Beate Kutschke
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780197265390
- eISBN:
- 9780191760440
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197265390.003.0017
- Subject:
- Music, History, Western
This chapter investigates the socio-political background and music of the cantata Streik bei Mannesmann (1973) that was initiated by Wolfgang Florey and written by various young musicians such as ...
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This chapter investigates the socio-political background and music of the cantata Streik bei Mannesmann (1973) that was initiated by Wolfgang Florey and written by various young musicians such as Niels Frederic Hoffmann and Thomas Jahn, as well as the then-established composer Hans Werner Henze. It demonstrates that the creation of the collectively composed cantata must be traced back to the so-called ‘proletarian turn’: the turn, around 1970, from the New Left to the Old Left that affected not only the New Leftist activists, but also politicized musicians including those involved in the Mannesmann cantata. In light of the opposed objectives of the New Left and the new Old Left — the former fought for improving the living and working conditions of workers; the latter aimed at developing an anti-hierarchical youth culture and new lifestyles — the music reveals a remarkable stylistic split that reflects the ideological split between both Leftist camps.Less
This chapter investigates the socio-political background and music of the cantata Streik bei Mannesmann (1973) that was initiated by Wolfgang Florey and written by various young musicians such as Niels Frederic Hoffmann and Thomas Jahn, as well as the then-established composer Hans Werner Henze. It demonstrates that the creation of the collectively composed cantata must be traced back to the so-called ‘proletarian turn’: the turn, around 1970, from the New Left to the Old Left that affected not only the New Leftist activists, but also politicized musicians including those involved in the Mannesmann cantata. In light of the opposed objectives of the New Left and the new Old Left — the former fought for improving the living and working conditions of workers; the latter aimed at developing an anti-hierarchical youth culture and new lifestyles — the music reveals a remarkable stylistic split that reflects the ideological split between both Leftist camps.
Julia L. Mickenberg
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195152807
- eISBN:
- 9780199788903
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195152807.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
At the height of the Cold War, dozens of radical and progressive writers, illustrators, editors, librarians, booksellers, and teachers cooperated to create and disseminate children's books that ...
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At the height of the Cold War, dozens of radical and progressive writers, illustrators, editors, librarians, booksellers, and teachers cooperated to create and disseminate children's books that challenged the status quo. This book provides the first historic overview of their work. Spanning from the 1920s, when both children's book publishing and American Communism were becoming significant on the American scene, to the late 1960s, when youth who had been raised on many of the books in this study unequivocally rejected the values of the Cold War, this book shows how “radical” values and ideas that have now become mainstream (including cooperation, interracial friendship, critical thinking, the dignity of labor, feminism, and the history of marginalized people), were communicated to children in repressive times. A range of popular and critically acclaimed children's books, many by former teachers and others who had been blacklisted because of their political beliefs, made commonplace the ideas that McCarthyism tended to call “subversive”. These books, about history, science, and contemporary social conditions as well as imaginative works like Harold and the Purple Crayon, Danny and the Dinosaur, and Millions of Cats; science fiction such as the Danny Dunn books, and popular girls' mystery series like the Kathy Martin books were readily available to children: most could be found in public and school libraries, and some could even be purchased in classrooms through book clubs that catered to educational audiences. Drawing upon interviews, archival research, and hundreds of children's books published from the 1920s through the 1970s, the book offers a history of the children's book in light of the history of the Left, and a new perspective on the links between the Old Left of the 1930s and the New Left of the 1960s.Less
At the height of the Cold War, dozens of radical and progressive writers, illustrators, editors, librarians, booksellers, and teachers cooperated to create and disseminate children's books that challenged the status quo. This book provides the first historic overview of their work. Spanning from the 1920s, when both children's book publishing and American Communism were becoming significant on the American scene, to the late 1960s, when youth who had been raised on many of the books in this study unequivocally rejected the values of the Cold War, this book shows how “radical” values and ideas that have now become mainstream (including cooperation, interracial friendship, critical thinking, the dignity of labor, feminism, and the history of marginalized people), were communicated to children in repressive times. A range of popular and critically acclaimed children's books, many by former teachers and others who had been blacklisted because of their political beliefs, made commonplace the ideas that McCarthyism tended to call “subversive”. These books, about history, science, and contemporary social conditions as well as imaginative works like Harold and the Purple Crayon, Danny and the Dinosaur, and Millions of Cats; science fiction such as the Danny Dunn books, and popular girls' mystery series like the Kathy Martin books were readily available to children: most could be found in public and school libraries, and some could even be purchased in classrooms through book clubs that catered to educational audiences. Drawing upon interviews, archival research, and hundreds of children's books published from the 1920s through the 1970s, the book offers a history of the children's book in light of the history of the Left, and a new perspective on the links between the Old Left of the 1930s and the New Left of the 1960s.
Gary Dorrien
- Published in print:
- 2021
- Published Online:
- January 2022
- ISBN:
- 9780300253764
- eISBN:
- 9780300262360
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300253764.003.0006
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
The Shachtmanites who took over the Socialist Party in the late 1950s had a vision of a realigned Democratic Party that put trade unions at the center, supported the civil rights movement, and drove ...
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The Shachtmanites who took over the Socialist Party in the late 1950s had a vision of a realigned Democratic Party that put trade unions at the center, supported the civil rights movement, and drove out the party’s Dixiecrat flank. They said the Democratic Party was becoming a labor party in disguise. Meanwhile the leaders of Students for a Democratic Society called for a New Left, lumping together communists and anticommunist socialists as the Old Left. The left broke apart in the 1960s over the exotic turmoil of the antiwar, wave two feminist, Black Power, and Third World revolutionary movements. Two new Socialist organizations arose in response: the Democratic Socialist Organizing Committee and the New American Movement. In 1982 they merged to form Democratic Socialists of America (DSA).Less
The Shachtmanites who took over the Socialist Party in the late 1950s had a vision of a realigned Democratic Party that put trade unions at the center, supported the civil rights movement, and drove out the party’s Dixiecrat flank. They said the Democratic Party was becoming a labor party in disguise. Meanwhile the leaders of Students for a Democratic Society called for a New Left, lumping together communists and anticommunist socialists as the Old Left. The left broke apart in the 1960s over the exotic turmoil of the antiwar, wave two feminist, Black Power, and Third World revolutionary movements. Two new Socialist organizations arose in response: the Democratic Socialist Organizing Committee and the New American Movement. In 1982 they merged to form Democratic Socialists of America (DSA).
Eli Zaretsky
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780231172448
- eISBN:
- 9780231540148
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231172448.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, History of Ideas
Chapter 5 concerns the Freud of the New Left and of radical feminism, arguably the last incarnation of political Freud. The chapter begins in cold war America, when Freudian thought was being ...
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Chapter 5 concerns the Freud of the New Left and of radical feminism, arguably the last incarnation of political Freud. The chapter begins in cold war America, when Freudian thought was being integrated into an anticommunist “maturity ethic,” a new Puritanism or Calvinism. This cold war version of Weber’s spirit of capitalism echoed its predecessor by condemning narcissism or self-love and so became a target of radical movements in the 1960s. 1970s feminists, drawing on the New Left precedent, substituted a sociological and political account of domination for the “individual explanations” characteristic of psychoanalysis. The eventual result was a new ethic of personal life that converged with the neoliberal critique of traditional, familial, and kinship-based authority and unwittingly facilitated the emergence of full-scale consumer capitalism. Bringing us full circle to the story begun in chapter 1, then, the cultural revolutions of the sixties and seventies completed the critique of the Protestant ethic that classical Freudianism had begun. As the restraints and inhibitions that once animated it seemed to crumble, Freudianism became “obsolete.” Less
Chapter 5 concerns the Freud of the New Left and of radical feminism, arguably the last incarnation of political Freud. The chapter begins in cold war America, when Freudian thought was being integrated into an anticommunist “maturity ethic,” a new Puritanism or Calvinism. This cold war version of Weber’s spirit of capitalism echoed its predecessor by condemning narcissism or self-love and so became a target of radical movements in the 1960s. 1970s feminists, drawing on the New Left precedent, substituted a sociological and political account of domination for the “individual explanations” characteristic of psychoanalysis. The eventual result was a new ethic of personal life that converged with the neoliberal critique of traditional, familial, and kinship-based authority and unwittingly facilitated the emergence of full-scale consumer capitalism. Bringing us full circle to the story begun in chapter 1, then, the cultural revolutions of the sixties and seventies completed the critique of the Protestant ethic that classical Freudianism had begun. As the restraints and inhibitions that once animated it seemed to crumble, Freudianism became “obsolete.”
Julia L. Mickenberg
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195152807
- eISBN:
- 9780199788903
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195152807.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
The Council on Interracial Books for Children (CIBC) was founded in the mid-1960s by a group of Old Left activists. The Council, whose members helped to make children's literature more genuinely ...
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The Council on Interracial Books for Children (CIBC) was founded in the mid-1960s by a group of Old Left activists. The Council, whose members helped to make children's literature more genuinely representative of American life and cultural diversity, also helped to link the Old Left and the New Left, or the radical generations of the 1930s and the 1960s. Linking undertakings like Scholastic's Firebird Books program (a project of Lilian Moore, a founder of the CIBC) which highlighted the contributions of racial minorities to American life with the popular book, record, and television special, Free to Be You and Me, which challenged gender stereotyping the epilogue focuses on the new terrain of children's books in the 1960s, 1970s, and beyond. The work of left-wingers in the children's book field throughout the most repressive years of the Cold War points to the counter-hegemonic impulses that may thrive even during periods that seem to foreclose dissent.Less
The Council on Interracial Books for Children (CIBC) was founded in the mid-1960s by a group of Old Left activists. The Council, whose members helped to make children's literature more genuinely representative of American life and cultural diversity, also helped to link the Old Left and the New Left, or the radical generations of the 1930s and the 1960s. Linking undertakings like Scholastic's Firebird Books program (a project of Lilian Moore, a founder of the CIBC) which highlighted the contributions of racial minorities to American life with the popular book, record, and television special, Free to Be You and Me, which challenged gender stereotyping the epilogue focuses on the new terrain of children's books in the 1960s, 1970s, and beyond. The work of left-wingers in the children's book field throughout the most repressive years of the Cold War points to the counter-hegemonic impulses that may thrive even during periods that seem to foreclose dissent.
Eli Zaretsky
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199744664
- eISBN:
- 9780199932863
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199744664.003.0033
- Subject:
- Social Work, Social Policy
Eli Zaretsky makes the case that authoritarianism is relevant to understanding the role of psychoanalysis in democratic societies, suggesting it takes the form of the enhancement and manipulation of ...
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Eli Zaretsky makes the case that authoritarianism is relevant to understanding the role of psychoanalysis in democratic societies, suggesting it takes the form of the enhancement and manipulation of narcissism. The argument is expounded by examining three moments in U.S. history in detail. The first is the 1950s (termed postwar maturity) with an idealization of psychoanalysis as the guardian of a private, protected, domestic sphere. The second is characterized by the emergence of the New Left (1960s) during which psychoanalysis was transformed into a theory of revolution to overturn traditional ideals on the basis of a posttraditional vision of society. And the third moment was characterized by the subordination of psychoanalysis to a new politically correct, feminist, and gay worldview that emerged from the neoliberal society of the 1970s. Zaretsky argues that American debates over psychoanalysis transformed the notions of authority to maintain as well as to buttress the hegemony of the capitalist class. Simultaneously, those debates reflected changes in American character structure and values that have kept the radical tradition alive.Less
Eli Zaretsky makes the case that authoritarianism is relevant to understanding the role of psychoanalysis in democratic societies, suggesting it takes the form of the enhancement and manipulation of narcissism. The argument is expounded by examining three moments in U.S. history in detail. The first is the 1950s (termed postwar maturity) with an idealization of psychoanalysis as the guardian of a private, protected, domestic sphere. The second is characterized by the emergence of the New Left (1960s) during which psychoanalysis was transformed into a theory of revolution to overturn traditional ideals on the basis of a posttraditional vision of society. And the third moment was characterized by the subordination of psychoanalysis to a new politically correct, feminist, and gay worldview that emerged from the neoliberal society of the 1970s. Zaretsky argues that American debates over psychoanalysis transformed the notions of authority to maintain as well as to buttress the hegemony of the capitalist class. Simultaneously, those debates reflected changes in American character structure and values that have kept the radical tradition alive.
Scott Hamilton
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719084355
- eISBN:
- 9781781702338
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719084355.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, Political History
‘The Peculiarities of the English’ is perhaps the most celebrated of the four texts Edward Palmer Thompson collected in The Poverty of Theory and Other Essays. Through 1960, Thompson was kept busy ...
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‘The Peculiarities of the English’ is perhaps the most celebrated of the four texts Edward Palmer Thompson collected in The Poverty of Theory and Other Essays. Through 1960, Thompson was kept busy addressing Left Club meetings, writing for the New Left Review, and speaking at Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament (CND) demonstrations. Thompson begins ‘Where Are We Now?’ by interrogating the concept of ‘intellectual work’. Thompson contested Perry Anderson and Tom Nairn's portrait of the English bourgeoisie as a weak class mired in pre-capitalist ideology and he was fearful of confronting the remnants of the old feudal class. ‘The Peculiarities of the English’ rapidly became a classic, breeding a large and mostly admiring body of commentary. Thompson's engagement with the ‘New New Left’ only served to emphasise his alienation from a new generation of activists.Less
‘The Peculiarities of the English’ is perhaps the most celebrated of the four texts Edward Palmer Thompson collected in The Poverty of Theory and Other Essays. Through 1960, Thompson was kept busy addressing Left Club meetings, writing for the New Left Review, and speaking at Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament (CND) demonstrations. Thompson begins ‘Where Are We Now?’ by interrogating the concept of ‘intellectual work’. Thompson contested Perry Anderson and Tom Nairn's portrait of the English bourgeoisie as a weak class mired in pre-capitalist ideology and he was fearful of confronting the remnants of the old feudal class. ‘The Peculiarities of the English’ rapidly became a classic, breeding a large and mostly admiring body of commentary. Thompson's engagement with the ‘New New Left’ only served to emphasise his alienation from a new generation of activists.
Carol Giardina
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813034560
- eISBN:
- 9780813039329
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813034560.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, Social History
This chapter traces the help extended by the Left to weomen's liberation movements. The term “Old Left” is used for describing Marxist-inspired parties and individuals and the term “New Left” refers ...
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This chapter traces the help extended by the Left to weomen's liberation movements. The term “Old Left” is used for describing Marxist-inspired parties and individuals and the term “New Left” refers to the modernization of the group. The New Left gave much help and support to the Women's Liberation Movement. The women who commenced the Women's Liberation Movement were influenced by Old Left parties. The chapter brings together examples from lives of radical women and discusses how the Left parties affected their thought flow. The chapter also talks about the organizational help extended by the Old Left parties to the women's liberation movements. Next the chapter studies the presence of Women's Liberation pioneers in the New Left parties and the institutional help extended by the New Left to women liberation groups. Men on the Left front who extended their full support to women during the movement also get a mention in the chapter.Less
This chapter traces the help extended by the Left to weomen's liberation movements. The term “Old Left” is used for describing Marxist-inspired parties and individuals and the term “New Left” refers to the modernization of the group. The New Left gave much help and support to the Women's Liberation Movement. The women who commenced the Women's Liberation Movement were influenced by Old Left parties. The chapter brings together examples from lives of radical women and discusses how the Left parties affected their thought flow. The chapter also talks about the organizational help extended by the Old Left parties to the women's liberation movements. Next the chapter studies the presence of Women's Liberation pioneers in the New Left parties and the institutional help extended by the New Left to women liberation groups. Men on the Left front who extended their full support to women during the movement also get a mention in the chapter.
Gerd‐Rainer Horn
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199204496
- eISBN:
- 9780191708145
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199204496.003.0005
- Subject:
- Religion, Theology
Whereas the interwar time period saw the most innovative developments within specialised Catholic Action taking place within its working class youth organizations, the closing years of World War Two ...
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Whereas the interwar time period saw the most innovative developments within specialised Catholic Action taking place within its working class youth organizations, the closing years of World War Two and the immediate post‐liberation period witnessed pathbreaking experiences of radicalization above all in its adult working class organizations. The Mouvement Populaire des Familles (MPF) emerged out of concentrated efforts by Catholic social activists to provide much‐needed social services for working class families in the industrial centers of francophone Europe. Employing a variety of often controversial tactics, such as squatting to alleviate the housing crisis, the MPF served as a laboratory and training ground for fearless social movement activists. The MPF promoted experiments in radical united working class action, which on occasion challenged the French Communist Party from the left, side‐by‐side with early explorations of feminist ideals. The MPF eventually helped constitute the French New Left.Less
Whereas the interwar time period saw the most innovative developments within specialised Catholic Action taking place within its working class youth organizations, the closing years of World War Two and the immediate post‐liberation period witnessed pathbreaking experiences of radicalization above all in its adult working class organizations. The Mouvement Populaire des Familles (MPF) emerged out of concentrated efforts by Catholic social activists to provide much‐needed social services for working class families in the industrial centers of francophone Europe. Employing a variety of often controversial tactics, such as squatting to alleviate the housing crisis, the MPF served as a laboratory and training ground for fearless social movement activists. The MPF promoted experiments in radical united working class action, which on occasion challenged the French Communist Party from the left, side‐by‐side with early explorations of feminist ideals. The MPF eventually helped constitute the French New Left.
David Cunningham
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520239975
- eISBN:
- 9780520939240
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520239975.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
COINTELPRO against so-called white hate groups is not as straightforward as many have assumed. This chapter takes up this topic and shows that a close examination of COINTELPRO–White Hate Groups ...
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COINTELPRO against so-called white hate groups is not as straightforward as many have assumed. This chapter takes up this topic and shows that a close examination of COINTELPRO–White Hate Groups reveals a remarkable similarity to Bureau efforts to repress left-wing targets in its other COINTEL programs. Cataloging the hundreds of actions initiated against various white-hate targets shows that the program against the Klan did not vary significantly in form or severity from the Bureau's parallel efforts against antiwar and other New Left targets. The differences that did exist are telling, however, as they reveal distinct overall strategies: an overarching effort to control the Klan's violent tendencies, alongside attempts to eliminate the New Left altogether.Less
COINTELPRO against so-called white hate groups is not as straightforward as many have assumed. This chapter takes up this topic and shows that a close examination of COINTELPRO–White Hate Groups reveals a remarkable similarity to Bureau efforts to repress left-wing targets in its other COINTEL programs. Cataloging the hundreds of actions initiated against various white-hate targets shows that the program against the Klan did not vary significantly in form or severity from the Bureau's parallel efforts against antiwar and other New Left targets. The differences that did exist are telling, however, as they reveal distinct overall strategies: an overarching effort to control the Klan's violent tendencies, alongside attempts to eliminate the New Left altogether.
Georgios Varouxakis
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199594627
- eISBN:
- 9780191595738
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199594627.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union, Political Theory
Georgios Varouxakis starts the clock at Britain's first flirtation with EEC membership in 1961, outlining some reflections on the role that perceptions of British history have played in shaping the ...
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Georgios Varouxakis starts the clock at Britain's first flirtation with EEC membership in 1961, outlining some reflections on the role that perceptions of British history have played in shaping the peculiarities of attitudes towards Europe and Britain's relation to it in the twentieth century. He then goes on to analyse the nature and major characteristics of British intellectuals' debates on the EEC up to the time of the referendum that confirmed Britain's continued membership in 1975, including the virulent Euroscepticism of the “old‐guard New Left”. The rest of the chapter then focuses on contemporary intellectual debates on Europe, analysing the specific contributions of individual thinkers such as Tom Nairn and Perry Anderson and discussing the impact of postcolonialism and the Transatlantic relationship on attitudes to Europe. The picture that emerges as far as “intellectuals” are concerned is more complex than the traditional binary distinction between “pro‐Europe” and “Eurosceptic”.Less
Georgios Varouxakis starts the clock at Britain's first flirtation with EEC membership in 1961, outlining some reflections on the role that perceptions of British history have played in shaping the peculiarities of attitudes towards Europe and Britain's relation to it in the twentieth century. He then goes on to analyse the nature and major characteristics of British intellectuals' debates on the EEC up to the time of the referendum that confirmed Britain's continued membership in 1975, including the virulent Euroscepticism of the “old‐guard New Left”. The rest of the chapter then focuses on contemporary intellectual debates on Europe, analysing the specific contributions of individual thinkers such as Tom Nairn and Perry Anderson and discussing the impact of postcolonialism and the Transatlantic relationship on attitudes to Europe. The picture that emerges as far as “intellectuals” are concerned is more complex than the traditional binary distinction between “pro‐Europe” and “Eurosceptic”.
Marc Mulholland
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199653577
- eISBN:
- 9780191744594
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199653577.003.0014
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History, History of Ideas
America fought the Vietnam War as a warrant for its solidity as an anti-Communist ally. In so doing, it brought to the surface widespread concerns that consumerist capitalism was being corrupted by ...
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America fought the Vietnam War as a warrant for its solidity as an anti-Communist ally. In so doing, it brought to the surface widespread concerns that consumerist capitalism was being corrupted by militarism and ethical hypocrisy. The movements of 1968 rejected the shades of pre-war authoritarianism and intimations of neo-authoritarianism. In this, it was successful to a considerable degree. With the state partly de-legitimized, New Left and New Right ideas jostled for succession. As post-war capitalism entered into crisis, due to a squeeze on bourgeois income from a militant labour movement, Neo-Liberalism emerged as the bearer of libertarianism. Democratic revolution in the Mediterranean indicated that the threat of social revolution was now far more easily contained. Euro-Communism presaged a drawing of the claws of ‘proletarian democracy’.Less
America fought the Vietnam War as a warrant for its solidity as an anti-Communist ally. In so doing, it brought to the surface widespread concerns that consumerist capitalism was being corrupted by militarism and ethical hypocrisy. The movements of 1968 rejected the shades of pre-war authoritarianism and intimations of neo-authoritarianism. In this, it was successful to a considerable degree. With the state partly de-legitimized, New Left and New Right ideas jostled for succession. As post-war capitalism entered into crisis, due to a squeeze on bourgeois income from a militant labour movement, Neo-Liberalism emerged as the bearer of libertarianism. Democratic revolution in the Mediterranean indicated that the threat of social revolution was now far more easily contained. Euro-Communism presaged a drawing of the claws of ‘proletarian democracy’.
Richard Taylor
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9781784993191
- eISBN:
- 9781526158383
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7765/9781526151308.00011
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
Thompson contributed significantly to many fields of radical activity and thought: history, polemics, poetry, literary criticism, biography, adult education and academic research. His most ...
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Thompson contributed significantly to many fields of radical activity and thought: history, polemics, poetry, literary criticism, biography, adult education and academic research. His most influential book, The Making of the English Working Class, played a key role in the development of ‘history from below’, foregrounding the importance of ‘human agency’ in the historical process and arguing passionately for a humanistic socialism. In 1956, he resigned from the CP, following the suppression of the Hungarian uprising, and became a leading figure in the New Left. Thompson was a lifelong peace campaigner and was especially influential in the European Nuclear Disarmament Movement (END), arguing that peace and ‘third way’ positive neutralism were coterminous with the struggles for liberation in Communist Eastern Europe. His directly political articles and books articulated a powerful case for the historical centrality of a deep-rooted English radicalism, centred on working-class resistance to authoritarian ideologies, both religious and political, from the seventeenth century onwards.Less
Thompson contributed significantly to many fields of radical activity and thought: history, polemics, poetry, literary criticism, biography, adult education and academic research. His most influential book, The Making of the English Working Class, played a key role in the development of ‘history from below’, foregrounding the importance of ‘human agency’ in the historical process and arguing passionately for a humanistic socialism. In 1956, he resigned from the CP, following the suppression of the Hungarian uprising, and became a leading figure in the New Left. Thompson was a lifelong peace campaigner and was especially influential in the European Nuclear Disarmament Movement (END), arguing that peace and ‘third way’ positive neutralism were coterminous with the struggles for liberation in Communist Eastern Europe. His directly political articles and books articulated a powerful case for the historical centrality of a deep-rooted English radicalism, centred on working-class resistance to authoritarian ideologies, both religious and political, from the seventeenth century onwards.
Beate Kutschke
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195336641
- eISBN:
- 9780199868551
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195336641.003.0005
- Subject:
- Music, History, Western, Popular
The West‐German avant‐garde music scene of the early 1970s—the period in which the spirit of the New Left manifested itself most intensively in the musical field—was especially marked by the numerous ...
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The West‐German avant‐garde music scene of the early 1970s—the period in which the spirit of the New Left manifested itself most intensively in the musical field—was especially marked by the numerous discussions and debates about the nature of political music, its perfection and failures, conducted by musicians and music writers with endless energy and engagement. This chapter throws light on one of these debates: the argument between Nikolaus A. Huber and Clytus Gottwald in 1971–72 about Huber's composition Harakiri. It investigates the terms of the debate, firstly with regard to the musical facts—and in particular a comparison made at the time between Huber's Harakiri and Hans Otte's contemporary piece, Zero—and secondly with regard to the ideas of Theodor W. Adorno, who provided the New Leftist avant‐gardists with politico‐aesthetical ideas.Less
The West‐German avant‐garde music scene of the early 1970s—the period in which the spirit of the New Left manifested itself most intensively in the musical field—was especially marked by the numerous discussions and debates about the nature of political music, its perfection and failures, conducted by musicians and music writers with endless energy and engagement. This chapter throws light on one of these debates: the argument between Nikolaus A. Huber and Clytus Gottwald in 1971–72 about Huber's composition Harakiri. It investigates the terms of the debate, firstly with regard to the musical facts—and in particular a comparison made at the time between Huber's Harakiri and Hans Otte's contemporary piece, Zero—and secondly with regard to the ideas of Theodor W. Adorno, who provided the New Leftist avant‐gardists with politico‐aesthetical ideas.
Richard Taylor
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9781784993191
- eISBN:
- 9781526158383
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7765/9781526151308.00014
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
Hall was born and brought up in Jamaica and came to England – to Oxford University – in late adolescence. Although he settled in England and married an English woman (a fellow academic), he retained ...
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Hall was born and brought up in Jamaica and came to England – to Oxford University – in late adolescence. Although he settled in England and married an English woman (a fellow academic), he retained his Jamaican, ‘colonial’ identity. Nevertheless, he made several crucial contributions to English radicalism. He was a key figure in the New Left, articulating a theorised cultural perspective; a leading policy strategist in CND; arguably, a founder of cultural studies as an academic discipline; a theorist and analyst of race, racism and the legacy of colonialism in English culture; and a leading figure in the revisionist analysis of traditional labourism, along with Eric Hobsbawm and the journal Marxism Today. In all these contexts, Hall was a distinctive voice in twentieth-century English radicalism.Less
Hall was born and brought up in Jamaica and came to England – to Oxford University – in late adolescence. Although he settled in England and married an English woman (a fellow academic), he retained his Jamaican, ‘colonial’ identity. Nevertheless, he made several crucial contributions to English radicalism. He was a key figure in the New Left, articulating a theorised cultural perspective; a leading policy strategist in CND; arguably, a founder of cultural studies as an academic discipline; a theorist and analyst of race, racism and the legacy of colonialism in English culture; and a leading figure in the revisionist analysis of traditional labourism, along with Eric Hobsbawm and the journal Marxism Today. In all these contexts, Hall was a distinctive voice in twentieth-century English radicalism.
Benjamin Looker
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780226073989
- eISBN:
- 9780226290454
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226290454.003.0008
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Cultural Studies
The 1970s witnessed the rise of a radical and assertive drive for neighborhood sovereignty and self-government, a program that emerged in part from New Left activist and intellectual circles. United ...
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The 1970s witnessed the rise of a radical and assertive drive for neighborhood sovereignty and self-government, a program that emerged in part from New Left activist and intellectual circles. United only in their disdain for the centralizing tendencies of postwar liberalism, leftists, libertarians, counterculturalists, and alternative-technology proponents joined in unstable alliances, imagining the neighborhood as the basic unit of the nation's political life. Focusing on a constellation of little-known theorists, activists, and institutions—Milton Kotler, Karl Hess, the Alliance for Neighborhood Government, Washington's Adams-Morgan Organization, and others—chapter 8 explores the cultural and intellectual impulses undergirding this fractured movement. In the end, the chapter suggests, elements of the burgeoning New Right would find partial success in appropriating these ideals of neighborhood self-reliance and autonomy, harnessing them instead to a free-market ideological project.Less
The 1970s witnessed the rise of a radical and assertive drive for neighborhood sovereignty and self-government, a program that emerged in part from New Left activist and intellectual circles. United only in their disdain for the centralizing tendencies of postwar liberalism, leftists, libertarians, counterculturalists, and alternative-technology proponents joined in unstable alliances, imagining the neighborhood as the basic unit of the nation's political life. Focusing on a constellation of little-known theorists, activists, and institutions—Milton Kotler, Karl Hess, the Alliance for Neighborhood Government, Washington's Adams-Morgan Organization, and others—chapter 8 explores the cultural and intellectual impulses undergirding this fractured movement. In the end, the chapter suggests, elements of the burgeoning New Right would find partial success in appropriating these ideals of neighborhood self-reliance and autonomy, harnessing them instead to a free-market ideological project.
David Cunningham
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520239975
- eISBN:
- 9780520939240
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520239975.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter introduces the movements that were the central targets of COINTELPRO–New Left and COINTELPRO–White Hate Groups, namely Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) and the United Klans of ...
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This chapter introduces the movements that were the central targets of COINTELPRO–New Left and COINTELPRO–White Hate Groups, namely Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) and the United Klans of America.Less
This chapter introduces the movements that were the central targets of COINTELPRO–New Left and COINTELPRO–White Hate Groups, namely Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) and the United Klans of America.
Michelle Chase
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781469625003
- eISBN:
- 9781469625027
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469625003.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, Latin American History
This chapter recovers the rise and demise of the new pro-revolutionary women’s groups that emerged in the aftermath of revolutionary triumph. These groups had roots in both the New, insurrectionary ...
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This chapter recovers the rise and demise of the new pro-revolutionary women’s groups that emerged in the aftermath of revolutionary triumph. These groups had roots in both the New, insurrectionary Left, and the Old, Marxist Left (the Partido Socialista Popular, PSP). This chapter argues that, while often at odds with one another over ideology and geopolitics, these women’s groups collectively pushed women’s issues—including gender equity—onto the revolutionary leadership’s horizon for the first time. Despite their importance, these groups were forcibly disbanded in mid-1960 when the revolutionary government established a single mass organization for women, the Federation of Cuban Women (Federación de Mujeres Cubanas, FMC). The chapter thus reverses standard assumptions about women’s liberation from above in the revolution, showing that women in fact pushed for inclusion and equality.Less
This chapter recovers the rise and demise of the new pro-revolutionary women’s groups that emerged in the aftermath of revolutionary triumph. These groups had roots in both the New, insurrectionary Left, and the Old, Marxist Left (the Partido Socialista Popular, PSP). This chapter argues that, while often at odds with one another over ideology and geopolitics, these women’s groups collectively pushed women’s issues—including gender equity—onto the revolutionary leadership’s horizon for the first time. Despite their importance, these groups were forcibly disbanded in mid-1960 when the revolutionary government established a single mass organization for women, the Federation of Cuban Women (Federación de Mujeres Cubanas, FMC). The chapter thus reverses standard assumptions about women’s liberation from above in the revolution, showing that women in fact pushed for inclusion and equality.
Doug Rossinow
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- September 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780748698936
- eISBN:
- 9781474445160
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748698936.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
1968 was a climactic year of the New Left’s struggle against the political establishment across a range of countries. This essay reconsiders the American New Left, locating its appearance in both ...
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1968 was a climactic year of the New Left’s struggle against the political establishment across a range of countries. This essay reconsiders the American New Left, locating its appearance in both national and transnational contexts and delineating its regional variations and its turbulent shifts in emphasis. It takes 1968 as a hinge point in the New Left’s development, not as its end date, and examines each of the several paths that New Left radicals took after 1968. The chapter addresses the plural quality of the American New Left, its coherence as a movement, and its existence as part of a global upsurge of youth protest and its distinctively American qualities. It also examines the New Left’s legacy in American life fifty years after 1968.Less
1968 was a climactic year of the New Left’s struggle against the political establishment across a range of countries. This essay reconsiders the American New Left, locating its appearance in both national and transnational contexts and delineating its regional variations and its turbulent shifts in emphasis. It takes 1968 as a hinge point in the New Left’s development, not as its end date, and examines each of the several paths that New Left radicals took after 1968. The chapter addresses the plural quality of the American New Left, its coherence as a movement, and its existence as part of a global upsurge of youth protest and its distinctively American qualities. It also examines the New Left’s legacy in American life fifty years after 1968.
Machiko Ishikawa
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781501751943
- eISBN:
- 9781501751967
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501751943.003.0003
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Asian Studies
This chapter focuses on Nakagami's early writings and a short story titled “Rakudo” (1976). A number of prominent themes feature in his late 1960s writing. These include criticism of Japanese New ...
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This chapter focuses on Nakagami's early writings and a short story titled “Rakudo” (1976). A number of prominent themes feature in his late 1960s writing. These include criticism of Japanese New Left writers, recollections of his “uneducated” half-brother's violence and suicide, and reflections on then nineteen-year-old Nagayama Norio, who shot and killed four people in 1968. First, through an analysis of nonfiction material produced by Nakagami from 1965 to 1969, the chapter profiles two elements that were frequently represented in literary production and discussed in academic writing during this period: the masses (taishū) and loss (sōshitsu). It also provides a detailed discussion on the intertextual relationship between Nakagami's late 1960s texts and the contemporaneous perspective of two Japanese critics. By referencing these scholars' texts, the chapter articulates Nakagami's motives for writing—giving representation to—hidden voices that express a sense of loss. Finally, the chapter focuses on Nakagami's short story “Rakudo.” Through reading this “autobiographical” yet fictional shōsetsu, it demonstrates how Nakagami represents the voices of a violent young husband and the silence of his battered wife.Less
This chapter focuses on Nakagami's early writings and a short story titled “Rakudo” (1976). A number of prominent themes feature in his late 1960s writing. These include criticism of Japanese New Left writers, recollections of his “uneducated” half-brother's violence and suicide, and reflections on then nineteen-year-old Nagayama Norio, who shot and killed four people in 1968. First, through an analysis of nonfiction material produced by Nakagami from 1965 to 1969, the chapter profiles two elements that were frequently represented in literary production and discussed in academic writing during this period: the masses (taishū) and loss (sōshitsu). It also provides a detailed discussion on the intertextual relationship between Nakagami's late 1960s texts and the contemporaneous perspective of two Japanese critics. By referencing these scholars' texts, the chapter articulates Nakagami's motives for writing—giving representation to—hidden voices that express a sense of loss. Finally, the chapter focuses on Nakagami's short story “Rakudo.” Through reading this “autobiographical” yet fictional shōsetsu, it demonstrates how Nakagami represents the voices of a violent young husband and the silence of his battered wife.
