Michael Freeden
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294146
- eISBN:
- 9780191599323
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019829414X.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
An examination of J. S. Mill's ideational legatees offers a useful insight into ideological variation, since later liberals constantly alluded to Mill as a yardstick by which to measure their own ...
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An examination of J. S. Mill's ideational legatees offers a useful insight into ideological variation, since later liberals constantly alluded to Mill as a yardstick by which to measure their own attainments; we thus face a tradition consciously absorbed and recreated by a new generation of ideological consumers, employing common points of reference to forge a sense of ideological community through expanding horizons. The Millite paradigm of the previous chapter becomes pivotal not merely as a preference of the analyst of ideologies, but because so many shapers of liberalism believed Mill to be pivotal; assessment of their contributions on the basis of that perception is methodologically justified, and moreover, from the historical perspective, a period offering instances of both ideological continuity and change is optimally suited to studying ideological diversity and conceptual mutability. In answer to the question of how the core concepts of liberty, individualism, progress, rationality, the general interest, sociability, limited, and responsible power fared in the hands of the Millite succession, it is contended in this chapter that they all remained constituents of the liberal core, but that some underwent redecontesting owing to changing scientific fashion, new sets of ethico‐cultural beliefs, and specific events that made their mark on ideological assumptions. The final feature of liberalism—structural tolerance—was a key facilitator in that process, allowing critical distancing from the modernist project with which liberalism was associated. The eight sections of the chapter are: (a) The idealist liberalism of T. H. Green; (b) Perimeter practices and adjacent aftermaths; (c) The new liberalism: the evolution of an ideology (d) The changing adjacencies of liberty; (e) The organic analogy; (f) Fleshing out the new liberal morphology; (g) State, group, and society: the German case; and (h) state, group, and society: the French case.Less
An examination of J. S. Mill's ideational legatees offers a useful insight into ideological variation, since later liberals constantly alluded to Mill as a yardstick by which to measure their own attainments; we thus face a tradition consciously absorbed and recreated by a new generation of ideological consumers, employing common points of reference to forge a sense of ideological community through expanding horizons. The Millite paradigm of the previous chapter becomes pivotal not merely as a preference of the analyst of ideologies, but because so many shapers of liberalism believed Mill to be pivotal; assessment of their contributions on the basis of that perception is methodologically justified, and moreover, from the historical perspective, a period offering instances of both ideological continuity and change is optimally suited to studying ideological diversity and conceptual mutability. In answer to the question of how the core concepts of liberty, individualism, progress, rationality, the general interest, sociability, limited, and responsible power fared in the hands of the Millite succession, it is contended in this chapter that they all remained constituents of the liberal core, but that some underwent redecontesting owing to changing scientific fashion, new sets of ethico‐cultural beliefs, and specific events that made their mark on ideological assumptions. The final feature of liberalism—structural tolerance—was a key facilitator in that process, allowing critical distancing from the modernist project with which liberalism was associated. The eight sections of the chapter are: (a) The idealist liberalism of T. H. Green; (b) Perimeter practices and adjacent aftermaths; (c) The new liberalism: the evolution of an ideology (d) The changing adjacencies of liberty; (e) The organic analogy; (f) Fleshing out the new liberal morphology; (g) State, group, and society: the German case; and (h) state, group, and society: the French case.
Michael Freeden
- Published in print:
- 1986
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198274322
- eISBN:
- 9780191599330
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198274327.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter examines the moderate brand of progressive liberalism that gained prominence during the 1920s. Progressive centrist-liberalism overlapped on several issues. It accepted a certain role of ...
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This chapter examines the moderate brand of progressive liberalism that gained prominence during the 1920s. Progressive centrist-liberalism overlapped on several issues. It accepted a certain role of the state, but refused to subscribe to a faith in the state as the disinterested agent of the community, reverting instead to a more individualistic conception of human nature and social relations. It magnified the ideological differences between liberalism and a socialist/trade-unionist Labour party. It was also less reflective, philosophically oriented, or synthetic in the broad cultural sense of integrating various braches of human knowledge.Less
This chapter examines the moderate brand of progressive liberalism that gained prominence during the 1920s. Progressive centrist-liberalism overlapped on several issues. It accepted a certain role of the state, but refused to subscribe to a faith in the state as the disinterested agent of the community, reverting instead to a more individualistic conception of human nature and social relations. It magnified the ideological differences between liberalism and a socialist/trade-unionist Labour party. It was also less reflective, philosophically oriented, or synthetic in the broad cultural sense of integrating various braches of human knowledge.
Michael Freeden
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294146
- eISBN:
- 9780191599323
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019829414X.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
From the vantage point of the end of the twentieth century, the author has selected four case‐studies of clusters of thought claiming to be liberal, in order to perform the twofold task of assembling ...
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From the vantage point of the end of the twentieth century, the author has selected four case‐studies of clusters of thought claiming to be liberal, in order to perform the twofold task of assembling the units of liberalism into an identifiable structure, and of testing concrete instances against whatever dominant morphological configuration may emerge. First, there is what is misleadingly known as classical liberalism, an early‐ to mid‐nineteenth‐century creed associated in Britain with J. S. Mill; some of its tenets are examined while being careful not to fall into the trap of assigning lexical correctness to its conceptual definitions and merely secondary or derivative status to its successors. Second, there are versions of reformist (or new) liberalism, such as those associated with T. H. Green, the British new liberalism, and their German and French counterparts; here, an assessment is made of both the question of family continuity and the boundary problems these permutations have, particularly with socialism; the analysis of new liberalism is taken further in the next chapter. Third, there is a recent genre of philosophical liberalism, much in fashion in the American academic world but achieving success abroad through the prominence of American political philosophy; an inquiry is made into whether this school produces a possibly innovative but stipulative model and whether it is reconcilable with mainstream American liberal traditions; the ideological elements in this philosophical position are also examined; the analysis of philosophical liberalism is taken further in Ch. 6. Finally, there is a variant broadly known as libertarianism, with both nineteenth‐century and contemporary instances; an exploration is made of its claim to be representative of a (or the) legitimate strand of liberalism, and of the extent to which it is situated within or outside the accepted boundaries of liberalism; the analysis of libertarianism is taken further in Ch. 7.Less
From the vantage point of the end of the twentieth century, the author has selected four case‐studies of clusters of thought claiming to be liberal, in order to perform the twofold task of assembling the units of liberalism into an identifiable structure, and of testing concrete instances against whatever dominant morphological configuration may emerge. First, there is what is misleadingly known as classical liberalism, an early‐ to mid‐nineteenth‐century creed associated in Britain with J. S. Mill; some of its tenets are examined while being careful not to fall into the trap of assigning lexical correctness to its conceptual definitions and merely secondary or derivative status to its successors. Second, there are versions of reformist (or new) liberalism, such as those associated with T. H. Green, the British new liberalism, and their German and French counterparts; here, an assessment is made of both the question of family continuity and the boundary problems these permutations have, particularly with socialism; the analysis of new liberalism is taken further in the next chapter. Third, there is a recent genre of philosophical liberalism, much in fashion in the American academic world but achieving success abroad through the prominence of American political philosophy; an inquiry is made into whether this school produces a possibly innovative but stipulative model and whether it is reconcilable with mainstream American liberal traditions; the ideological elements in this philosophical position are also examined; the analysis of philosophical liberalism is taken further in Ch. 6. Finally, there is a variant broadly known as libertarianism, with both nineteenth‐century and contemporary instances; an exploration is made of its claim to be representative of a (or the) legitimate strand of liberalism, and of the extent to which it is situated within or outside the accepted boundaries of liberalism; the analysis of libertarianism is taken further in Ch. 7.
Michael Freeden
- Published in print:
- 1986
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198229612
- eISBN:
- 9780191678899
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198229612.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This book examines the advent of the ‘new liberalism’ in late Victorian and Edwardian times, challenging accepted views about its development. The book analyzes concepts of community, welfare, and ...
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This book examines the advent of the ‘new liberalism’ in late Victorian and Edwardian times, challenging accepted views about its development. The book analyzes concepts of community, welfare, and state regulation in political theory and stresses the contribution of biological and evolutionary ideas to changing liberal attitudes.Less
This book examines the advent of the ‘new liberalism’ in late Victorian and Edwardian times, challenging accepted views about its development. The book analyzes concepts of community, welfare, and state regulation in political theory and stresses the contribution of biological and evolutionary ideas to changing liberal attitudes.
Tim Dunne, Trine Flockhart, and Marjo Koivisto
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780197265529
- eISBN:
- 9780191760334
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197265529.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The current liberal order is fading and has failed to deliver on some of its most fundamental promises. Yet, rather than taking flight from liberal order, this book suggests that liberal orders in ...
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The current liberal order is fading and has failed to deliver on some of its most fundamental promises. Yet, rather than taking flight from liberal order, this book suggests that liberal orders in the past always have been historically constituted and institutionally contested. Although liberal order's current crisis is not disputed, it suggests that the crisis has partly been constituted by the specific account of liberal order offered by ‘new liberalism’, which in its quest for a scientific method has shorn liberalism — and with it liberal order — of its critical and normative potential. The observation places liberal order's alleged crisis in a new light, where attention to liberal values and ordering practices invite consideration of those aspects of liberal order that are resilient and enduring.Less
The current liberal order is fading and has failed to deliver on some of its most fundamental promises. Yet, rather than taking flight from liberal order, this book suggests that liberal orders in the past always have been historically constituted and institutionally contested. Although liberal order's current crisis is not disputed, it suggests that the crisis has partly been constituted by the specific account of liberal order offered by ‘new liberalism’, which in its quest for a scientific method has shorn liberalism — and with it liberal order — of its critical and normative potential. The observation places liberal order's alleged crisis in a new light, where attention to liberal values and ordering practices invite consideration of those aspects of liberal order that are resilient and enduring.
Daniel Stedman Jones
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691161013
- eISBN:
- 9781400851836
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691161013.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter talks about how a distinct neoliberal worldview was built on the foundations of the critique of New Deal liberalism and social democracy synthesized in the writings of Ludwig von Mises, ...
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This chapter talks about how a distinct neoliberal worldview was built on the foundations of the critique of New Deal liberalism and social democracy synthesized in the writings of Ludwig von Mises, Friedrich Hayek, and Karl Popper. The adrenaline generated by the neoliberal movement and its ideas in the Conservative and Republican parties radically changed the political and economic life of both the United States and Great Britain. The chapter also shows how neoliberal ideas developed a sharper focus and an icy coherence. Neither Milton Friedman's intelligent loquaciousness nor Ronald Reagan's warm sentiments could disguise a philosophy that was built on a cold and abstract individualism, yet the vision was still very much a utopian one, centered on a fantasy of the perfect free market.Less
This chapter talks about how a distinct neoliberal worldview was built on the foundations of the critique of New Deal liberalism and social democracy synthesized in the writings of Ludwig von Mises, Friedrich Hayek, and Karl Popper. The adrenaline generated by the neoliberal movement and its ideas in the Conservative and Republican parties radically changed the political and economic life of both the United States and Great Britain. The chapter also shows how neoliberal ideas developed a sharper focus and an icy coherence. Neither Milton Friedman's intelligent loquaciousness nor Ronald Reagan's warm sentiments could disguise a philosophy that was built on a cold and abstract individualism, yet the vision was still very much a utopian one, centered on a fantasy of the perfect free market.
Ben Jackson
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199600670
- eISBN:
- 9780191738203
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199600670.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Freeden’s work on the history of British liberal thought has famously highlighted the ideological links between liberals and socialists in Britain during the late nineteenth and early twentieth ...
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Freeden’s work on the history of British liberal thought has famously highlighted the ideological links between liberals and socialists in Britain during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Although Freeden’s account has much to commend it, this chapter suggests that his focus on the influence of British liberalism on socialists should be balanced by an appreciation of the corresponding influence of British socialism on liberals. To make this case, the chapter examines the attitudes of new liberal intellectuals to the social ownership and control of industry. It investigates the ideas about social ownership found in the writings of J. A. Hobson and L. T. Hobhouse before the First World War; it musters evidence of left-liberal enthusiasm for industrial democracy in the years following 1918; and it outlines the serious consideration given to socialist planning by William Beveridge, the apparent epitome of a centrist liberal, in the 1930s and 1940s.Less
Freeden’s work on the history of British liberal thought has famously highlighted the ideological links between liberals and socialists in Britain during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Although Freeden’s account has much to commend it, this chapter suggests that his focus on the influence of British liberalism on socialists should be balanced by an appreciation of the corresponding influence of British socialism on liberals. To make this case, the chapter examines the attitudes of new liberal intellectuals to the social ownership and control of industry. It investigates the ideas about social ownership found in the writings of J. A. Hobson and L. T. Hobhouse before the First World War; it musters evidence of left-liberal enthusiasm for industrial democracy in the years following 1918; and it outlines the serious consideration given to socialist planning by William Beveridge, the apparent epitome of a centrist liberal, in the 1930s and 1940s.
Daniel Stedman Jones
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691161013
- eISBN:
- 9781400851836
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691161013.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter describes the contours and limits of the political settlement in Great Britain and the United States in the middle of the twentieth century. It shows how at the heart of both New Deal ...
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This chapter describes the contours and limits of the political settlement in Great Britain and the United States in the middle of the twentieth century. It shows how at the heart of both New Deal liberalism and the British Liberal and Labour reforms was a happy conception of the state so long as its power was in the hands of an enlightened and expert policy elite. The famous Brain Trust around Franklin Roosevelt and the progressive liberal civil service personified by Beveridge and Keynes fit exactly this notion of top-down reform for the benefit of society as a whole. The progressive liberal project was not revolutionary; it was born of a desire to preserve and defend liberal democracy and the capitalist system.Less
This chapter describes the contours and limits of the political settlement in Great Britain and the United States in the middle of the twentieth century. It shows how at the heart of both New Deal liberalism and the British Liberal and Labour reforms was a happy conception of the state so long as its power was in the hands of an enlightened and expert policy elite. The famous Brain Trust around Franklin Roosevelt and the progressive liberal civil service personified by Beveridge and Keynes fit exactly this notion of top-down reform for the benefit of society as a whole. The progressive liberal project was not revolutionary; it was born of a desire to preserve and defend liberal democracy and the capitalist system.
Bill Schwarz
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199296910
- eISBN:
- 9780191730887
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199296910.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
The first part of this chapter discusses the imperial and intellectual career of Jan Christian Smuts, the long-serving prime minister of South Africa, looking particularly at his connections to, and ...
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The first part of this chapter discusses the imperial and intellectual career of Jan Christian Smuts, the long-serving prime minister of South Africa, looking particularly at his connections to, and adoration of, England. It argues that Smuts was both an ethical radical, close to the spirit of the early social democrats and New Liberals of the early C20, and a fierce proponent of white supremacy. The second part of the chapter takes the story to the 1950s and 1960s and reconstructs the response in England to his death.Less
The first part of this chapter discusses the imperial and intellectual career of Jan Christian Smuts, the long-serving prime minister of South Africa, looking particularly at his connections to, and adoration of, England. It argues that Smuts was both an ethical radical, close to the spirit of the early social democrats and New Liberals of the early C20, and a fierce proponent of white supremacy. The second part of the chapter takes the story to the 1950s and 1960s and reconstructs the response in England to his death.
Devin Caughey
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780691181806
- eISBN:
- 9780691184005
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691181806.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter moves from the mass public to the halls of Congress. Paralleling the previous chapter, it describes the ideological evolution and continuing diversity of Southern senators and ...
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This chapter moves from the mass public to the halls of Congress. Paralleling the previous chapter, it describes the ideological evolution and continuing diversity of Southern senators and representatives, focusing again on their positions on economic issues. Using an item response theory (IRT) model similar to that used to estimate mass conservatism, this chapter shows that between the 1930s and 1940s Southern members of Congress (MCs), like the Southern white public, turned sharply but incompletely against New Deal liberalism. By the mid-1940s, Southern Democrats in Congress had come to occupy a pivotal position on economic issues midway between non-Southern Democrats and Republicans, giving them outsized influence over national policymaking in the wake of the New Deal. The chapter illustrates these developments with three of the four policy areas which Chapter 3 examines at the mass level. Moreover, taking proper account of the ideological diversity of Southern MCs requires treating them as a collection of individuals, not a reified bloc. This chapter therefore analyzes Southern Democrats (along with other MCs) as individuals with possibly distinct preferences.Less
This chapter moves from the mass public to the halls of Congress. Paralleling the previous chapter, it describes the ideological evolution and continuing diversity of Southern senators and representatives, focusing again on their positions on economic issues. Using an item response theory (IRT) model similar to that used to estimate mass conservatism, this chapter shows that between the 1930s and 1940s Southern members of Congress (MCs), like the Southern white public, turned sharply but incompletely against New Deal liberalism. By the mid-1940s, Southern Democrats in Congress had come to occupy a pivotal position on economic issues midway between non-Southern Democrats and Republicans, giving them outsized influence over national policymaking in the wake of the New Deal. The chapter illustrates these developments with three of the four policy areas which Chapter 3 examines at the mass level. Moreover, taking proper account of the ideological diversity of Southern MCs requires treating them as a collection of individuals, not a reified bloc. This chapter therefore analyzes Southern Democrats (along with other MCs) as individuals with possibly distinct preferences.
Graham Neville
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198269779
- eISBN:
- 9780191683794
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198269779.003.0015
- Subject:
- Religion, Church History
This chapter describes that the life and ministry of Edward Lee Hicks was in an obvious sense unique; yet it may also be taken as a representative example of churchmanship at a particular moment in ...
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This chapter describes that the life and ministry of Edward Lee Hicks was in an obvious sense unique; yet it may also be taken as a representative example of churchmanship at a particular moment in the development of English society. It observes that this was the time of the New Liberalism, and Hicks was fortunate in living in the very home of the Manchester Guardian which became one of its best advocates. It points out that students of political thought often describe the emergent ideology of the period without any regard for the participation of churchmen. It stresses further that it is useful to identify the participation of churchmen such as Hicks in supporting it, not in order to add significantly to the description of New Liberalism, but to indicate that the development of Christian social thought is as closely linked to that political development as to the emergence of socialism.Less
This chapter describes that the life and ministry of Edward Lee Hicks was in an obvious sense unique; yet it may also be taken as a representative example of churchmanship at a particular moment in the development of English society. It observes that this was the time of the New Liberalism, and Hicks was fortunate in living in the very home of the Manchester Guardian which became one of its best advocates. It points out that students of political thought often describe the emergent ideology of the period without any regard for the participation of churchmen. It stresses further that it is useful to identify the participation of churchmen such as Hicks in supporting it, not in order to add significantly to the description of New Liberalism, but to indicate that the development of Christian social thought is as closely linked to that political development as to the emergence of socialism.
Jan Palmowski
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198207504
- eISBN:
- 9780191677700
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198207504.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter examines liberal social policies. The connection between liberalism and municipal socialism has often been commented upon. There has been an increasing trend to view the liberal ...
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This chapter examines liberal social policies. The connection between liberalism and municipal socialism has often been commented upon. There has been an increasing trend to view the liberal realisation of municipal socialism as the German counterpart of liberal social reform in other countries, such as ‘New Liberalism’ in Britain. These observations, however, have been based largely on the measures taken by liberals in municipal government, without a corresponding analysis about the political context in which these measures were taken. The discussion shows for Frankfurt that there were three competing theories of municipal socialism. Those following the first conducted social enquiry and social policy in a non-political context. The second had a more paternalist and anti-socialist thrust and is without doubt the one which most municipal liberals in Germany subscribed to. The third was a progressive vision aiming to integrate workers socially and politically.Less
This chapter examines liberal social policies. The connection between liberalism and municipal socialism has often been commented upon. There has been an increasing trend to view the liberal realisation of municipal socialism as the German counterpart of liberal social reform in other countries, such as ‘New Liberalism’ in Britain. These observations, however, have been based largely on the measures taken by liberals in municipal government, without a corresponding analysis about the political context in which these measures were taken. The discussion shows for Frankfurt that there were three competing theories of municipal socialism. Those following the first conducted social enquiry and social policy in a non-political context. The second had a more paternalist and anti-socialist thrust and is without doubt the one which most municipal liberals in Germany subscribed to. The third was a progressive vision aiming to integrate workers socially and politically.
Eric Schickler
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780691153872
- eISBN:
- 9781400880973
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691153872.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter focuses on three developments in the mid- to late 1930s that together helped bring civil rights into mainstream liberals' program. The first is African Americans' emergence as a ...
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This chapter focuses on three developments in the mid- to late 1930s that together helped bring civil rights into mainstream liberals' program. The first is African Americans' emergence as a potential source of votes for northern Democrats. The second key change is the rise of the Congress of Industrial Organizations, which pushed for a new interpretation of New Deal liberalism that included civil rights as a component. The third change arose as a response to the first two developments: southern Democrats emerged as key opponents of further extension of the New Deal. These changes brought about a new set of political battle lines, in which a coalition of southern conservatives and Republicans opposed the “ardent New Dealers” of the Congress of Industrial Organizations, African Americans, and other urban liberals.Less
This chapter focuses on three developments in the mid- to late 1930s that together helped bring civil rights into mainstream liberals' program. The first is African Americans' emergence as a potential source of votes for northern Democrats. The second key change is the rise of the Congress of Industrial Organizations, which pushed for a new interpretation of New Deal liberalism that included civil rights as a component. The third change arose as a response to the first two developments: southern Democrats emerged as key opponents of further extension of the New Deal. These changes brought about a new set of political battle lines, in which a coalition of southern conservatives and Republicans opposed the “ardent New Dealers” of the Congress of Industrial Organizations, African Americans, and other urban liberals.
David Paul Nord
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- October 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780199676187
- eISBN:
- 9780191809194
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199676187.003.0004
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Business History, Marketing
In the 1880s and 1990s, a “new journalism” emerged in Britain and America. “New journalism” is an appropriately elastic label for a wide array of new forms and practices associated with increasing ...
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In the 1880s and 1990s, a “new journalism” emerged in Britain and America. “New journalism” is an appropriately elastic label for a wide array of new forms and practices associated with increasing commercialization and popularization of the daily newspaper. These new styles flourished in London and New York, but newspapers in other cities contributed too. The “new journalism” that originated in the growing industrial cities on both sides of the Atlantic brought a new perspective on urban political economy, often overlooked. Because of their role in the civic lives as well as the political and commercial lives of their cities, newspapers were often drawn into an ideological transformation from classic economic liberalism to a more collectivist municipal progressivism. To illustrate the contribution of the daily newspaper to the evolving political economy of the late nineteenth-century city, this chapter offers a close comparison of two remarkable cities: Manchester and Chicago.Less
In the 1880s and 1990s, a “new journalism” emerged in Britain and America. “New journalism” is an appropriately elastic label for a wide array of new forms and practices associated with increasing commercialization and popularization of the daily newspaper. These new styles flourished in London and New York, but newspapers in other cities contributed too. The “new journalism” that originated in the growing industrial cities on both sides of the Atlantic brought a new perspective on urban political economy, often overlooked. Because of their role in the civic lives as well as the political and commercial lives of their cities, newspapers were often drawn into an ideological transformation from classic economic liberalism to a more collectivist municipal progressivism. To illustrate the contribution of the daily newspaper to the evolving political economy of the late nineteenth-century city, this chapter offers a close comparison of two remarkable cities: Manchester and Chicago.
John Offer
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9781861345318
- eISBN:
- 9781447301455
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781861345318.003.0006
- Subject:
- Social Work, Social Policy
This chapter describes the pivotal substantive differences between idealist and non-idealist social thought. Also examined are the divergent images held in the idealist and non-idealist thought of ...
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This chapter describes the pivotal substantive differences between idealist and non-idealist social thought. Also examined are the divergent images held in the idealist and non-idealist thought of ordinary people as agents in everyday life and of freedom, tutelary direction and moral progress. The exact relationship of influence between idealists and New Liberalism has been variously described in scholarly research. The key point is that both academic idealism and modified theories of social evolution, whether mixed together or not, provided modes of idealist social thought, defined broadly, that New Liberalism absorbed into its intellectual framework.Less
This chapter describes the pivotal substantive differences between idealist and non-idealist social thought. Also examined are the divergent images held in the idealist and non-idealist thought of ordinary people as agents in everyday life and of freedom, tutelary direction and moral progress. The exact relationship of influence between idealists and New Liberalism has been variously described in scholarly research. The key point is that both academic idealism and modified theories of social evolution, whether mixed together or not, provided modes of idealist social thought, defined broadly, that New Liberalism absorbed into its intellectual framework.
Leela Gandhi
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- September 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780226019871
- eISBN:
- 9780226020075
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226020075.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, Asian History
This introduction sets the stage for the explorations that follow in subsequent chapters of the book. It traces the emergence of shared perfectionist values across fascism, imperialism, and ...
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This introduction sets the stage for the explorations that follow in subsequent chapters of the book. It traces the emergence of shared perfectionist values across fascism, imperialism, and liberalism during the beginning years of the twentieth-century. Gandhi shows how the new imperialisms and new liberalisms of the era became unlikely allies in the elaboration of ultimately totalitarian values, through a shared ethos of self-elevation and cultivation. Yet this normative ethics subtends the alternative practices—“on the other side of perfection”--at the heart of The Common Cause. The chapter highlights M. K. Gandhi’s Hind Swaraj as a cue for democratic imperfectionism and calls, in a final section, for a postcolonial cynicism committed to an ethics of non-sovereignty or becoming common.Less
This introduction sets the stage for the explorations that follow in subsequent chapters of the book. It traces the emergence of shared perfectionist values across fascism, imperialism, and liberalism during the beginning years of the twentieth-century. Gandhi shows how the new imperialisms and new liberalisms of the era became unlikely allies in the elaboration of ultimately totalitarian values, through a shared ethos of self-elevation and cultivation. Yet this normative ethics subtends the alternative practices—“on the other side of perfection”--at the heart of The Common Cause. The chapter highlights M. K. Gandhi’s Hind Swaraj as a cue for democratic imperfectionism and calls, in a final section, for a postcolonial cynicism committed to an ethics of non-sovereignty or becoming common.
Ella Howard
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- April 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252036866
- eISBN:
- 9780252093982
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252036866.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter uses the city of New York as a case study of the challenges facing liberals as they struggled to tailor their social policies to a political culture often hostile to public aid to the ...
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This chapter uses the city of New York as a case study of the challenges facing liberals as they struggled to tailor their social policies to a political culture often hostile to public aid to the indigent. It traces the interaction of liberal policy making and the fortunes of those on the margins of society over the second half of the twentieth century. The chapter examines efforts to reform the behavior of the homeless as well as campaigns to renovate the areas in which they lived. New York liberalism shaped the development of urban renewal programs, substance abuse treatment programs, and mental health reform, and studying homelessness through that lens lends insight into an understanding of both liberal compassion and its limits.Less
This chapter uses the city of New York as a case study of the challenges facing liberals as they struggled to tailor their social policies to a political culture often hostile to public aid to the indigent. It traces the interaction of liberal policy making and the fortunes of those on the margins of society over the second half of the twentieth century. The chapter examines efforts to reform the behavior of the homeless as well as campaigns to renovate the areas in which they lived. New York liberalism shaped the development of urban renewal programs, substance abuse treatment programs, and mental health reform, and studying homelessness through that lens lends insight into an understanding of both liberal compassion and its limits.
Matthew Dallek
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780199743124
- eISBN:
- 9780190469559
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199743124.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
Before Pearl Harbor, Americans feared foreign invasions, air raids, biological weapons, and, conversely, the prospect of a dictatorship being established in the United States. To protect Americans ...
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Before Pearl Harbor, Americans feared foreign invasions, air raids, biological weapons, and, conversely, the prospect of a dictatorship being established in the United States. To protect Americans from foreign and domestic threats, Franklin D. Roosevelt warned Americans that “the world has grown so small” and eventually established the precursor to the Department of Homeland Security—an Office of Civilian Defense (OCD). As its head, FDR appointed New York City Mayor Fiorello La Guardia; First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt became its assistant director. Defenseless Under the Night argues that the politics of national vulnerability are traceable to the rise of fascist threats during World War II. It shows how the debate about home defense was actually a debate about the direction of New Deal liberalism after 1938. While La Guardia used the government to protect the country against foreign attack and militarize the civilian population (national security liberalism), Eleanor Roosevelt insisted that the OCD should primarily focus on establishing a wartime New Deal, what she and her allies called “social defense.” The book reveals how social defense liberals saw the war as a chance to mobilize the grassroots through Washington to meet social needs, while La Guardia prioritized people’s physical safety, with consequences for postwar liberalism. It explores constitutional questions about civil liberties, the role and power of government propaganda, the Blitz’s impact on U.S. politics and policy, and competing liberal visions for American national security.Less
Before Pearl Harbor, Americans feared foreign invasions, air raids, biological weapons, and, conversely, the prospect of a dictatorship being established in the United States. To protect Americans from foreign and domestic threats, Franklin D. Roosevelt warned Americans that “the world has grown so small” and eventually established the precursor to the Department of Homeland Security—an Office of Civilian Defense (OCD). As its head, FDR appointed New York City Mayor Fiorello La Guardia; First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt became its assistant director. Defenseless Under the Night argues that the politics of national vulnerability are traceable to the rise of fascist threats during World War II. It shows how the debate about home defense was actually a debate about the direction of New Deal liberalism after 1938. While La Guardia used the government to protect the country against foreign attack and militarize the civilian population (national security liberalism), Eleanor Roosevelt insisted that the OCD should primarily focus on establishing a wartime New Deal, what she and her allies called “social defense.” The book reveals how social defense liberals saw the war as a chance to mobilize the grassroots through Washington to meet social needs, while La Guardia prioritized people’s physical safety, with consequences for postwar liberalism. It explores constitutional questions about civil liberties, the role and power of government propaganda, the Blitz’s impact on U.S. politics and policy, and competing liberal visions for American national security.
Eric Schickler
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780691153872
- eISBN:
- 9781400880973
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691153872.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter argues that rank- and-file northern Democrats in the House of Representatives also responded to activist and constituent pressure for civil rights by the late 1930s and early 1940s. ...
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This chapter argues that rank- and-file northern Democrats in the House of Representatives also responded to activist and constituent pressure for civil rights by the late 1930s and early 1940s. These locally rooted politicians proved willing to take on southern Democrats and party leaders by signing discharge petitions that extricated civil rights bills from obstructionist committees, forcing the measures to the House floor. Prior to the late 1930s, northern Republicans had outpaced northern Democrats in their civil rights support. Northern Democrats showed increased civil rights support by the end of the 1930s, displacing northern Republicans as the leading advocates of civil rights during World War II. The Democrats most supportive of civil rights came from the highly urban, unionized areas that were most associated with New Deal liberalism, while the smaller number of GOP supporters tended to come from atypical districts for the party. The gap between the parties was substantial from the mid-1940s onward.Less
This chapter argues that rank- and-file northern Democrats in the House of Representatives also responded to activist and constituent pressure for civil rights by the late 1930s and early 1940s. These locally rooted politicians proved willing to take on southern Democrats and party leaders by signing discharge petitions that extricated civil rights bills from obstructionist committees, forcing the measures to the House floor. Prior to the late 1930s, northern Republicans had outpaced northern Democrats in their civil rights support. Northern Democrats showed increased civil rights support by the end of the 1930s, displacing northern Republicans as the leading advocates of civil rights during World War II. The Democrats most supportive of civil rights came from the highly urban, unionized areas that were most associated with New Deal liberalism, while the smaller number of GOP supporters tended to come from atypical districts for the party. The gap between the parties was substantial from the mid-1940s onward.
Joshua L. Cherniss
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199673261
- eISBN:
- 9780191751714
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199673261.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Political History
This chapter offers an extensive account of possible and proximate antecedents to and influences on Berlin’s account of liberty. It traces the variations in the distinction between ‘positive’ and ...
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This chapter offers an extensive account of possible and proximate antecedents to and influences on Berlin’s account of liberty. It traces the variations in the distinction between ‘positive’ and ‘negative’ liberty, showing that the ambiguities and confusions in Berlin’s articulation of this distinction, and definition of ‘positive’ liberty, reflected the varied ways in which the terms had been used by earlier writers. It also argues that while Berlin’s discussion of liberty—and his diagnosis of the dangers of positive liberty—were influenced by earlier thinkers (particularly by British Idealist political thought, and the ideas of post-Idealist political theorists in Britain such as G. D. H. Cole, Harold Laski, and R. H. Tawney), Berlin’s account was more significantly informed by contemporary political concerns—more significantly, by his reaction against both Marxism, and the influence of technocratic and perfectionist paternalism and elitism.Less
This chapter offers an extensive account of possible and proximate antecedents to and influences on Berlin’s account of liberty. It traces the variations in the distinction between ‘positive’ and ‘negative’ liberty, showing that the ambiguities and confusions in Berlin’s articulation of this distinction, and definition of ‘positive’ liberty, reflected the varied ways in which the terms had been used by earlier writers. It also argues that while Berlin’s discussion of liberty—and his diagnosis of the dangers of positive liberty—were influenced by earlier thinkers (particularly by British Idealist political thought, and the ideas of post-Idealist political theorists in Britain such as G. D. H. Cole, Harold Laski, and R. H. Tawney), Berlin’s account was more significantly informed by contemporary political concerns—more significantly, by his reaction against both Marxism, and the influence of technocratic and perfectionist paternalism and elitism.
