Simon Wendt
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780813030180
- eISBN:
- 9780813051543
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813030180.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This book explores the role of armed self-defense in tandem with nonviolent protests in the African American freedom struggle of the 1950s and 1960s. Confronted with violent attacks by the Ku Klux ...
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This book explores the role of armed self-defense in tandem with nonviolent protests in the African American freedom struggle of the 1950s and 1960s. Confronted with violent attacks by the Ku Klux Klan and other racist terrorists, southern blacks adopted Martin Luther King’s philosophy of nonviolent resistance as a tactic, but at the same time armed themselves out of necessity and pride. Sophisticated self-defense units patrolled black neighborhoods, guarded the homes of movement leaders, rescued activists from harm, and occasionally traded shots with their white attackers. These patrols enhanced and sustained local movements in the face of white aggression. They also provoked vigorous debate within traditionally nonviolent civil rights organizations. The book re-evaluates black militants such as Malcolm X and the Black Panther Party and also appraises largely unknown protective agencies in Tuscaloosa, Cleveland, and other locales. Not confined to one state, one organization, or the best-known activists, this is the first balanced history of armed self-defense that begins with the southern civil rights movement and ends with the Black Power era. Drawing on extensive research from a wide variety of sources the author argues that during the Black Power years, armed resistance became largely symbolic and ultimately counterproductive to the black struggle—no longer coexisting with peaceful protest in “the spirit and the shotgun” philosophy that had served the southern movement so effectively.Less
This book explores the role of armed self-defense in tandem with nonviolent protests in the African American freedom struggle of the 1950s and 1960s. Confronted with violent attacks by the Ku Klux Klan and other racist terrorists, southern blacks adopted Martin Luther King’s philosophy of nonviolent resistance as a tactic, but at the same time armed themselves out of necessity and pride. Sophisticated self-defense units patrolled black neighborhoods, guarded the homes of movement leaders, rescued activists from harm, and occasionally traded shots with their white attackers. These patrols enhanced and sustained local movements in the face of white aggression. They also provoked vigorous debate within traditionally nonviolent civil rights organizations. The book re-evaluates black militants such as Malcolm X and the Black Panther Party and also appraises largely unknown protective agencies in Tuscaloosa, Cleveland, and other locales. Not confined to one state, one organization, or the best-known activists, this is the first balanced history of armed self-defense that begins with the southern civil rights movement and ends with the Black Power era. Drawing on extensive research from a wide variety of sources the author argues that during the Black Power years, armed resistance became largely symbolic and ultimately counterproductive to the black struggle—no longer coexisting with peaceful protest in “the spirit and the shotgun” philosophy that had served the southern movement so effectively.
David Hardiman
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- February 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190920678
- eISBN:
- 9780190943233
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190920678.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, Indian History
The subject of the fifth chapter is the first major all-India campaign led by Gandhi, the Rowlatt Satyagraha of 1919. This was in reaction to oppressive legislation being introduced by the British to ...
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The subject of the fifth chapter is the first major all-India campaign led by Gandhi, the Rowlatt Satyagraha of 1919. This was in reaction to oppressive legislation being introduced by the British to counter a supposed threat from violent extremist nationalists. The nonviolent protest met with a draconian reaction in Punjab, which included the notorious Amritsar massacre at Jallianwala Bagh, creating what is described in the literature on nonviolent resistance as ‘backfire’ – where terror by the state serves to alienate moderates and thus create the conditions for even more powerful resistance. This led into the major anti-British campaign of 1920-22, the Noncooperation Movement, which is the subject of the next volume.Less
The subject of the fifth chapter is the first major all-India campaign led by Gandhi, the Rowlatt Satyagraha of 1919. This was in reaction to oppressive legislation being introduced by the British to counter a supposed threat from violent extremist nationalists. The nonviolent protest met with a draconian reaction in Punjab, which included the notorious Amritsar massacre at Jallianwala Bagh, creating what is described in the literature on nonviolent resistance as ‘backfire’ – where terror by the state serves to alienate moderates and thus create the conditions for even more powerful resistance. This led into the major anti-British campaign of 1920-22, the Noncooperation Movement, which is the subject of the next volume.
David Hardiman
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- February 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190920678
- eISBN:
- 9780190943233
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190920678.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, Indian History
The themes of the book are summarized and there is a discussion of the two main forms of nonviolent protest developed by Indian nationalists during this period: the pragmatic use of it as a political ...
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The themes of the book are summarized and there is a discussion of the two main forms of nonviolent protest developed by Indian nationalists during this period: the pragmatic use of it as a political tacticin particular circumstances, as theorized by Aurobindo Ghose, and the Gandhian emphasis on nonviolence as an absolute moral principle, as seen in his concepts of satyagraha and ahimsa. The way that Gandhi promoted a secular, rather than Hindu form of nationalism, is discussed. Notions of national honor and levels of leadership of the movement are also examined.Less
The themes of the book are summarized and there is a discussion of the two main forms of nonviolent protest developed by Indian nationalists during this period: the pragmatic use of it as a political tacticin particular circumstances, as theorized by Aurobindo Ghose, and the Gandhian emphasis on nonviolence as an absolute moral principle, as seen in his concepts of satyagraha and ahimsa. The way that Gandhi promoted a secular, rather than Hindu form of nationalism, is discussed. Notions of national honor and levels of leadership of the movement are also examined.
Lee Sartain
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- March 2014
- ISBN:
- 9781617037511
- eISBN:
- 9781621039303
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781617037511.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
As a border city Baltimore made an ideal arena to push for change during the civil rights movement. It was a city in which all forms of segregation and racism appeared vulnerable to attack by the ...
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As a border city Baltimore made an ideal arena to push for change during the civil rights movement. It was a city in which all forms of segregation and racism appeared vulnerable to attack by the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP)’s methods. If successful in Baltimore, the rest of the nation might follow with progressive and integrationist reforms. The Baltimore branch of the NAACP, one of the first chapters in the nation and the largest branch by 1946, undertook various forms of civil rights activity from 1914 through the 1940s that later were mainstays of the 1960s movement. Nonviolent protest, youth activism, economic boycotts, marches on state capitols, campaigns for voter registration, and pursuit of anti-lynching cases all had test runs. Remarkably, Baltimore’s NAACP had the same branch president for thirty-five years starting in 1935, a woman, Lillie M. Jackson. Her work highlights gender issues and the social and political transitions among the changing civil rights groups. This book evaluates Jackson’s leadership amid challenges from radicalized youth groups and the Black Power Movement. Baltimore was an urban industrial center that shared many characteristics with the North, and African Americans could vote there. The city absorbed a large number of black economic migrants from the South, and exhibited racial patterns that made it more familiar to Southerners. It was one of the first places to begin desegregating its schools in September 1954 after the Supreme Court decision in Brown v. Board of Education.Less
As a border city Baltimore made an ideal arena to push for change during the civil rights movement. It was a city in which all forms of segregation and racism appeared vulnerable to attack by the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP)’s methods. If successful in Baltimore, the rest of the nation might follow with progressive and integrationist reforms. The Baltimore branch of the NAACP, one of the first chapters in the nation and the largest branch by 1946, undertook various forms of civil rights activity from 1914 through the 1940s that later were mainstays of the 1960s movement. Nonviolent protest, youth activism, economic boycotts, marches on state capitols, campaigns for voter registration, and pursuit of anti-lynching cases all had test runs. Remarkably, Baltimore’s NAACP had the same branch president for thirty-five years starting in 1935, a woman, Lillie M. Jackson. Her work highlights gender issues and the social and political transitions among the changing civil rights groups. This book evaluates Jackson’s leadership amid challenges from radicalized youth groups and the Black Power Movement. Baltimore was an urban industrial center that shared many characteristics with the North, and African Americans could vote there. The city absorbed a large number of black economic migrants from the South, and exhibited racial patterns that made it more familiar to Southerners. It was one of the first places to begin desegregating its schools in September 1954 after the Supreme Court decision in Brown v. Board of Education.
James H. Meriwether
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- July 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780807826690
- eISBN:
- 9781469606064
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/9780807860410_meriwether.8
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This chapter examines African Americans' responses to the violence in Kenya. The Kenya Land and Freedom Movement, popularly known as Mau Mau, launched a war to overthrow white supremacy and to ...
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This chapter examines African Americans' responses to the violence in Kenya. The Kenya Land and Freedom Movement, popularly known as Mau Mau, launched a war to overthrow white supremacy and to reclaim the land. As black Americans grappled with different approaches to gaining rights and freedom, most did not accept, let alone embrace, violence. Legal avenues, and then nonviolent protest, were the preferred ways to effect change in America.Less
This chapter examines African Americans' responses to the violence in Kenya. The Kenya Land and Freedom Movement, popularly known as Mau Mau, launched a war to overthrow white supremacy and to reclaim the land. As black Americans grappled with different approaches to gaining rights and freedom, most did not accept, let alone embrace, violence. Legal avenues, and then nonviolent protest, were the preferred ways to effect change in America.
Ronald P. Formisano
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- July 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780807855263
- eISBN:
- 9781469602325
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/9780807869703_formisano.15
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter focuses on Boston's saga, which still seemed unique despite reflecting patterns of resistance to school desegregation in other cities. Violence had exceeded that of other cities under ...
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This chapter focuses on Boston's saga, which still seemed unique despite reflecting patterns of resistance to school desegregation in other cities. Violence had exceeded that of other cities under court orders, and Boston had attained regrettable status as a symbol of what not to do in implementing desegregation. Thus, in Buffalo, after years of white resistance paralleling Boston's, a 1976 court order elicited relatively moderate, nonviolent protest. The presence of black elected officials and a plan phased in over several years contributed to a smoother process, but so did a conscious determination not to repeat Boston's mistakes. In 1979, similarly, a “not like Boston” mentality took hold in Columbus, Ohio. In contrast to Boston, too, desegregation actually advanced nationally from 1968 to 1980. In districts under court orders, racial imbalance was reduced by half, and the percentage of African American students in heavily minority schools declined, most dramatically in the South.Less
This chapter focuses on Boston's saga, which still seemed unique despite reflecting patterns of resistance to school desegregation in other cities. Violence had exceeded that of other cities under court orders, and Boston had attained regrettable status as a symbol of what not to do in implementing desegregation. Thus, in Buffalo, after years of white resistance paralleling Boston's, a 1976 court order elicited relatively moderate, nonviolent protest. The presence of black elected officials and a plan phased in over several years contributed to a smoother process, but so did a conscious determination not to repeat Boston's mistakes. In 1979, similarly, a “not like Boston” mentality took hold in Columbus, Ohio. In contrast to Boston, too, desegregation actually advanced nationally from 1968 to 1980. In districts under court orders, racial imbalance was reduced by half, and the percentage of African American students in heavily minority schools declined, most dramatically in the South.
Simon Springer
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780816697724
- eISBN:
- 9781452955155
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Minnesota Press
- DOI:
- 10.5749/minnesota/9780816697724.003.0003
- Subject:
- Sociology, Politics, Social Movements and Social Change
The second chapter establishes a manifesto for anarchist geographies, serving as a proverbial call to nonviolent arms for geographers and non-geographers who seek to put an end to the seemingly ...
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The second chapter establishes a manifesto for anarchist geographies, serving as a proverbial call to nonviolent arms for geographers and non-geographers who seek to put an end to the seemingly endless series of tragedies, misfortunes, and catastrophes that characterize the miasma and malevolence of the current neoliberal moment. While it may seem that anarchism supports violence, its position against the state, and in particular the monopolization, institutionalization, and codification of violence that such a spatial organization represents, would mean that anarchism, in fact, offers an alternative geographical imagination that refuses violent means. Anarchist geographies is instead a means of provoking a more liberationist framework that potentially breaks from both the discursive formation of neoliberalism and the limitations of Marxism in relation to contemporary struggles.Less
The second chapter establishes a manifesto for anarchist geographies, serving as a proverbial call to nonviolent arms for geographers and non-geographers who seek to put an end to the seemingly endless series of tragedies, misfortunes, and catastrophes that characterize the miasma and malevolence of the current neoliberal moment. While it may seem that anarchism supports violence, its position against the state, and in particular the monopolization, institutionalization, and codification of violence that such a spatial organization represents, would mean that anarchism, in fact, offers an alternative geographical imagination that refuses violent means. Anarchist geographies is instead a means of provoking a more liberationist framework that potentially breaks from both the discursive formation of neoliberalism and the limitations of Marxism in relation to contemporary struggles.
Patrick M. Regan
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- June 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780190680121
- eISBN:
- 9780190680169
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190680121.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter tackles the problem of finding data-derived indicators to measure the quality of peace, versus a definition of peace simply as the absence of war. Conceptually, peace is seen as an ...
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This chapter tackles the problem of finding data-derived indicators to measure the quality of peace, versus a definition of peace simply as the absence of war. Conceptually, peace is seen as an equilibrium condition where resort to violence is minimal and where the highest quality of peace exists when the idea of armed violence approaches the unthinkable. The author draws upon the early work of Quincy Wright and Kenneth Boulding and progresses from there, establishing first their definitions of and conditions for peace. To put his theories to work, he introduces two proxy indicators: black market currency exchanges and bond market prices. Specifically, he examines and compares the premiums attached to the black market values of currencies in less stable economies and relates them to factors that promote destabilization of the equilibrium. Similarly, he compares the strip spreads on sovereign bonds as an indicator of government stability and instability.Less
This chapter tackles the problem of finding data-derived indicators to measure the quality of peace, versus a definition of peace simply as the absence of war. Conceptually, peace is seen as an equilibrium condition where resort to violence is minimal and where the highest quality of peace exists when the idea of armed violence approaches the unthinkable. The author draws upon the early work of Quincy Wright and Kenneth Boulding and progresses from there, establishing first their definitions of and conditions for peace. To put his theories to work, he introduces two proxy indicators: black market currency exchanges and bond market prices. Specifically, he examines and compares the premiums attached to the black market values of currencies in less stable economies and relates them to factors that promote destabilization of the equilibrium. Similarly, he compares the strip spreads on sovereign bonds as an indicator of government stability and instability.
