Amy Freedman
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781479866304
- eISBN:
- 9781479826308
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9781479866304.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter examines three examples of nontraditional security problems and how individual Southeast Asian countries have attempted to address them. The chapter also looks at the role that the ...
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This chapter examines three examples of nontraditional security problems and how individual Southeast Asian countries have attempted to address them. The chapter also looks at the role that the United States and China are playing in the region, and asks what the prospects might be for greater cooperation in coordinating policies and responses to these common threats so as to better ensure reliable access to food, mitigate the effects of climate change, and protect citizens in the region from deadly pathogens. There have been some regional attempts to create more cooperative frameworks for addressing these needs, but these efforts have not yet played a significant role in reshaping policies. One explanation for why cooperation is weak is that there is a lack of leadership within regional organizations in spurring greater action to tackle these issues. The leadership vacuum stems from countries’ domestic politics. Weak cooperation on these issues signals poor chances for regional coordination on other issues such as uniting against Chinese maritime claims around the nine-dash line, and has bearing on partnerships for the United States should the “pivot” become more than rhetoric.Less
This chapter examines three examples of nontraditional security problems and how individual Southeast Asian countries have attempted to address them. The chapter also looks at the role that the United States and China are playing in the region, and asks what the prospects might be for greater cooperation in coordinating policies and responses to these common threats so as to better ensure reliable access to food, mitigate the effects of climate change, and protect citizens in the region from deadly pathogens. There have been some regional attempts to create more cooperative frameworks for addressing these needs, but these efforts have not yet played a significant role in reshaping policies. One explanation for why cooperation is weak is that there is a lack of leadership within regional organizations in spurring greater action to tackle these issues. The leadership vacuum stems from countries’ domestic politics. Weak cooperation on these issues signals poor chances for regional coordination on other issues such as uniting against Chinese maritime claims around the nine-dash line, and has bearing on partnerships for the United States should the “pivot” become more than rhetoric.
William A. Callahan
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199549955
- eISBN:
- 9780191720314
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199549955.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, International Relations and Politics
Asks the question “When is China?” to show how Chinese people produce and consume national identity on special days like National Humiliation Day. Comparing the differing practices of the holiday as ...
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Asks the question “When is China?” to show how Chinese people produce and consume national identity on special days like National Humiliation Day. Comparing the differing practices of the holiday as it was celebrated in the early twentieth century and the early twenty‐first century, the chapter argues that in the early twentieth century the political performances aimed to produce a proper Chinese nation that was worthy of being saved. When National Humiliation Day was revived at the turn of the twenty‐first century, its activities focused on containing nationalism through a commemoration of the crises of the early twentieth century. Because national humiliation discourse has now spread beyond official control, the chapter concludes that we need to appreciate how Chinese people consume nationalism to produce a particular form of identity – and a particular type of security.Less
Asks the question “When is China?” to show how Chinese people produce and consume national identity on special days like National Humiliation Day. Comparing the differing practices of the holiday as it was celebrated in the early twentieth century and the early twenty‐first century, the chapter argues that in the early twentieth century the political performances aimed to produce a proper Chinese nation that was worthy of being saved. When National Humiliation Day was revived at the turn of the twenty‐first century, its activities focused on containing nationalism through a commemoration of the crises of the early twentieth century. Because national humiliation discourse has now spread beyond official control, the chapter concludes that we need to appreciate how Chinese people consume nationalism to produce a particular form of identity – and a particular type of security.
G. V. C. Naidu and Gulshan Sachdeva
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781479866304
- eISBN:
- 9781479826308
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9781479866304.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
India has come a long way in making itself a key player in Southeast Asian security and economic equilibrium through the Look East Policy that launched in the early 1990s. For most Southeast Asian ...
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India has come a long way in making itself a key player in Southeast Asian security and economic equilibrium through the Look East Policy that launched in the early 1990s. For most Southeast Asian countries India is a potential counterweight to China and an economic option. Besides establishing strong institutional linkages with ASEAN and ASEAN-led regional multilateral frameworks, India has steadily intensified economic interactions through free trade agreements with ASEAN and with several member countries bilaterally with a focus on building strong connectivity to the region. Simultaneously, New Delhi has also forged numerous defense and security cooperation arrangements with most countries in the region. Given Southeast Asia’s centrality to East Asia and due to its rapidly rising strategic and economic stakes, India is likely to step up its engagement.Less
India has come a long way in making itself a key player in Southeast Asian security and economic equilibrium through the Look East Policy that launched in the early 1990s. For most Southeast Asian countries India is a potential counterweight to China and an economic option. Besides establishing strong institutional linkages with ASEAN and ASEAN-led regional multilateral frameworks, India has steadily intensified economic interactions through free trade agreements with ASEAN and with several member countries bilaterally with a focus on building strong connectivity to the region. Simultaneously, New Delhi has also forged numerous defense and security cooperation arrangements with most countries in the region. Given Southeast Asia’s centrality to East Asia and due to its rapidly rising strategic and economic stakes, India is likely to step up its engagement.
David B.H. Denoon (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781479866304
- eISBN:
- 9781479826308
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9781479866304.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This volume is the second in a series on U.S.-China relations in regions of the world where neither country is dominant. This book first looks into the economic and political conditions of Southeast ...
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This volume is the second in a series on U.S.-China relations in regions of the world where neither country is dominant. This book first looks into the economic and political conditions of Southeast Asian countries including Indonesia, Singapore, Vietnam, Malaysia, Thailand, and Myanmar, and then turns as well to their foreign policies toward outside powers like China, the United States, Japan, and India. The authors examine the diverse patterns of behavior of ASEAN members and the widening North-South split on their policy objectives. ASEAN has divided between links to China, a preferred avoidance of commitment by several states, and quiet, informal relations with the United States. In Southeast Asia there are very substantial differences in operating style among the outside powers as well. This split has limited ASEAN’s ability to form consensus on major policy topics. Besides the United States and China, Japan and India are significant players in the region and in affecting ASEAN’s political choices. The European Union is also a vital actor on economic issues but not a key participant in political or security matters. In sum, China’s rising profile in Southeast Asia provides a challenge to the U.S. role as the dominant outside power. Southeast Asia has become a venue where tensions and U.S.-Chinese competition are rising.Less
This volume is the second in a series on U.S.-China relations in regions of the world where neither country is dominant. This book first looks into the economic and political conditions of Southeast Asian countries including Indonesia, Singapore, Vietnam, Malaysia, Thailand, and Myanmar, and then turns as well to their foreign policies toward outside powers like China, the United States, Japan, and India. The authors examine the diverse patterns of behavior of ASEAN members and the widening North-South split on their policy objectives. ASEAN has divided between links to China, a preferred avoidance of commitment by several states, and quiet, informal relations with the United States. In Southeast Asia there are very substantial differences in operating style among the outside powers as well. This split has limited ASEAN’s ability to form consensus on major policy topics. Besides the United States and China, Japan and India are significant players in the region and in affecting ASEAN’s political choices. The European Union is also a vital actor on economic issues but not a key participant in political or security matters. In sum, China’s rising profile in Southeast Asia provides a challenge to the U.S. role as the dominant outside power. Southeast Asia has become a venue where tensions and U.S.-Chinese competition are rising.
Chu Shulong
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781479866304
- eISBN:
- 9781479826308
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9781479866304.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Southeast Asia has strong ties with China in the areas of economics, diplomacy, and culture. China also has a security interest in the South China Sea, which has become a major source of conflict ...
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Southeast Asia has strong ties with China in the areas of economics, diplomacy, and culture. China also has a security interest in the South China Sea, which has become a major source of conflict between China and the United States, due to American fears that China’s military buildup in the South China Sea may threaten American “freedom of navigation” in the sea and the entire Western Pacific. China’s main interest in Southeast Asia is defending its sovereignty and security in the South China Sea.Less
Southeast Asia has strong ties with China in the areas of economics, diplomacy, and culture. China also has a security interest in the South China Sea, which has become a major source of conflict between China and the United States, due to American fears that China’s military buildup in the South China Sea may threaten American “freedom of navigation” in the sea and the entire Western Pacific. China’s main interest in Southeast Asia is defending its sovereignty and security in the South China Sea.
