
Benjamin Powell (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- September 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780190258788
- eISBN:
- 9780190258825
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190258788.001.0001
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Public and Welfare
This book summarizes the best social science studying the impact of immigration and finds that much of it is at odds with popular fears. Greater flows of immigration have the potential to ...
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This book summarizes the best social science studying the impact of immigration and finds that much of it is at odds with popular fears. Greater flows of immigration have the potential to substantially increase world income and reduce extreme poverty. Existing evidence indicates that immigration slightly enhances the wealth of the native born in destination countries while doing little to harm the job prospects or reduce the wages of most of the native-born population. Similarly, although a matter of debate, most credible scholarly estimates of the net fiscal impact of current migration find only small positive or negative impacts. Importantly, current generations of immigrants do not appear to be assimilating more slowly than prior waves. Although the range of debate on the consequences of immigration is much narrower in scholarly circles than in the general public, that does not mean that all social scientists agree on what a desirable immigration policy embodies. The second half of this book contains three chapters, each by a social scientist who is knowledgeable of the scholarship summarized in the first half of the book, which argue for very different policy immigration policies. One proposes to significantly cut current levels of immigration. Another suggests an auction market for immigration permits. The third proposes open borders. The final chapter surveys the policy opinions of other immigration experts and explores the factors that lead reasonable social scientists to disagree on matters of immigration policy.Less
This book summarizes the best social science studying the impact of immigration and finds that much of it is at odds with popular fears. Greater flows of immigration have the potential to substantially increase world income and reduce extreme poverty. Existing evidence indicates that immigration slightly enhances the wealth of the native born in destination countries while doing little to harm the job prospects or reduce the wages of most of the native-born population. Similarly, although a matter of debate, most credible scholarly estimates of the net fiscal impact of current migration find only small positive or negative impacts. Importantly, current generations of immigrants do not appear to be assimilating more slowly than prior waves. Although the range of debate on the consequences of immigration is much narrower in scholarly circles than in the general public, that does not mean that all social scientists agree on what a desirable immigration policy embodies. The second half of this book contains three chapters, each by a social scientist who is knowledgeable of the scholarship summarized in the first half of the book, which argue for very different policy immigration policies. One proposes to significantly cut current levels of immigration. Another suggests an auction market for immigration permits. The third proposes open borders. The final chapter surveys the policy opinions of other immigration experts and explores the factors that lead reasonable social scientists to disagree on matters of immigration policy.
Sarah Song
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- October 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780190909222
- eISBN:
- 9780190909253
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190909222.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Chapter 5 examines the global distributive justice argument for open borders. It challenges two key assumptions underlying this argument: (1) that global distributive justice requires global equality ...
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Chapter 5 examines the global distributive justice argument for open borders. It challenges two key assumptions underlying this argument: (1) that global distributive justice requires global equality of opportunity and (2) that global distributive justice requires open borders. It argues that equality and justice are fundamentally relational ideals. Our particular relationships and institutional contexts matter for the types of distributive obligations we have. This does not mean we have no global obligations. The chapter examines different forms of global inequality and identifies circumstances where global inequality does constitute global injustice, but even in such cases, an open borders policy is a limited response. Alleviating global poverty is the major animating concern of the global distributive justice argument for open borders, but it is typically not the world’s poorest who migrate and the departure of a country’s more-skilled members tends to deepen, not alleviate, global inequality.Less
Chapter 5 examines the global distributive justice argument for open borders. It challenges two key assumptions underlying this argument: (1) that global distributive justice requires global equality of opportunity and (2) that global distributive justice requires open borders. It argues that equality and justice are fundamentally relational ideals. Our particular relationships and institutional contexts matter for the types of distributive obligations we have. This does not mean we have no global obligations. The chapter examines different forms of global inequality and identifies circumstances where global inequality does constitute global injustice, but even in such cases, an open borders policy is a limited response. Alleviating global poverty is the major animating concern of the global distributive justice argument for open borders, but it is typically not the world’s poorest who migrate and the departure of a country’s more-skilled members tends to deepen, not alleviate, global inequality.
Sergio Chávez
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- April 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780199380572
- eISBN:
- 9780199380619
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199380572.003.0004
- Subject:
- Sociology, Migration Studies (including Refugee Studies), Urban and Rural Studies
This chapter examines the border-crossing practices for transient and border commuters before and after the start of Operation Gatekeeper in 1994. Before Gatekeeper, unauthorized transient migrants ...
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This chapter examines the border-crossing practices for transient and border commuters before and after the start of Operation Gatekeeper in 1994. Before Gatekeeper, unauthorized transient migrants and border commuters largely evaded authorities through a variety of modes, including drawing on the assistance of family and friends to acquire the necessary knowledge and information for entering the United States without detection. This group of crossers also drew on the assistance and support of US-based employers to enter the United States. However, with the implementation of Gatekeeper, it became increasingly difficult to enter the country. As a result, most unauthorized workers enter the United States through formal channels, in particular using Border Crossing Cards to cross legally, but work without authorization. This group of crossers relies on social interaction, in particular engaging in strategies of “face work” with immigration officials to enter the US labor market.Less
This chapter examines the border-crossing practices for transient and border commuters before and after the start of Operation Gatekeeper in 1994. Before Gatekeeper, unauthorized transient migrants and border commuters largely evaded authorities through a variety of modes, including drawing on the assistance of family and friends to acquire the necessary knowledge and information for entering the United States without detection. This group of crossers also drew on the assistance and support of US-based employers to enter the United States. However, with the implementation of Gatekeeper, it became increasingly difficult to enter the country. As a result, most unauthorized workers enter the United States through formal channels, in particular using Border Crossing Cards to cross legally, but work without authorization. This group of crossers relies on social interaction, in particular engaging in strategies of “face work” with immigration officials to enter the US labor market.
Michael Blake
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- December 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190879556
- eISBN:
- 9780190879587
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190879556.003.0002
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
This chapter discusses arguments in favor of the thought that exclusion itself is incompatible with liberal justice; all borders, on this analysis, would be open in a just world. The chapter examines ...
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This chapter discusses arguments in favor of the thought that exclusion itself is incompatible with liberal justice; all borders, on this analysis, would be open in a just world. The chapter examines the concept of justice, as given in John Rawls, and then uses this concept to discuss why arguments in favor of open borders won’t work. Four arguments are discussed: the arguments from arbitrariness, from distributive justice, from coherence with existing rights, and from the injustice of coercion. None of these, the chapter concludes, pay adequate attention to the uniquely political nature of the relationship of fellow citizens.Less
This chapter discusses arguments in favor of the thought that exclusion itself is incompatible with liberal justice; all borders, on this analysis, would be open in a just world. The chapter examines the concept of justice, as given in John Rawls, and then uses this concept to discuss why arguments in favor of open borders won’t work. Four arguments are discussed: the arguments from arbitrariness, from distributive justice, from coherence with existing rights, and from the injustice of coercion. None of these, the chapter concludes, pay adequate attention to the uniquely political nature of the relationship of fellow citizens.
Elizabeth Sinn
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9789622099180
- eISBN:
- 9789882206984
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Hong Kong University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5790/hongkong/9789622099180.003.0002
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Asian Studies
The volume starts with the conceptual assumption that Hong Kong as a unit of analysis may not be treated as a physically bounded crucible that contains a particular population at a given time. ...
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The volume starts with the conceptual assumption that Hong Kong as a unit of analysis may not be treated as a physically bounded crucible that contains a particular population at a given time. Historically, as this chapter stresses, Hong Kong has thrived as “a space of flow”. Various populations drawn from the Chinese diaspora became engaged with the place and its evolving institutions. The discussion delineates when Hong Kong became a free port under British rule in 1842 and how it joined a number of global processes. In the decades that followed, it became involved in network building. Other developments followed. Hong Kong, became the primary channel for Chinese remittance from overseas and a hub for the California trade in a wide range of goods, from medicine and joss sticks, to prepared opium and Cantonese opera.Less
The volume starts with the conceptual assumption that Hong Kong as a unit of analysis may not be treated as a physically bounded crucible that contains a particular population at a given time. Historically, as this chapter stresses, Hong Kong has thrived as “a space of flow”. Various populations drawn from the Chinese diaspora became engaged with the place and its evolving institutions. The discussion delineates when Hong Kong became a free port under British rule in 1842 and how it joined a number of global processes. In the decades that followed, it became involved in network building. Other developments followed. Hong Kong, became the primary channel for Chinese remittance from overseas and a hub for the California trade in a wide range of goods, from medicine and joss sticks, to prepared opium and Cantonese opera.
Sarah Song
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- October 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780190909222
- eISBN:
- 9780190909253
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190909222.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Chapter 11 reiterates the intermediate ethical position between closed borders and open borders. Against restrictive nationalists who favor closing borders, it argues that states should not regulate ...
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Chapter 11 reiterates the intermediate ethical position between closed borders and open borders. Against restrictive nationalists who favor closing borders, it argues that states should not regulate immigration solely in the interests of their own members. Members of a political community have special obligations to one another, but they also have obligations to the rest of humanity, including prospective migrants. Against proponents of open borders, it maintains that political membership is morally significant, even if its distribution is morally arbitrary. Political membership grounds special rights and obligations, and a government may show some partiality toward the interests of its members. This means a government may deny admission to prospective migrants if their basic interests are protected in their home countries and doing so protects important interests of its constituents. What is required is not closed borders or open borders but controlled borders and open doors.Less
Chapter 11 reiterates the intermediate ethical position between closed borders and open borders. Against restrictive nationalists who favor closing borders, it argues that states should not regulate immigration solely in the interests of their own members. Members of a political community have special obligations to one another, but they also have obligations to the rest of humanity, including prospective migrants. Against proponents of open borders, it maintains that political membership is morally significant, even if its distribution is morally arbitrary. Political membership grounds special rights and obligations, and a government may show some partiality toward the interests of its members. This means a government may deny admission to prospective migrants if their basic interests are protected in their home countries and doing so protects important interests of its constituents. What is required is not closed borders or open borders but controlled borders and open doors.
Margaret Moore
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- September 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780190222246
- eISBN:
- 9780190222260
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190222246.003.0009
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy, General
This chapter considers the extent to which the self-determination argument, which justifies a people in exercising jurisdictional authority over territory, can be extended to justify those people in ...
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This chapter considers the extent to which the self-determination argument, which justifies a people in exercising jurisdictional authority over territory, can be extended to justify those people in exercising control over the flow of persons and goods across borders. It considers whether preventing people from entering a state (immigration control) is a violation of their rights to free movement and rights to subsistence. Whatever the legitimacy of the right to control borders, it has to be understood as at best a qualified right, since it has to be pursued in ways consistent with basic human rights. Richer political communities, it is argued, have obligations to ensure that basic entitlements of people to live a decent life are met, even if that does not amount to a direct argument for open borders.Less
This chapter considers the extent to which the self-determination argument, which justifies a people in exercising jurisdictional authority over territory, can be extended to justify those people in exercising control over the flow of persons and goods across borders. It considers whether preventing people from entering a state (immigration control) is a violation of their rights to free movement and rights to subsistence. Whatever the legitimacy of the right to control borders, it has to be understood as at best a qualified right, since it has to be pursued in ways consistent with basic human rights. Richer political communities, it is argued, have obligations to ensure that basic entitlements of people to live a decent life are met, even if that does not amount to a direct argument for open borders.
Martin A. Schain
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- September 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780199938674
- eISBN:
- 9780190054649
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780199938674.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This book is a comparative study of how and why border policy has become increasingly important, politicized, and divisive in Europe and the United States. It focuses on how border governance has ...
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This book is a comparative study of how and why border policy has become increasingly important, politicized, and divisive in Europe and the United States. It focuses on how border governance has emerged as an important focus of policy in itself, rather than merely contingent on trade and, above all, on immigration policy. New data indicate a massive increase of walls and barriers between countries after 2001. In our more globalized world, borders are back with a vengeance. However, at the same time that more controls have been established, the flow of people and the growth of trade have continued at an impressive rate. The claims by scholars and political actors of an emerging Fortress Europe and Fortress America have clearly been exaggerated. They express goals and intentions, rather than outcomes. The argument in this book is that the gap between objectives and outcomes should be understood as a result of the complex politics of the border and border control. Although there has been consistent support for harsher border control on both sides of the Atlantic, there has also been important, if more focused, support for more open borders and more permissive border control. If electoral politics often favor border restriction, the politics of policymaking can be more advantageous for groups that favor access. These are separate political tracks, the author maintains, but they are always in dynamic interaction.Less
This book is a comparative study of how and why border policy has become increasingly important, politicized, and divisive in Europe and the United States. It focuses on how border governance has emerged as an important focus of policy in itself, rather than merely contingent on trade and, above all, on immigration policy. New data indicate a massive increase of walls and barriers between countries after 2001. In our more globalized world, borders are back with a vengeance. However, at the same time that more controls have been established, the flow of people and the growth of trade have continued at an impressive rate. The claims by scholars and political actors of an emerging Fortress Europe and Fortress America have clearly been exaggerated. They express goals and intentions, rather than outcomes. The argument in this book is that the gap between objectives and outcomes should be understood as a result of the complex politics of the border and border control. Although there has been consistent support for harsher border control on both sides of the Atlantic, there has also been important, if more focused, support for more open borders and more permissive border control. If electoral politics often favor border restriction, the politics of policymaking can be more advantageous for groups that favor access. These are separate political tracks, the author maintains, but they are always in dynamic interaction.
S. Deborah Kang
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780199757435
- eISBN:
- 9780190655259
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199757435.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
Chapter 6 is a history of Operation Wetback, a massive deportation drive conducted by the federal government in 1954. While it is remembered as an apex in the history of the INS, a sign of the ...
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Chapter 6 is a history of Operation Wetback, a massive deportation drive conducted by the federal government in 1954. While it is remembered as an apex in the history of the INS, a sign of the agency’s strength, and a moment in which it had achieved control over the US–Mexico border, this chapter argues that the campaign bore the hallmarks of a decades-long struggle by the INS to define a strong immigration law enforcement policy. Facing an ongoing shortage of money, manpower, and material, the new INS Commissioner, General Joseph Swing, devised a border enforcement strategy that drew upon old legal innovations devised by local agency officials in the Southwest. Moreover, Swing’s plan ultimately regulated, rather than closed, the line. It specifically opened the border to guest workers through a revamped Bracero Program, and closed it to undocumented immigrants by means of removal operations such as Operation Wetback.Less
Chapter 6 is a history of Operation Wetback, a massive deportation drive conducted by the federal government in 1954. While it is remembered as an apex in the history of the INS, a sign of the agency’s strength, and a moment in which it had achieved control over the US–Mexico border, this chapter argues that the campaign bore the hallmarks of a decades-long struggle by the INS to define a strong immigration law enforcement policy. Facing an ongoing shortage of money, manpower, and material, the new INS Commissioner, General Joseph Swing, devised a border enforcement strategy that drew upon old legal innovations devised by local agency officials in the Southwest. Moreover, Swing’s plan ultimately regulated, rather than closed, the line. It specifically opened the border to guest workers through a revamped Bracero Program, and closed it to undocumented immigrants by means of removal operations such as Operation Wetback.
- Published in print:
- 1994
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780853232094
- eISBN:
- 9781846317262
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5949/UPO9781846317262.010
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter discusses the full opening of the border on 5 February 1985. In preparation for the event, Spanish and Gibraltarian officials met on 10 and 11 January to discuss practical matters ...
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This chapter discusses the full opening of the border on 5 February 1985. In preparation for the event, Spanish and Gibraltarian officials met on 10 and 11 January to discuss practical matters relating to the re–establishment of communications, such as police control, customs, work permits, and telecommunications. The talks resulted in the publication in Madrid on 18 January of detailed regulations about the movement of people, goods, and vehicles across the border. At the stroke of midnight between 4 and 5 February 1985, the border gates which had been closed on the Spanish side for the last 16 years were finally fully opened. That same day British and Spanish delegations, led by their respective Foreign Ministers, met at the International Conference Centre in Geneva to discuss the implementation of the Brussels Declaration. It was the first occasion on which the two Foreign Ministers had arranged a formal encounter specifically to talk about Gibraltar.Less
This chapter discusses the full opening of the border on 5 February 1985. In preparation for the event, Spanish and Gibraltarian officials met on 10 and 11 January to discuss practical matters relating to the re–establishment of communications, such as police control, customs, work permits, and telecommunications. The talks resulted in the publication in Madrid on 18 January of detailed regulations about the movement of people, goods, and vehicles across the border. At the stroke of midnight between 4 and 5 February 1985, the border gates which had been closed on the Spanish side for the last 16 years were finally fully opened. That same day British and Spanish delegations, led by their respective Foreign Ministers, met at the International Conference Centre in Geneva to discuss the implementation of the Brussels Declaration. It was the first occasion on which the two Foreign Ministers had arranged a formal encounter specifically to talk about Gibraltar.
A. John Simmons
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780190603489
- eISBN:
- 9780190603502
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190603489.003.0010
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
Chapter 9 examines another kind of property-like right claimed by modern states: the right to control movement across state borders. The chapter discusses the connections between the idea of national ...
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Chapter 9 examines another kind of property-like right claimed by modern states: the right to control movement across state borders. The chapter discusses the connections between the idea of national self-determination and states’ border rights. Recent arguments for open borders employing both the arbitrariness of nationality and rights of free movement are critiqued. Appeals by functionalists to states’ rights to self-determination as a justification for a robust right to exclude aliens are rejected. Similarly, appeals by nationalists to the idea of cultural self-determination are found inadequate. The chapter concludes by arguing that Lockean voluntarism in fact yields the desired balance between the rights of legitimate states to exclude and the rights of aliens to consideration.Less
Chapter 9 examines another kind of property-like right claimed by modern states: the right to control movement across state borders. The chapter discusses the connections between the idea of national self-determination and states’ border rights. Recent arguments for open borders employing both the arbitrariness of nationality and rights of free movement are critiqued. Appeals by functionalists to states’ rights to self-determination as a justification for a robust right to exclude aliens are rejected. Similarly, appeals by nationalists to the idea of cultural self-determination are found inadequate. The chapter concludes by arguing that Lockean voluntarism in fact yields the desired balance between the rights of legitimate states to exclude and the rights of aliens to consideration.
Arash Abizadeh
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780199676606
- eISBN:
- 9780191756122
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199676606.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
According to the special-obligations challenge to the justice argument for more open borders, immigration restrictions to wealthier polities are justified because of special obligations owed to ...
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According to the special-obligations challenge to the justice argument for more open borders, immigration restrictions to wealthier polities are justified because of special obligations owed to disadvantaged compatriots. This chapter interrogates what precisely constitutes the relationship and/or set of interactions that are supposed to ground compatriotic special obligations that, in turn, are supposed to justify restricting immigration. It argues that whatever special obligations are owed by citizens (or residents) of wealthier polities to their domestic poor, they do not justify restrictions on immigration by the global poor. Even the most promising putative grounds for compatriotic special obligations fail to challenge the justice argument for more open borders.Less
According to the special-obligations challenge to the justice argument for more open borders, immigration restrictions to wealthier polities are justified because of special obligations owed to disadvantaged compatriots. This chapter interrogates what precisely constitutes the relationship and/or set of interactions that are supposed to ground compatriotic special obligations that, in turn, are supposed to justify restricting immigration. It argues that whatever special obligations are owed by citizens (or residents) of wealthier polities to their domestic poor, they do not justify restrictions on immigration by the global poor. Even the most promising putative grounds for compatriotic special obligations fail to challenge the justice argument for more open borders.
