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This chapter identifies four sources of problems that promote knowledge loss in organizations by creating barriers to knowledge sharing and knowledge management. It suggests change management strategies for dealing with them. The sources identified are: the fact that no one gets promoted for investing in knowledge retention; poor interpersonal expert/novice dynamics; organizational conflict that undermines knowledge sharing; and the psychological trap of “competing commitments” that creates organizational barriers to action.

Tanxu becomes the student of Master Dixian, one of the pre-eminent monks of the period. Studying in Dixian’s seminary in Ningbo, Tanxu learns not only the essentials of becoming a monk, but also perceives the deep linguistic and cultural differences that separate China’s regions, particularly north from south. Tanxu travels with Dixian to Beijing, where he makes many of the important contacts that will enable him to promote his nationalist agenda in the years to come. Back in Ningbo, Tanxu is frustrated by the isolation of the seminary and leaves, against Dixian’s wishes, to spread Buddhism in North China

This chapter introduces and summarizes On Grammar, On Practical Geometry, On the Formation of Novices (De institutione novitiorum), and the Notes (Notulae) on the Octateuch. It covers Hugh’s concepts of the good creation and biblical history, including the books of Genesis and Job, as well as the education and overall formation of Victorine novices.

In everyday life, novices often defer to the testimony of experts in deciding what to believe. But when putative experts disagree, how can a novice justifiably decide which expert to trust? Five methods are considered: listening to their arguments and counter‐arguments, determining who has more agreement from other experts, consulting the ratings of metaexperts, checking the biases of the contenders, and consulting their respective track records. Going with greater numbers seems promising but depends on problematic assumptions. Appealing to track records, though ostensibly beyond a novice's ken, is shown to be possible and sometimes quite helpful.

This chapter examines SFAF’s work devising supports for implementing its comprehensive school reform program at scale, in large numbers of chronically-underperforming schools. The chapter details components of SFAF’s strategy for supporting implementation: an extensive program adoption process; a replication process that combined detailed elaboration of intended practice with extensive scaffolding opportunities; and a developmental sequence intended to take schools from novice to expert users of the program. Further, the chapter continues to develop the paradox from Chapter 1. On the one hand, SFAF’s support for implementation increased the possibility of effecting professional practice and learning in large numbers of underperforming schools. On the other hand, these same supports increased the risk of bureaucratic and/or technocratic interpretations of the program. Finally, the chapter continues to examine enthusiasm and criticism that arose from Success for All’s early efforts: in this case, among the teachers using the program.

This chapter examines SFAF’s work scaling up the installed base of schools and its own organization. This was work performed concurrent with designing and supporting, and in interaction with increasing policy support. Extending the pattern introduced in Chapter 1, the chapter details how interactions among newly-adopting schools, the program, SFAF as an organization, and U.S. policy environments supported the rapid scale up of the Success for All network, from 1 to 1600 schools in twelve years. At the same time, the chapter details how these same dynamics drove widespread interpretation of Success for All as either a bureaucratic or a technocratic intervention (and not a resource for professional practice and learning). Rather than supporting expert, adaptive use, a consequence of these interpretations was that an estimated 75% of SFAF’s 1600 schools were locked into novice use and into rote, mechanical implementation, with the root cause being SFAF’s own training organization.

This chapter includes case studies of the way reputations are built in the wine market. It explains that wine provides a paradigm for the role played by reputation in introducing novices to a new domain of taste. It observes adult novices in encountering for the first time a new cultural sphere that requires them to make value judgments. By restricting the discussion of newcomers to adults, the chapter avoids the kind of biases associated with deference to intellectual authority in the education of children. Adults being schooled for the first time in the world of wines find themselves facing a cultural domain strongly structured by landmarks about which they initially know nothing.

This chapter follows the would-be monk from the day of his arrival at the monastery, seeking admission, to his profession, which usually took place at the end of the first year. It describes his tonsuring and clothing in the habit and the period of probation during which he listened to regular readings of the Benedictine Rule and received instruction in the customs and daily routine of the house. He was expected to memorize the Rule and psalter and to begin his studies, academic as well as spiritual, under a monk master.

After profession, the novice continued his studies either in the cloister or, in the case of a few, at university. Only the most intellectually promising were sent to Oxford or Cambridge and most of these were not permitted to remain long enough to obtain a degree. Those who remained behind were able to benefit from the extensive book collections in the cathedral libraries in continuing their studies. All the novices were also being prepared to receive the three major orders, those of subdeacon, deacon and priest. Only after priestly ordination did the monks begin to play an active and responsible role in the affairs of the monastery.

This chapter begins with a description of Father Drinan's life in Shadowbrook as a novice. In the 20th century up through to the time of the Vatican Council II in the early 1960s, the formation strategy, very strictly during the novitiate and slightly modified through philosophy and theology, was to isolate the young Jesuits from worldly distractions. Only in this way could they focus rigidly on developing spiritual discipline and the ability to meditate fruitfully and to live simply, free of the material paraphernalia of books, magazines, records, radios, favorite sweaters, hobbies, sports heroes, family, and friends that clutter the mind. The chapter then details his further studies and his experiences after his ordination on June 20, 1953.

The fatality rate per 100 million vehicle miles among sixteen-year-old novice drivers is almost eight times higher than it is among the safest cohort of drivers, those with their driver's license for twenty years or more. Why do teen drivers have such a high accident rate and what can be done about it? Clearly, any serious attempt at remediation requires that one understands something about the types of behaviors that lead to crashes and what it is about driving that leads to such behaviors for the novice. There are many possible reasons why searching for potential risks might not be a trivial skill, and this chapter takes as its starting point multiple-resource theory. Perhaps problems occur for novice drivers that do not occur for more experienced drivers because experienced drivers can better divide their attention between the vehicle control task and the search and risk prediction tasks. There are other variants of what is known globally as the divided attention hypothesis.

This chapter observes the performance of successful and less-successful individuals playing the computer game Tetris, asking whether successful game players exhibit different playing strategies or are simply more efficient than their less successful peers in the strategies they use. It observes 22 undergraduate psychologists, ranging from 19 to 22 years, all competent computer users and active game players. Scanpath analyses of the locations of the eye movements of the participants show that there are differences in game-playing strategies between less successful and more successful game players; with the latter making more lateral eye-movements. There are no differences in the frequencies of vertical eye movements, or fixation durations. These lateral movements can be seen as an attempt to create a modified representation of the screen world, allowing the player to acquire vital information; that is, lateral movements serve an epistemic function.

This chapter advances the view that social epistemology has important implications for the structure of our educational practices. It argues, first, that educational practices should take social epistemology seriously because the success of the educational enterprise requires an effective response to two of the central problems of social epistemology, namely, the novice-expert problem and the general problem of identifying reliable testimony. It argues, second, that social moral epistemology is especially relevant to education for the following reason: If education is informed by social moral epistemology, it may be able, first, to reduce the risk that individuals’ beliefs will be manipulated by those who mobilize the public in support of wrongful mass violence and, second, to prevent the educational enterprise itself from contributing to the production of false beliefs that tend to support mass violence. The chapter concludes with suggestions for how to adapt Critical Thinking curricula to the findings presented.

Among the Dai-lue, a Theravāda Buddhist minority of Southwest China, it used to be that all young men were ordained as novices as a process of learning how to be a good member of society. In the early twenty-first century, being a good community member is no longer tied to Buddhist culture. Nonetheless, a significant portion of Dai-lue boys continue to ordain and to study in Buddhist temples. This chapter attempts to explain why boys continue to ordain and what life is like for them in the temples, emphasizing the necessity of seeing them as ordinary boys and as monastics.

This chapter explores children’s participation in monastic life according to texts from the Mūlasarvāstivāda Vinaya, the Avadānaśataka, the Mahāvastu, and other Sanskrit Buddhist sources, documenting the Indian Buddhist tradition’s ongoing and evolving legal and ritual accommodation of children in monastic communities. It concludes that, where it concerned children, monastic practice was a particularly porous site of interface with the lay community, borrowing from the lay ritual repertoire and adapting monastic ritual forms to the needs of parents and their offspring. Far from renouncing “the world,” Indian Buddhist monks (and nuns) of all ages engaged in a highly articulated, graduated, and complex form of Indian communal life that was thoroughly enmeshed, socially and ritually, with the world beyond the monastery gates.

This chapter examines the processes by which boys living in Sri Lanka become Buddhist novices (sāmaera). Providing a detailed description of a pabbajjā ordination ritual as well as examining the factors that led one participant to become a novice, the author highlights the role that social relationships and affective bonds play in the recruiting and socialization process. Along with challenging the tendency to reduce monastic ordination to a person’s or family’s desire for upward social and economic mobility, the author questions the tendency of interpreting pabbajjā as “going forth” by illustrating how monastic ordination functions as a ritual through which an ordinand’s ties and social bonds become altered and expanded to include multiple communities of lay people and monastics.

This chapter analyzes the conditions of Buddhism within Sipsongpannā. It describes the religious field of Sipsongpannā, aspects of village Buddhism, the monastic careers of Dai-lue men and the organization of the Sangha. While the chapter situates village Buddhism in the region as “local,” it also seeks to complicate how “local” forms of Buddhism interact with and are conditioned by national and transnational forms as well.

This chapter analyzes the consequences of the training of novices in villages in Sipsongpannā, a type of education this is best described as an apprentice system. While it is common for scholars to talk about apprentice education in isolation, I argue that because most Dai-lue novices have also attended the Chinese public schools, it is necessary to examine monastic education together with that of the Chinese public schools. The chapter argues that education in village temples produces novices who see themselves primarily as members of the village, while education in the pubic schools produces monks who understand that they are members of the Daizu.