Paul Webb and Stephen White (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199289653
- eISBN:
- 9780191710964
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199289653.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The sister volume to a book called Political Parties in Advanced Industrial Democracies, this book offers a systematic and rigorous analysis of parties in some of the world's major new democracies. ...
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The sister volume to a book called Political Parties in Advanced Industrial Democracies, this book offers a systematic and rigorous analysis of parties in some of the world's major new democracies. Drawing on a wealth of expertise and data, the book assesses the popular legitimacy, organizational development and functional performance of political parties in Latin America and postcommunist Eastern Europe. It demonstrates the generational differences between parties in the old and new democracies, and reveals contrasts among the latter. Parties are shown to be at their most feeble in those recently transitional democracies characterized by personalistic, candidate-centred forms of politics, but in other new democracies — especially those with parliamentary systems — parties are more stable and institutionalized, enabling them to facilitate a meaningful degree of popular choice and control. Wherever party politics is weakly institutionalized, political inequality tends to be greater, commitment to pluralism less certain, clientelism and corruption more pronounced, and populist demagoguery a greater temptation. Without party, democracy's hold is more tenuous.Less
The sister volume to a book called Political Parties in Advanced Industrial Democracies, this book offers a systematic and rigorous analysis of parties in some of the world's major new democracies. Drawing on a wealth of expertise and data, the book assesses the popular legitimacy, organizational development and functional performance of political parties in Latin America and postcommunist Eastern Europe. It demonstrates the generational differences between parties in the old and new democracies, and reveals contrasts among the latter. Parties are shown to be at their most feeble in those recently transitional democracies characterized by personalistic, candidate-centred forms of politics, but in other new democracies — especially those with parliamentary systems — parties are more stable and institutionalized, enabling them to facilitate a meaningful degree of popular choice and control. Wherever party politics is weakly institutionalized, political inequality tends to be greater, commitment to pluralism less certain, clientelism and corruption more pronounced, and populist demagoguery a greater temptation. Without party, democracy's hold is more tenuous.
Christopher J. Anderson, André Blais, Shaun Bowler, Todd Donovan, and Ola Listhaug
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- July 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199276387
- eISBN:
- 9780191602719
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199276382.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Examines the dimensions of losers’ consent in old and new democracies. We expect that losing has stronger negative effects in new democracies relative to mature democracies since losers have not yet ...
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Examines the dimensions of losers’ consent in old and new democracies. We expect that losing has stronger negative effects in new democracies relative to mature democracies since losers have not yet learned to lose in countries where democratic governance is of recent vintage. The results show that, with few exceptions, political losers have lower support levels than winners across all dimensions of political support, including beliefs in core principles of democracy. Moreover, we find that the winner–loser gap is more prominent in newly democratized and democratizing states. The data also indicate that the supporters of the old communist parties exhibit significantly lower levels of support for the democratic system than voters for other parties, and in particular, if they are not in power.Less
Examines the dimensions of losers’ consent in old and new democracies. We expect that losing has stronger negative effects in new democracies relative to mature democracies since losers have not yet learned to lose in countries where democratic governance is of recent vintage. The results show that, with few exceptions, political losers have lower support levels than winners across all dimensions of political support, including beliefs in core principles of democracy. Moreover, we find that the winner–loser gap is more prominent in newly democratized and democratizing states. The data also indicate that the supporters of the old communist parties exhibit significantly lower levels of support for the democratic system than voters for other parties, and in particular, if they are not in power.
William Mishler and Richard Rose
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295686
- eISBN:
- 9780191600043
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295685.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Assesses the trajectories and dynamics of public support for seven democratizing regimes in Central and Eastern Europe—Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary, Poland, Romania, and ...
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Assesses the trajectories and dynamics of public support for seven democratizing regimes in Central and Eastern Europe—Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary, Poland, Romania, and Slovenia—during the first five years following the fall of communism. It begins by offering a reconceptualization of support for new democracies. An examination is then made of popular approval of the new regimes in 1991, shortly following the collapse of communism, and the trajectory of support is tracked through to 1995. Next, a model of the dynamics underlying these trends is developed and tested, paying particular attention to the extent to which support is contingent on political and economic performance. More generally, an exploration is made of whether and to what extent the sources of support change over time as citizens acquire experience with the new regimes.Less
Assesses the trajectories and dynamics of public support for seven democratizing regimes in Central and Eastern Europe—Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary, Poland, Romania, and Slovenia—during the first five years following the fall of communism. It begins by offering a reconceptualization of support for new democracies. An examination is then made of popular approval of the new regimes in 1991, shortly following the collapse of communism, and the trajectory of support is tracked through to 1995. Next, a model of the dynamics underlying these trends is developed and tested, paying particular attention to the extent to which support is contingent on political and economic performance. More generally, an exploration is made of whether and to what extent the sources of support change over time as citizens acquire experience with the new regimes.
Pippa Norris
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295686
- eISBN:
- 9780191600043
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295685.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
First highlights common themes that have emerged in the book: an emphasis that the concept of political support of government is multi‐dimensional; the existence of divergent trends in support for ...
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First highlights common themes that have emerged in the book: an emphasis that the concept of political support of government is multi‐dimensional; the existence of divergent trends in support for regime principles and institutions; and how to interpret the consequences of the various developments that can be seen. The book aims to steer a course between the crisis theories of democracy and over‐optimistic claims that ‘all's right with the world’. The book argues that there are genuine grounds for concern about public support for the core institutions of democratic government, both in established and newer democracies, but that all too often ‘crisis’ accounts are broad‐brush and exaggerated when the diagnosis needs to be careful, systematic, and precise. Reviews the literature on democratic crisis and stability, and briefly discusses the factors necessary for consistent and systematic comparison of trends, including the conceptual framework; suitable sources of survey data; the selection of time periods; the choice of countries; and the choice of appropriate measures. The major findings about global trends in support for democratic governance are then highlighted, and potential explanations for the dynamics of political support are suggested. The roadmap of the rest of the book is then summarized.Less
First highlights common themes that have emerged in the book: an emphasis that the concept of political support of government is multi‐dimensional; the existence of divergent trends in support for regime principles and institutions; and how to interpret the consequences of the various developments that can be seen. The book aims to steer a course between the crisis theories of democracy and over‐optimistic claims that ‘all's right with the world’. The book argues that there are genuine grounds for concern about public support for the core institutions of democratic government, both in established and newer democracies, but that all too often ‘crisis’ accounts are broad‐brush and exaggerated when the diagnosis needs to be careful, systematic, and precise. Reviews the literature on democratic crisis and stability, and briefly discusses the factors necessary for consistent and systematic comparison of trends, including the conceptual framework; suitable sources of survey data; the selection of time periods; the choice of countries; and the choice of appropriate measures. The major findings about global trends in support for democratic governance are then highlighted, and potential explanations for the dynamics of political support are suggested. The roadmap of the rest of the book is then summarized.
Richard Rose, Doh C. Shin, and Neil Munro
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295686
- eISBN:
- 9780191600043
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295685.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The greater the gap between democratic ideals and reality, the greater the resulting tension. This chapter presents a model of tension in a new democracy and applies it to the Republic of Korea ...
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The greater the gap between democratic ideals and reality, the greater the resulting tension. This chapter presents a model of tension in a new democracy and applies it to the Republic of Korea (South Korea), drawing on survey data from the 1997 New Korea Barometer. South Korea is particularly suitable for intensive analysis, since the level of mass education is high and commitment to democratic ideals is also high, yet the introduction of free elections in 1987 has produced a succession of presidents whose actions in government have fallen well short of the democratic ideal, leading to convictions on corruption charges. The political fallout of the abuse of power for personal gain was exacerbated in 1997 when the government faced the national humiliation of relying on the biggest International Monetary Fund loan in history to avoid financial collapse and the chapter concludes by considering demand‐driven pressure for reform.Less
The greater the gap between democratic ideals and reality, the greater the resulting tension. This chapter presents a model of tension in a new democracy and applies it to the Republic of Korea (South Korea), drawing on survey data from the 1997 New Korea Barometer. South Korea is particularly suitable for intensive analysis, since the level of mass education is high and commitment to democratic ideals is also high, yet the introduction of free elections in 1987 has produced a succession of presidents whose actions in government have fallen well short of the democratic ideal, leading to convictions on corruption charges. The political fallout of the abuse of power for personal gain was exacerbated in 1997 when the government faced the national humiliation of relying on the biggest International Monetary Fund loan in history to avoid financial collapse and the chapter concludes by considering demand‐driven pressure for reform.
Pippa Norris (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295686
- eISBN:
- 9780191600043
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295685.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This arose as part of an ongoing project on ‘Visions of Governance for the Twenty‐first Century’ initiated in 1996 at the John F. Kennedy School of Government, which aims to explore what people want ...
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This arose as part of an ongoing project on ‘Visions of Governance for the Twenty‐first Century’ initiated in 1996 at the John F. Kennedy School of Government, which aims to explore what people want from government, the public sector, and non‐profit organizations. A first volume from the ‘Visions’ project (Why People Don’t Trust Government) was published by Harvard University Press in 1997; this second volume analyses a series of interrelated questions. The first two are diagnostic: how far are there legitimate grounds for concern about public support for democracy worldwide; and are trends towards growing cynicism found in the US evident in many established and newer democracies? The second concern is analytical: what are the main political, economic, and cultural factors driving the dynamics of support for democratic government? The final questions are prescriptive: what are the consequences of this analysis and what are the implications for strengthening democratic governance? The book brings together a distinguished group of international scholars who develop a global analysis of these issues by looking at trends in established and newer democracies towards the end of the twentieth century. Chapters draw upon the third wave (1995–1997) World Values Survey as well as using an extensive range of comparative empirical evidence.Challenging the conventional wisdom, the book concludes that accounts of a democratic ‘crisis’ are greatly exaggerated. By the mid‐1990s most citizens worldwide shared widespread aspirations to the ideals and principles of democratic government, although at the same time there remains a marked gap between evaluations of the ideal and the practice of democracy. The publics in many newer democracies in Central and Eastern Europe and in Latin America have proved deeply critical of the performance of their governing regimes, and during the 1980s many established democracies saw a decline in public confidence in the core institutions of representative democracy, including parliaments, the legal system, and political parties. The book considers the causes and consequences of the development of critical citizens in three main parts: cross‐national trends in confidence in governance; testing theories with case studies; and explanations of trends.Less
This arose as part of an ongoing project on ‘Visions of Governance for the Twenty‐first Century’ initiated in 1996 at the John F. Kennedy School of Government, which aims to explore what people want from government, the public sector, and non‐profit organizations. A first volume from the ‘Visions’ project (Why People Don’t Trust Government) was published by Harvard University Press in 1997; this second volume analyses a series of interrelated questions. The first two are diagnostic: how far are there legitimate grounds for concern about public support for democracy worldwide; and are trends towards growing cynicism found in the US evident in many established and newer democracies? The second concern is analytical: what are the main political, economic, and cultural factors driving the dynamics of support for democratic government? The final questions are prescriptive: what are the consequences of this analysis and what are the implications for strengthening democratic governance? The book brings together a distinguished group of international scholars who develop a global analysis of these issues by looking at trends in established and newer democracies towards the end of the twentieth century. Chapters draw upon the third wave (1995–1997) World Values Survey as well as using an extensive range of comparative empirical evidence.
Challenging the conventional wisdom, the book concludes that accounts of a democratic ‘crisis’ are greatly exaggerated. By the mid‐1990s most citizens worldwide shared widespread aspirations to the ideals and principles of democratic government, although at the same time there remains a marked gap between evaluations of the ideal and the practice of democracy. The publics in many newer democracies in Central and Eastern Europe and in Latin America have proved deeply critical of the performance of their governing regimes, and during the 1980s many established democracies saw a decline in public confidence in the core institutions of representative democracy, including parliaments, the legal system, and political parties. The book considers the causes and consequences of the development of critical citizens in three main parts: cross‐national trends in confidence in governance; testing theories with case studies; and explanations of trends.
Hans‐Dieter Klingemann
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295686
- eISBN:
- 9780191600043
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295685.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The main goal of this chapter is to use an extensive body of comparative survey research to map patterns and forms of political support across a wide range of political conditions. While the goal is ...
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The main goal of this chapter is to use an extensive body of comparative survey research to map patterns and forms of political support across a wide range of political conditions. While the goal is primarily descriptive, at least two themes emerge: first, there are no major trends suggesting a decline in support for democracy as a form of government in the abstract or as applied to existing democratic experience, and certainly, no evidence of a crisis of democracy; second, the fact of dissatisfaction does not imply danger to the persistence or furtherance of democracy. A significant number of people around the world can be labelled ‘dissatisfied democrats’, they clearly approve of democracy as a mode of governance, but they remain discontented with the way their own system is currently operating. This chapter exploits the resources of the World Values Surveys to map certain key elements of political support among the mass publics in established, consolidating, and non‐democracies. Specifically, it develops indices fitted reasonably well to three forms of support: for the political community; for regime principles or democracy as an ideal form of government; and approval of the regime's performance. Attitudes towards these three dimensions are examined through cross‐national surveys.Less
The main goal of this chapter is to use an extensive body of comparative survey research to map patterns and forms of political support across a wide range of political conditions. While the goal is primarily descriptive, at least two themes emerge: first, there are no major trends suggesting a decline in support for democracy as a form of government in the abstract or as applied to existing democratic experience, and certainly, no evidence of a crisis of democracy; second, the fact of dissatisfaction does not imply danger to the persistence or furtherance of democracy. A significant number of people around the world can be labelled ‘dissatisfied democrats’, they clearly approve of democracy as a mode of governance, but they remain discontented with the way their own system is currently operating. This chapter exploits the resources of the World Values Surveys to map certain key elements of political support among the mass publics in established, consolidating, and non‐democracies. Specifically, it develops indices fitted reasonably well to three forms of support: for the political community; for regime principles or democracy as an ideal form of government; and approval of the regime's performance. Attitudes towards these three dimensions are examined through cross‐national surveys.
Nanci Adler
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199240906
- eISBN:
- 9780191598869
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199240906.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
The main aim of this book has been to analyse what determines how new democracies face an authoritarian past (and human rights violations in particular) and, in turn, the way in which policies of ...
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The main aim of this book has been to analyse what determines how new democracies face an authoritarian past (and human rights violations in particular) and, in turn, the way in which policies of truth and justice shape the process of democratization. Thus, eighteen cases are analysed in detail, covering a good part of the processes of democratization that have taken place since the beginning of the 1970s; countries experiencing a political change that did not undergo a transition to democracy have been left out, as have countries in which truth and justice policies are the result of the end of a civil conflict where there is no accompanying movement towards democratization. The key obstacle to theorizing about this topic is the enormous influence of the particular historical evolution of each country, and various factors emerging therefrom, on policies of truth and justice in transition. Thus, a general overview to categorize different experiences of transitions from dictatorial rule according to the balance of power between authoritarians and democrats is immediately useful, although the aim of the editors has been to keep sight of the peculiar nature of national experiences while providing some kind of useful guidelines for approaching the subject. It is in this spirit that the two sets of conclusions offered here provide a way of looking at the issue of transitional truth and justice: the first pertains to the probability that a new democracy will undertake policies of this kind; the second refers to the consequences that such policies may have for democratic life or democratization.Less
The main aim of this book has been to analyse what determines how new democracies face an authoritarian past (and human rights violations in particular) and, in turn, the way in which policies of truth and justice shape the process of democratization. Thus, eighteen cases are analysed in detail, covering a good part of the processes of democratization that have taken place since the beginning of the 1970s; countries experiencing a political change that did not undergo a transition to democracy have been left out, as have countries in which truth and justice policies are the result of the end of a civil conflict where there is no accompanying movement towards democratization. The key obstacle to theorizing about this topic is the enormous influence of the particular historical evolution of each country, and various factors emerging therefrom, on policies of truth and justice in transition. Thus, a general overview to categorize different experiences of transitions from dictatorial rule according to the balance of power between authoritarians and democrats is immediately useful, although the aim of the editors has been to keep sight of the peculiar nature of national experiences while providing some kind of useful guidelines for approaching the subject. It is in this spirit that the two sets of conclusions offered here provide a way of looking at the issue of transitional truth and justice: the first pertains to the probability that a new democracy will undertake policies of this kind; the second refers to the consequences that such policies may have for democratic life or democratization.
Pippa Norris
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295686
- eISBN:
- 9780191600043
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295685.003.0013
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This concluding chapter considers four common claims that are made concerning the consequences of any erosion of confidence in the institutions of representative democracy and. the growth of critical ...
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This concluding chapter considers four common claims that are made concerning the consequences of any erosion of confidence in the institutions of representative democracy and. the growth of critical citizens.First, growing cynicism about government may deter conventional political participation, thus discouraging electoral turnout, political activism, and civic engagement; second, alienation with the regime may affect protest politics, fostering unconventional activism, support for anti‐state extremist movements, and even occasional incidents of urban terrorism; third, a deep reservoir of public trust is generally thought to encourage voluntary compliance with the law, thus enhancing the ability of governments to pass and implement effective legislation and raise revenues, without the need for coercion; and lastly, growing tensions between ideal and reality may undermine the stability of regimes, increasing the pressures for political reform in established democracies and hindering the consolidation process in newer democracies. A critical examination is made of support for and against these claims, and the implications for strengthening transitional, consolidating, and established democracies are considered.Less
This concluding chapter considers four common claims that are made concerning the consequences of any erosion of confidence in the institutions of representative democracy and. the growth of critical citizens.
First, growing cynicism about government may deter conventional political participation, thus discouraging electoral turnout, political activism, and civic engagement; second, alienation with the regime may affect protest politics, fostering unconventional activism, support for anti‐state extremist movements, and even occasional incidents of urban terrorism; third, a deep reservoir of public trust is generally thought to encourage voluntary compliance with the law, thus enhancing the ability of governments to pass and implement effective legislation and raise revenues, without the need for coercion; and lastly, growing tensions between ideal and reality may undermine the stability of regimes, increasing the pressures for political reform in established democracies and hindering the consolidation process in newer democracies. A critical examination is made of support for and against these claims, and the implications for strengthening transitional, consolidating, and established democracies are considered.
JOSE MARIA MARAVALL
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198280835
- eISBN:
- 9780191684401
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198280835.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter analyses the subjective universes which have accompanied the political changes and economic transformations in the new democracies. It examines the political cultures of these regimes, ...
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This chapter analyses the subjective universes which have accompanied the political changes and economic transformations in the new democracies. It examines the political cultures of these regimes, the way these have evolved over time, and the influence which economic conditions may have had on this evolution. A well-established tradition of political analysis considers that the cultural bases of a democracy affect its vulnerability, and that economic conditions have a decisive influence on these bases. This chapter focuses on three aspects of this whole area of debate. The first concerns the extent to which political culture theory can explain regime change. The second question concerns the degree of autonomy of political legitimacy. The third question concerns the way in which political cultures are affected by the passage of time.Less
This chapter analyses the subjective universes which have accompanied the political changes and economic transformations in the new democracies. It examines the political cultures of these regimes, the way these have evolved over time, and the influence which economic conditions may have had on this evolution. A well-established tradition of political analysis considers that the cultural bases of a democracy affect its vulnerability, and that economic conditions have a decisive influence on these bases. This chapter focuses on three aspects of this whole area of debate. The first concerns the extent to which political culture theory can explain regime change. The second question concerns the degree of autonomy of political legitimacy. The third question concerns the way in which political cultures are affected by the passage of time.
Alexandra Barahona De Brito, Carmen Gonzalez Enriquez, and Paloma Aguilar (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199240906
- eISBN:
- 9780191598869
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199240906.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
The book explores how new democracies face an authoritarian past and past human rights violations, and the way in which policies of truth and justice shape the process of democratization. Eighteen ...
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The book explores how new democracies face an authoritarian past and past human rights violations, and the way in which policies of truth and justice shape the process of democratization. Eighteen countries in Central and South America, Central, Eastern and South Europe and South Africa are analysed in detail. The main variables affecting the implementation of truth and justice policies (purges, truth commissions and trials, among other policies) are: the balance between old and new regime forces; the availability of institutional, human and financial resources, the nature of the ideological preferences and commitments of the elites in question; the mobilization of social groups pressing in favour of these policies; and the importance of human rights in the international arena. The duration and degree of institutionalization of dictatorship is also important. A prolonged dictatorship makes it harder for a new democracy to implement truth and justice policies, particularly when repression occurred in the distant past and if repression gained social complicity. The magnitude and methods of repression used against opposition forces in the dictatorship also shape transitional truth and justice: torture, assassination, and disappearances and clandestine repression in general (as in Central and South America, South Africa) require a different response to official institutionalized ‘softer’ repression (as in Portugal, Spain and Eastern Europe). The findings indicate that, with hindsight, there appears to be no direct relation between the implementation of policies of backward-looking truth and justice and the quality of new democracies. Democracy is just as strong and deep in Spain, Hungary and Uruguay, where there was no punishment or truth telling, as it is in Portugal, the Czech Republic or Argentina, which experienced purges and trials. However, such policies are justified not merely on instrumental grounds, but also for ethical reasons, and they symbolize a break with a violent, undemocratic past.Less
The book explores how new democracies face an authoritarian past and past human rights violations, and the way in which policies of truth and justice shape the process of democratization. Eighteen countries in Central and South America, Central, Eastern and South Europe and South Africa are analysed in detail. The main variables affecting the implementation of truth and justice policies (purges, truth commissions and trials, among other policies) are: the balance between old and new regime forces; the availability of institutional, human and financial resources, the nature of the ideological preferences and commitments of the elites in question; the mobilization of social groups pressing in favour of these policies; and the importance of human rights in the international arena. The duration and degree of institutionalization of dictatorship is also important. A prolonged dictatorship makes it harder for a new democracy to implement truth and justice policies, particularly when repression occurred in the distant past and if repression gained social complicity. The magnitude and methods of repression used against opposition forces in the dictatorship also shape transitional truth and justice: torture, assassination, and disappearances and clandestine repression in general (as in Central and South America, South Africa) require a different response to official institutionalized ‘softer’ repression (as in Portugal, Spain and Eastern Europe). The findings indicate that, with hindsight, there appears to be no direct relation between the implementation of policies of backward-looking truth and justice and the quality of new democracies. Democracy is just as strong and deep in Spain, Hungary and Uruguay, where there was no punishment or truth telling, as it is in Portugal, the Czech Republic or Argentina, which experienced purges and trials. However, such policies are justified not merely on instrumental grounds, but also for ethical reasons, and they symbolize a break with a violent, undemocratic past.
Richard Gunther, Jose Ramon Montero, and Hans-Jürgen Puhle (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199202836
- eISBN:
- 9780191695452
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199202836.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This book presents the results of systematic comparative analyses of electoral behaviour and support for democracy in thirteen countries on four continents. It is based on national election surveys ...
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This book presents the results of systematic comparative analyses of electoral behaviour and support for democracy in thirteen countries on four continents. It is based on national election surveys held in ‘old’ and ‘new’ democracies in Europe (Germany, Britain, Spain, Greece, Italy, Portugal, and Bulgaria), North and South America (the United States, Chile and Uruguay), and Asia (Hong Kong) between 1990 and 2004. The book's core concern is ‘political intermediation’ (i.e. the flow of political information from parties and candidates to voters through the mass media, membership in secondary associations, and face-to-face contacts within interpersonal networks), which was first introduced to the study of electoral behaviour by Paul Lazarsfeld and his collaborators in the 1940s. In addition to reviving that long-neglected analytical framework, this book explores the impact of socio-political values on electoral behaviour. It also analyzes the role of political intermediation in forming basic attitudes towards democracy (which are crucial for the consolidation of new democracies) and, in turn, channelling those orientations into various forms of political behaviour. Some of the findings presented in this book are dramatic, and clearly reveal that these channels of information are among the most powerful factors influencing the development of political attitudes and partisan electoral behaviour. So, too, are socio-political values in some countries (particularly the United States).Less
This book presents the results of systematic comparative analyses of electoral behaviour and support for democracy in thirteen countries on four continents. It is based on national election surveys held in ‘old’ and ‘new’ democracies in Europe (Germany, Britain, Spain, Greece, Italy, Portugal, and Bulgaria), North and South America (the United States, Chile and Uruguay), and Asia (Hong Kong) between 1990 and 2004. The book's core concern is ‘political intermediation’ (i.e. the flow of political information from parties and candidates to voters through the mass media, membership in secondary associations, and face-to-face contacts within interpersonal networks), which was first introduced to the study of electoral behaviour by Paul Lazarsfeld and his collaborators in the 1940s. In addition to reviving that long-neglected analytical framework, this book explores the impact of socio-political values on electoral behaviour. It also analyzes the role of political intermediation in forming basic attitudes towards democracy (which are crucial for the consolidation of new democracies) and, in turn, channelling those orientations into various forms of political behaviour. Some of the findings presented in this book are dramatic, and clearly reveal that these channels of information are among the most powerful factors influencing the development of political attitudes and partisan electoral behaviour. So, too, are socio-political values in some countries (particularly the United States).
Bumba Mukherjee
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780226358789
- eISBN:
- 9780226358956
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226358956.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Does the emergence of democracy in the developing world promote economic globalization? Which societal actors favour and which actors oppose economic globalization and thus trade reforms in ...
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Does the emergence of democracy in the developing world promote economic globalization? Which societal actors favour and which actors oppose economic globalization and thus trade reforms in developing countries? How do electoral rules influence governments in developing country democracies to be responsive to societal demands for trade reforms? Democracy and Trade Policy in Developing Countries addresses these questions that lie at the forefront of understanding the link between democracy and economic globalization. This book first develops a comprehensive theoretical framework that explores how, why and when labor market conditions affects the balance of political power between labor and capital in newly democratized regimes across the developing world. It then explains how changes in the balance of political power between labor and capital affect political competition between parties, international trade policies, and eventually the prospects for democratic consolidation in new democracies. The book further extends this theoretical framework to understand how certain electoral rules in consolidated developing country democracies affects domestic political contestation over economic globalization. The key insight from extended theoretical analysis is the prediction that developing countries with “weak” political parties are more receptive to economic globalization while countries with “strong” political parties are more susceptible to anti-globalization pressure stemming from protectionist industries. The theoretical claims are evaluated by analyzing the relevant data and conducting a detailed case-study examination of trade politics in three “BRICS” countries: Brazil, India and South Africa. The book’s main claims and results have implications for understanding the prospects of international economic co-operation.Less
Does the emergence of democracy in the developing world promote economic globalization? Which societal actors favour and which actors oppose economic globalization and thus trade reforms in developing countries? How do electoral rules influence governments in developing country democracies to be responsive to societal demands for trade reforms? Democracy and Trade Policy in Developing Countries addresses these questions that lie at the forefront of understanding the link between democracy and economic globalization. This book first develops a comprehensive theoretical framework that explores how, why and when labor market conditions affects the balance of political power between labor and capital in newly democratized regimes across the developing world. It then explains how changes in the balance of political power between labor and capital affect political competition between parties, international trade policies, and eventually the prospects for democratic consolidation in new democracies. The book further extends this theoretical framework to understand how certain electoral rules in consolidated developing country democracies affects domestic political contestation over economic globalization. The key insight from extended theoretical analysis is the prediction that developing countries with “weak” political parties are more receptive to economic globalization while countries with “strong” political parties are more susceptible to anti-globalization pressure stemming from protectionist industries. The theoretical claims are evaluated by analyzing the relevant data and conducting a detailed case-study examination of trade politics in three “BRICS” countries: Brazil, India and South Africa. The book’s main claims and results have implications for understanding the prospects of international economic co-operation.
Robert Rohrschneider
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198295174
- eISBN:
- 9780191685088
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198295174.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter presents two elite surveys and the available public-opinion surveys. It aims to determine the difference between eastern and western Germans' ideological values shortly after Germany's ...
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This chapter presents two elite surveys and the available public-opinion surveys. It aims to determine the difference between eastern and western Germans' ideological values shortly after Germany's unification, and to examine the influence of these values in a fairly well-established and new democracy. The prepared questionnaire contains both close-ended and open-ended questions. The close-ended questions are mostly derived from previous research on political and economic values. The open-ended questions are used to gather information from political elites. The chapter then examines the political and social climate at the time when the fieldwork was conducted. Lastly, the chapter concludes by addressing the most important parameters that are measured in the study: the East-West differences at the elite and mass level, the absolute support for a value domain at both levels, and whether the mass-elite differences over ideological values are similar within the East and the West.Less
This chapter presents two elite surveys and the available public-opinion surveys. It aims to determine the difference between eastern and western Germans' ideological values shortly after Germany's unification, and to examine the influence of these values in a fairly well-established and new democracy. The prepared questionnaire contains both close-ended and open-ended questions. The close-ended questions are mostly derived from previous research on political and economic values. The open-ended questions are used to gather information from political elites. The chapter then examines the political and social climate at the time when the fieldwork was conducted. Lastly, the chapter concludes by addressing the most important parameters that are measured in the study: the East-West differences at the elite and mass level, the absolute support for a value domain at both levels, and whether the mass-elite differences over ideological values are similar within the East and the West.
Xing Fan
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- September 2018
- ISBN:
- 9789888455812
- eISBN:
- 9789888455164
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Hong Kong University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5790/hongkong/9789888455812.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, Asian History
Time: October 1935 to March 1947. Jingju at Yan’an is examined in the context of the CCP’s vision of a new democratic culture, as articulated in Mao Zedong’s “On New Democracy” and “Talks at the ...
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Time: October 1935 to March 1947. Jingju at Yan’an is examined in the context of the CCP’s vision of a new democratic culture, as articulated in Mao Zedong’s “On New Democracy” and “Talks at the Yan’an Forum on Literature and Art.” The author examines discrepancies between official doctrine and other sources including personal memoirs, performance records and script analysis, arguing that jingju at Yan’an offers cultural productions that are far more complex than those depicted in CCP’s official narrative. The author presents two overlooked aspects. One is that, although the CCP was determined to construct a new democratic culture, in terms of jingju performance in Yan’an, traditional repertory was more popular and was more frequently staged than both newly written historical plays and modern plays. The other is that, as a close analysis of the 1944 Driven to Join the Liang Mountain Rebels reveals, Mao’s claim of “an epoch-making beginning” of revolutionizing old theatre was only partly realized through adjusting thematic concerns; it did not reflect the practitioners’ dilemma of devising a satisfying form to serve new content.Less
Time: October 1935 to March 1947. Jingju at Yan’an is examined in the context of the CCP’s vision of a new democratic culture, as articulated in Mao Zedong’s “On New Democracy” and “Talks at the Yan’an Forum on Literature and Art.” The author examines discrepancies between official doctrine and other sources including personal memoirs, performance records and script analysis, arguing that jingju at Yan’an offers cultural productions that are far more complex than those depicted in CCP’s official narrative. The author presents two overlooked aspects. One is that, although the CCP was determined to construct a new democratic culture, in terms of jingju performance in Yan’an, traditional repertory was more popular and was more frequently staged than both newly written historical plays and modern plays. The other is that, as a close analysis of the 1944 Driven to Join the Liang Mountain Rebels reveals, Mao’s claim of “an epoch-making beginning” of revolutionizing old theatre was only partly realized through adjusting thematic concerns; it did not reflect the practitioners’ dilemma of devising a satisfying form to serve new content.
Costas Simitis
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- September 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780719095795
- eISBN:
- 9781781707005
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719095795.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
The chapter discusses the economic record of the New Democracy government in Greece during 2004-2009. It argues that much needed structural reforms were abandoned during that time and that the ...
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The chapter discusses the economic record of the New Democracy government in Greece during 2004-2009. It argues that much needed structural reforms were abandoned during that time and that the government lost control of macroeconomic policy, leaving Greece perilously positioned during the onset of the global financial crisis.Less
The chapter discusses the economic record of the New Democracy government in Greece during 2004-2009. It argues that much needed structural reforms were abandoned during that time and that the government lost control of macroeconomic policy, leaving Greece perilously positioned during the onset of the global financial crisis.
Sidney M. Milkis
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780801454066
- eISBN:
- 9781501706202
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801454066.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This concluding chapter argues that Clinton’s passion for reconciliation failed. Indeed, Bill Clinton’s third-way politics was the midwife of the contemporary state of strong partisanship and weak ...
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This concluding chapter argues that Clinton’s passion for reconciliation failed. Indeed, Bill Clinton’s third-way politics was the midwife of the contemporary state of strong partisanship and weak parties. The wayward path of new democracy reveals how the third way can all too easily degenerate into a plebiscitary form of democracy in which citizens directly invest their support in an individual leader, then all too often withdraw it. Just as surely, Clinton’s tainted success sheds light on the love–hate relationship that Americans have formed with the national state forged by the New Deal and the Great Society. Rather than healing this breach, Clinton’s third way left the American people in a profound state of uneasy ambivalence.Less
This concluding chapter argues that Clinton’s passion for reconciliation failed. Indeed, Bill Clinton’s third-way politics was the midwife of the contemporary state of strong partisanship and weak parties. The wayward path of new democracy reveals how the third way can all too easily degenerate into a plebiscitary form of democracy in which citizens directly invest their support in an individual leader, then all too often withdraw it. Just as surely, Clinton’s tainted success sheds light on the love–hate relationship that Americans have formed with the national state forged by the New Deal and the Great Society. Rather than healing this breach, Clinton’s third way left the American people in a profound state of uneasy ambivalence.
Tatjana Rudi
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- March 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780199660124
- eISBN:
- 9780191755934
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199660124.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Evaluations of leaders have often been considered as decisive factors in determining voting behaviour in new democracies in Central and Eastern Europe. However, it has been argued that it is not ...
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Evaluations of leaders have often been considered as decisive factors in determining voting behaviour in new democracies in Central and Eastern Europe. However, it has been argued that it is not clear whether leader evaluations stem from cognitive considerations or emotions. This chapter sheds light on this question by examining the effects of emotions towards leaders in Croatia. In order to do this, emotional reactions to leaders are integrated into a general model of vote choices in postsocialist democracies in Central and Eastern Europe and hypotheses concerning the effects of different emotional reactions on voting decisions are then deduced from Affective Intelligence theory.Less
Evaluations of leaders have often been considered as decisive factors in determining voting behaviour in new democracies in Central and Eastern Europe. However, it has been argued that it is not clear whether leader evaluations stem from cognitive considerations or emotions. This chapter sheds light on this question by examining the effects of emotions towards leaders in Croatia. In order to do this, emotional reactions to leaders are integrated into a general model of vote choices in postsocialist democracies in Central and Eastern Europe and hypotheses concerning the effects of different emotional reactions on voting decisions are then deduced from Affective Intelligence theory.
Costas Simitis
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- September 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780719095795
- eISBN:
- 9781781707005
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719095795.003.0020
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
The chapter discusses the negotiation of Greece's second Memorandum which accompanied the country's additional financing, worth 130 billion Euros. It is argued that the three parties supporting the ...
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The chapter discusses the negotiation of Greece's second Memorandum which accompanied the country's additional financing, worth 130 billion Euros. It is argued that the three parties supporting the government were excessively preoccupied with partisan self-interest, thus undermining the credibility of the country's negotiating strategy with its creditors. Mistrust towards Greece was epitomised by German suggestions that the EU should appoint a Commissioner with executive powers over the drafting of the Greek budget.Less
The chapter discusses the negotiation of Greece's second Memorandum which accompanied the country's additional financing, worth 130 billion Euros. It is argued that the three parties supporting the government were excessively preoccupied with partisan self-interest, thus undermining the credibility of the country's negotiating strategy with its creditors. Mistrust towards Greece was epitomised by German suggestions that the EU should appoint a Commissioner with executive powers over the drafting of the Greek budget.
Costas Simitis
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- September 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780719095795
- eISBN:
- 9781781707005
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719095795.003.0024
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
The chapter discusses the election of 6 May which brought a seismic change to the party system of Greece. It is argued that New Democracy's underperformance in the election was due to the ...
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The chapter discusses the election of 6 May which brought a seismic change to the party system of Greece. It is argued that New Democracy's underperformance in the election was due to the inconsistencies of its leadership which had initially opposed the Memorandum and subsequently made an embarrassing u term. PASOK too was punished by its traditional power base for not defending the pre-crisis status quo. Anti systemic parties, on the other hand, made significant gains. The electoral impasse that followed necessitated another general election, causing widespread uncertainty over the future of Greece in the Eurozone.Less
The chapter discusses the election of 6 May which brought a seismic change to the party system of Greece. It is argued that New Democracy's underperformance in the election was due to the inconsistencies of its leadership which had initially opposed the Memorandum and subsequently made an embarrassing u term. PASOK too was punished by its traditional power base for not defending the pre-crisis status quo. Anti systemic parties, on the other hand, made significant gains. The electoral impasse that followed necessitated another general election, causing widespread uncertainty over the future of Greece in the Eurozone.