Doris Penka
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199567263
- eISBN:
- 9780191723261
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199567263.001.0001
- Subject:
- Linguistics, Semantics and Pragmatics, Syntax and Morphology
This exploration of the syntax-semantics interface is concerned with negative indefinites like English ‘nobody’, ‘nothing’, etc. and their counterparts in other languages. A cross-linguistically ...
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This exploration of the syntax-semantics interface is concerned with negative indefinites like English ‘nobody’, ‘nothing’, etc. and their counterparts in other languages. A cross-linguistically unified analysis is proposed and applied to several languages. While negative indefinites are standardly assumed to be semantically negative quantifiers, this work argues for a different analysis. It is motivated by three phenomena, which negative indefinites give rise to in different languages and which are unexpected under the negative quantifier analysis. The first, negative concord, has been widely discussed in both semantic and syntactic literature. The fact that in many languages negative indefinites can co-occur with other seemingly negative elements without contributing a negation to the semantics motivates the assumption that these expressions are not inherently negative. Following recent work on negative concord, an analysis is elaborated that is based on the assumption that negative indefinites are semantically non-negative and must be licensed by a — possibly covert — negation. This analysis explains the behaviour of negative indefinites in a number of languages. In a next step, this analysis is extended to languages that do not exhibit negative concord. Motivation for this comes from the fact that even in non-negative concord languages, the negative quantifier analysis cannot account for the semantics of negative indefinites. Crucial evidence comes from the existence of split readings, in which another operator takes scope in between the negative and the indefinite meaning component. Moreover, in many languages the distribution of negative indefinites is subject to syntactic restrictions. It is shown how this follows from the proposed analysis and independently motivated syntactic properties.Less
This exploration of the syntax-semantics interface is concerned with negative indefinites like English ‘nobody’, ‘nothing’, etc. and their counterparts in other languages. A cross-linguistically unified analysis is proposed and applied to several languages. While negative indefinites are standardly assumed to be semantically negative quantifiers, this work argues for a different analysis. It is motivated by three phenomena, which negative indefinites give rise to in different languages and which are unexpected under the negative quantifier analysis. The first, negative concord, has been widely discussed in both semantic and syntactic literature. The fact that in many languages negative indefinites can co-occur with other seemingly negative elements without contributing a negation to the semantics motivates the assumption that these expressions are not inherently negative. Following recent work on negative concord, an analysis is elaborated that is based on the assumption that negative indefinites are semantically non-negative and must be licensed by a — possibly covert — negation. This analysis explains the behaviour of negative indefinites in a number of languages. In a next step, this analysis is extended to languages that do not exhibit negative concord. Motivation for this comes from the fact that even in non-negative concord languages, the negative quantifier analysis cannot account for the semantics of negative indefinites. Crucial evidence comes from the existence of split readings, in which another operator takes scope in between the negative and the indefinite meaning component. Moreover, in many languages the distribution of negative indefinites is subject to syntactic restrictions. It is shown how this follows from the proposed analysis and independently motivated syntactic properties.
Andreas Herberg‐Rothe
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199202690
- eISBN:
- 9780191707834
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199202690.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Clausewitz intended at the end of his life to write a different chapter on polarity in which he would have disclosed the secret of his method, as Raymond Aron saw it. But this secret is not hidden in ...
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Clausewitz intended at the end of his life to write a different chapter on polarity in which he would have disclosed the secret of his method, as Raymond Aron saw it. But this secret is not hidden in the concept of polarity itself, but within what Clausewitz called the ‘true logical antithesis’ of defence and attack. Clausewitz's proposition, ‘that defense is the stronger form of fighting with the negative purpose, attack the weaker form with the positive purpose’ reveals the true secret of his method. By differentiating this proposition, many transitions and intersections between these contrasts are exposed, which enables the formulation of a particular, Clausewitzian sort of dialectic. With the help of Clausewitz's treatment of the ‘true logical antithesis’ of defence and attack, we are able to validate that his different conceptualizations of war are really antithetical tendencies in every war.Less
Clausewitz intended at the end of his life to write a different chapter on polarity in which he would have disclosed the secret of his method, as Raymond Aron saw it. But this secret is not hidden in the concept of polarity itself, but within what Clausewitz called the ‘true logical antithesis’ of defence and attack. Clausewitz's proposition, ‘that defense is the stronger form of fighting with the negative purpose, attack the weaker form with the positive purpose’ reveals the true secret of his method. By differentiating this proposition, many transitions and intersections between these contrasts are exposed, which enables the formulation of a particular, Clausewitzian sort of dialectic. With the help of Clausewitz's treatment of the ‘true logical antithesis’ of defence and attack, we are able to validate that his different conceptualizations of war are really antithetical tendencies in every war.
Doris Penka
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199567263
- eISBN:
- 9780191723261
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199567263.003.0008
- Subject:
- Linguistics, Semantics and Pragmatics, Syntax and Morphology
This chapter gives a brief summary of the analysis and the typology of negative indefinites in the languages discussed. Some consequences of the analysis are suggested.
This chapter gives a brief summary of the analysis and the typology of negative indefinites in the languages discussed. Some consequences of the analysis are suggested.
Michio Morishima
- Published in print:
- 1963
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198281450
- eISBN:
- 9780191596650
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198281455.001.0001
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental
This book brings together papers that were published by the author in several journals, and which have been revised and contain some new material. The main model carried through the whole book is ...
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This book brings together papers that were published by the author in several journals, and which have been revised and contain some new material. The main model carried through the whole book is Leontief's input–output system, which is dynamized from various points of view. Chapter 1 discusses formal similarities between the exchange equilibrium under weak gross substitutability and the static input–output system. Chapter 2 is concerned with the stability of the mixed Walras–Leontief system. Chapters 3 and 4 are companion chapters dealing with a mixture of the dynamic Leontief system and the Walrasian model of capital formation. Chapters 5 and 6 are devoted to an analysis of the von Neumann model of economic expansion, which may be considered as a variant of the dynamic Leontief system. Finally, an Appendix generalizes the classical theorems on non‐negative matrices to systems of non‐linear and homogeneous functions.Less
This book brings together papers that were published by the author in several journals, and which have been revised and contain some new material. The main model carried through the whole book is Leontief's input–output system, which is dynamized from various points of view. Chapter 1 discusses formal similarities between the exchange equilibrium under weak gross substitutability and the static input–output system. Chapter 2 is concerned with the stability of the mixed Walras–Leontief system. Chapters 3 and 4 are companion chapters dealing with a mixture of the dynamic Leontief system and the Walrasian model of capital formation. Chapters 5 and 6 are devoted to an analysis of the von Neumann model of economic expansion, which may be considered as a variant of the dynamic Leontief system. Finally, an Appendix generalizes the classical theorems on non‐negative matrices to systems of non‐linear and homogeneous functions.
Fritz Scharpf
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198295457
- eISBN:
- 9780191685118
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198295457.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
The problem-solving capacity, and hence the democratic legitimacy, of national governments is being weakened by the dual processes of legal and economic integration in Europe. This loss is not fully ...
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The problem-solving capacity, and hence the democratic legitimacy, of national governments is being weakened by the dual processes of legal and economic integration in Europe. This loss is not fully compensated by the development of effective and legitimate problem-solving capabilities at the European level. This book examines the normative underpinnings of democratic legitimacy and the structural asymmetry between the effectiveness of the legal instruments of ‘negative integration’ which prevents governments from interfering with the free movement of goods, services, capital, and persons and the political constraints impeding positive political action at the European level. This is particularly true for policies pertaining to the welfare state. The book explores strategies at the national level that could succeed in maintaining welfare state goals even under conditions of international economic competition, and it also discusses the conditions under which European policy could play a protective and enabling role with regard to these national solutions. The book suggests that if these opportunities were used, multi-level governance in Europe could indeed regain both effectiveness and legitimacy.Less
The problem-solving capacity, and hence the democratic legitimacy, of national governments is being weakened by the dual processes of legal and economic integration in Europe. This loss is not fully compensated by the development of effective and legitimate problem-solving capabilities at the European level. This book examines the normative underpinnings of democratic legitimacy and the structural asymmetry between the effectiveness of the legal instruments of ‘negative integration’ which prevents governments from interfering with the free movement of goods, services, capital, and persons and the political constraints impeding positive political action at the European level. This is particularly true for policies pertaining to the welfare state. The book explores strategies at the national level that could succeed in maintaining welfare state goals even under conditions of international economic competition, and it also discusses the conditions under which European policy could play a protective and enabling role with regard to these national solutions. The book suggests that if these opportunities were used, multi-level governance in Europe could indeed regain both effectiveness and legitimacy.
David R. Law
- Published in print:
- 1993
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198263364
- eISBN:
- 9780191682506
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198263364.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Theology
This book is concerned with Kierkegaard's ‘apophaticism’, i.e. with those elements of Kierkegaard's thought that emphasize the incapacity of human reason and the hiddenness of God. Apophaticism is an ...
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This book is concerned with Kierkegaard's ‘apophaticism’, i.e. with those elements of Kierkegaard's thought that emphasize the incapacity of human reason and the hiddenness of God. Apophaticism is an important underlying strand in Kierkegaard's thought and colours many of his key concepts. Despite its importance, however, it has until now been largely ignored by Kierkegaardian scholarship. The book argues that apophatic elements can be detected in every aspect of Kierkegaard's thought and that, despite proceeding from different presuppositions, he can therefore be regarded as a negative theologian. Indeed, the book concludes by arguing that Kierkegaard's refusal to make the transition from the via negative to the via mystica means that he is more apophatic than the negative theologians themselves.Less
This book is concerned with Kierkegaard's ‘apophaticism’, i.e. with those elements of Kierkegaard's thought that emphasize the incapacity of human reason and the hiddenness of God. Apophaticism is an important underlying strand in Kierkegaard's thought and colours many of his key concepts. Despite its importance, however, it has until now been largely ignored by Kierkegaardian scholarship. The book argues that apophatic elements can be detected in every aspect of Kierkegaard's thought and that, despite proceeding from different presuppositions, he can therefore be regarded as a negative theologian. Indeed, the book concludes by arguing that Kierkegaard's refusal to make the transition from the via negative to the via mystica means that he is more apophatic than the negative theologians themselves.
Milada Anna Vachudova
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- April 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199241194
- eISBN:
- 9780191602382
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199241198.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter presents a theoretical framework for the EU’s passive leverage, defined as the traction that the EU has on the domestic politics of credible candidate states merely by virtue of its ...
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This chapter presents a theoretical framework for the EU’s passive leverage, defined as the traction that the EU has on the domestic politics of credible candidate states merely by virtue of its existence and its usual conduct. Passive leverage includes the political and economic benefits of EU membership, the costs of exclusion, and the way that the EU treats non-member states. The force of the EU’s passive leverage explains why the governments of virtually all credible future EU member states declare EU membership as their foremost foreign policy goal.Less
This chapter presents a theoretical framework for the EU’s passive leverage, defined as the traction that the EU has on the domestic politics of credible candidate states merely by virtue of its existence and its usual conduct. Passive leverage includes the political and economic benefits of EU membership, the costs of exclusion, and the way that the EU treats non-member states. The force of the EU’s passive leverage explains why the governments of virtually all credible future EU member states declare EU membership as their foremost foreign policy goal.
Luiz Carlos Bresser-Pereira
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- November 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199261185
- eISBN:
- 9780191601507
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199261180.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
The social-democratic state existing in advanced democracies is gradually changing into a republican state. The ultra-liberal wave failed because modern societies need a strong, not a weak, state. A ...
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The social-democratic state existing in advanced democracies is gradually changing into a republican state. The ultra-liberal wave failed because modern societies need a strong, not a weak, state. A republican state is strong enough to protect itself and the public patrimony from private capture. Its strength originates in governments’ political legitimacy, in the active participation of citizens organized in civil society, in a dense public space where social accountability and public debate take place, and on the existence of politicians and civil servants endowed with republican virtues. The republican state that is emerging is fiscally strong because it limits its debts, it is administratively strong because it is engaged in public management reform, and it is politically strong because citizens, politicians, and civil servants know that the principles ruling politics are not the same that rule markets: besides the private, the public interest must be taken into consideration. Undertakes a short survey of the literature on republicanism to substantiate these claims.Less
The social-democratic state existing in advanced democracies is gradually changing into a republican state. The ultra-liberal wave failed because modern societies need a strong, not a weak, state. A republican state is strong enough to protect itself and the public patrimony from private capture. Its strength originates in governments’ political legitimacy, in the active participation of citizens organized in civil society, in a dense public space where social accountability and public debate take place, and on the existence of politicians and civil servants endowed with republican virtues. The republican state that is emerging is fiscally strong because it limits its debts, it is administratively strong because it is engaged in public management reform, and it is politically strong because citizens, politicians, and civil servants know that the principles ruling politics are not the same that rule markets: besides the private, the public interest must be taken into consideration. Undertakes a short survey of the literature on republicanism to substantiate these claims.
Nicholas Aylott
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- April 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199252015
- eISBN:
- 9780191602375
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199252017.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Sweden is undoubtedly a parliamentary democracy. Indeed, many felt that the legislature had become too strong, and the executive too weak. But recently, this argument has been turned round. The ...
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Sweden is undoubtedly a parliamentary democracy. Indeed, many felt that the legislature had become too strong, and the executive too weak. But recently, this argument has been turned round. The Social Democratic Prime Minister, Göran Persson, has frequently been described as a ‘presidential’ figure. Has Sweden become presidentialized?Organizational changes, including the empowerment of the Prime Minister's Office and the country's accession to the EU in 1994, have certainly enhanced the chief executive's resources. Just as important, though, has been the interaction of the Swedish style of ‘negative parliamentarism’ and the contemporary party system. While the Left bloc has a parliamentary majority, the practical consequence is to make any alternative to a Social Democratic prime minister highly unlikely. With full control of his party, his position becomes nearly impregnable. Other ministers are increasingly recruited from outside parliament, as in a presidential system. When it comes to the electoral face, the picture is less clear. The media are certainly more party-leader-focused. But persuasive evidence that this also applies to voting behaviour has not (yet) been found. In sum, Sweden has become somewhat ‘presidentialized’. But electoral shifts, especially if they lead to change in the party system, could set the process back.Less
Sweden is undoubtedly a parliamentary democracy. Indeed, many felt that the legislature had become too strong, and the executive too weak. But recently, this argument has been turned round. The Social Democratic Prime Minister, Göran Persson, has frequently been described as a ‘presidential’ figure. Has Sweden become presidentialized?
Organizational changes, including the empowerment of the Prime Minister's Office and the country's accession to the EU in 1994, have certainly enhanced the chief executive's resources. Just as important, though, has been the interaction of the Swedish style of ‘negative parliamentarism’ and the contemporary party system. While the Left bloc has a parliamentary majority, the practical consequence is to make any alternative to a Social Democratic prime minister highly unlikely. With full control of his party, his position becomes nearly impregnable. Other ministers are increasingly recruited from outside parliament, as in a presidential system. When it comes to the electoral face, the picture is less clear. The media are certainly more party-leader-focused. But persuasive evidence that this also applies to voting behaviour has not (yet) been found. In sum, Sweden has become somewhat ‘presidentialized’. But electoral shifts, especially if they lead to change in the party system, could set the process back.
Feldman Fred
- Published in print:
- 1994
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195089288
- eISBN:
- 9780199852963
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195089288.003.0015
- Subject:
- Philosophy, General
This chapter discusses the main question that has been asked many times in the book: “What is death?” A brief summary of the topics, theories, and concepts that have been discussed in the previous ...
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This chapter discusses the main question that has been asked many times in the book: “What is death?” A brief summary of the topics, theories, and concepts that have been discussed in the previous chapters is given, including the positives and negatives associated with death.Less
This chapter discusses the main question that has been asked many times in the book: “What is death?” A brief summary of the topics, theories, and concepts that have been discussed in the previous chapters is given, including the positives and negatives associated with death.
Maurizio Ferrera
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199284665
- eISBN:
- 9780191603273
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199284660.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
This chapter reconstructs developments of EC law (including case law) relating to social protection, and traces the differential impact that free movement and competition rules have had on the ...
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This chapter reconstructs developments of EC law (including case law) relating to social protection, and traces the differential impact that free movement and competition rules have had on the various functional schemes and tiers or pillars of provision within national welfare states. It also identifies and illustrates the new strategies of spatial politics prompted by the boundary redefinitions operated by the EU, focussing on pensions (including pension funds), health care, and social assistance. Special attention is devoted to the position of third country nationals.Less
This chapter reconstructs developments of EC law (including case law) relating to social protection, and traces the differential impact that free movement and competition rules have had on the various functional schemes and tiers or pillars of provision within national welfare states. It also identifies and illustrates the new strategies of spatial politics prompted by the boundary redefinitions operated by the EU, focussing on pensions (including pension funds), health care, and social assistance. Special attention is devoted to the position of third country nationals.
Donald W. Shriver
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780195151534
- eISBN:
- 9780199785056
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195151534.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
The book records attempts in three countries — Germany, South Africa, and the United States — to educate patriots who are neither loveless critics nor uncritical lovers of their nation, but rather ...
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The book records attempts in three countries — Germany, South Africa, and the United States — to educate patriots who are neither loveless critics nor uncritical lovers of their nation, but rather loving critics. How does a national public learn to acknowledge the “dark side” of their country’s history? In the post-1945 years, Germans slowly but surely came to pay public attention to the evils of the Nazi era. In an astonishing accumulation of memorials, museums, films, anniversaries, and high school history books, the country has put its future generations on notice: “Never again”. Post-apartheid South Africa has seen comparable developments, especially in its Truth and Reconciliation Commission, new Constitution, memorials, and radically revised school text books. The United States, with a culture more focused on the future than the past, is undergoing a similar but slower public process. Two great crimes mark its national past: slavery and the fate of the people called Indians. The US is beginning to confront these collective crimes with new realism in new laws, museums, films, memorials, and history books. A political culture grows in its capacity for justice by remembering injustice. For a people not to remember the misdeeds of their past is to risk repeating them. Public memory requires concrete public signs, rituals, memorials, and education. This book seeks to record the attempts of these three countries to give public expression to justice by remembering injustice.Less
The book records attempts in three countries — Germany, South Africa, and the United States — to educate patriots who are neither loveless critics nor uncritical lovers of their nation, but rather loving critics. How does a national public learn to acknowledge the “dark side” of their country’s history? In the post-1945 years, Germans slowly but surely came to pay public attention to the evils of the Nazi era. In an astonishing accumulation of memorials, museums, films, anniversaries, and high school history books, the country has put its future generations on notice: “Never again”. Post-apartheid South Africa has seen comparable developments, especially in its Truth and Reconciliation Commission, new Constitution, memorials, and radically revised school text books. The United States, with a culture more focused on the future than the past, is undergoing a similar but slower public process. Two great crimes mark its national past: slavery and the fate of the people called Indians. The US is beginning to confront these collective crimes with new realism in new laws, museums, films, memorials, and history books. A political culture grows in its capacity for justice by remembering injustice. For a people not to remember the misdeeds of their past is to risk repeating them. Public memory requires concrete public signs, rituals, memorials, and education. This book seeks to record the attempts of these three countries to give public expression to justice by remembering injustice.
Matthew H. Kramer
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199247561
- eISBN:
- 9780191601927
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199247560.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
At least since the publication of Isaiah Berlin's famous essay ‘Two Concepts of Liberty’ nearly half a century ago, political philosophers have argued vigorously over the relative merits of ...
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At least since the publication of Isaiah Berlin's famous essay ‘Two Concepts of Liberty’ nearly half a century ago, political philosophers have argued vigorously over the relative merits of ‘positive’ and ‘negative’ accounts of freedom. Matthew Kramer writes squarely within the negative-liberty tradition, but he incorporates a number of ideas that are quite often associated with theories of positive liberty. Much of The Quality of Freedom is devoted to elaborating the necessary and sufficient conditions for the existence of particular freedoms and unfreedoms; however, the book's cardinal objective is to establish the measurability of each person's overall freedom and of each society's aggregate freedom. On the one hand, Kramer contends that the existence of any particular instance of liberty or unfreedom is a matter of fact that can be confirmed or disconfirmed without any reliance on evaluative or normative considerations. On the other hand, he argues that the extent of each person's overall freedom or unfreedom cannot be ascertained entirely in the absence of evaluative assumptions. By combining those two positions and developing them in detail, Kramer pits himself against all positive accounts of liberty and most negative accounts. In the course of so doing, he aims to demonstrate the rigorous measurability of overall liberty – something that many writers on freedom have casually dismissed as impossible. Although Kramer concentrates principally on constructing a systematic analysis of socio-political freedom, he engages critically with the work of many of the leading contemporary writers on the topic.Less
At least since the publication of Isaiah Berlin's famous essay ‘Two Concepts of Liberty’ nearly half a century ago, political philosophers have argued vigorously over the relative merits of ‘positive’ and ‘negative’ accounts of freedom. Matthew Kramer writes squarely within the negative-liberty tradition, but he incorporates a number of ideas that are quite often associated with theories of positive liberty. Much of The Quality of Freedom is devoted to elaborating the necessary and sufficient conditions for the existence of particular freedoms and unfreedoms; however, the book's cardinal objective is to establish the measurability of each person's overall freedom and of each society's aggregate freedom. On the one hand, Kramer contends that the existence of any particular instance of liberty or unfreedom is a matter of fact that can be confirmed or disconfirmed without any reliance on evaluative or normative considerations. On the other hand, he argues that the extent of each person's overall freedom or unfreedom cannot be ascertained entirely in the absence of evaluative assumptions. By combining those two positions and developing them in detail, Kramer pits himself against all positive accounts of liberty and most negative accounts. In the course of so doing, he aims to demonstrate the rigorous measurability of overall liberty – something that many writers on freedom have casually dismissed as impossible. Although Kramer concentrates principally on constructing a systematic analysis of socio-political freedom, he engages critically with the work of many of the leading contemporary writers on the topic.
Charles M. Stang
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199640423
- eISBN:
- 9780191738234
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199640423.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Early Christian Studies, Religion and Literature
This book argues that the pseudonym, Dionysius the Areopagite, and the influence of Paul together constitute the best interpretive lens for understanding the Corpus Dionysiacum [CD]. This book ...
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This book argues that the pseudonym, Dionysius the Areopagite, and the influence of Paul together constitute the best interpretive lens for understanding the Corpus Dionysiacum [CD]. This book demonstrates how Paul in fact animates the entire corpus, that the influence of Paul illuminates such central themes of the CD as hierarchy, theurgy, deification, Christology, affirmation (kataphasis) and negation (apophasis), dissimilar similarities, and unknowing. Most importantly, Paul serves as a fulcrum for the expression of a new theological anthropology, an “apophatic anthropology.” Dionysius figures Paul as the premier apostolic witness to this apophatic anthropology, as the ecstatic lover of the divine who confesses to the rupture of his self and the indwelling of the divine in Gal 2:20: “it is no longer I who live, but Christ who lives in me.” Building on this notion of apophatic anthropology, the book forwards an explanation for why this sixth‐century author chose to write under an apostolic pseudonym. It argues that the very practice of pseudonymous writing itself serves as an ecstatic devotional exercise whereby the writer becomes split in two and thereby open to the indwelling of the divine. Pseudonymity is on this interpretation integral and internal to the aims of the wider mystical enterprise. Thus this book aims to question the distinction between “theory” and “practice” by demonstrating that negative theology—often figured as a speculative and rarefied theory regarding the transcendence of God—is in fact best understood as a kind of asceticism, a devotional practice aiming for the total transformation of the Christian subject.Less
This book argues that the pseudonym, Dionysius the Areopagite, and the influence of Paul together constitute the best interpretive lens for understanding the Corpus Dionysiacum [CD]. This book demonstrates how Paul in fact animates the entire corpus, that the influence of Paul illuminates such central themes of the CD as hierarchy, theurgy, deification, Christology, affirmation (kataphasis) and negation (apophasis), dissimilar similarities, and unknowing. Most importantly, Paul serves as a fulcrum for the expression of a new theological anthropology, an “apophatic anthropology.” Dionysius figures Paul as the premier apostolic witness to this apophatic anthropology, as the ecstatic lover of the divine who confesses to the rupture of his self and the indwelling of the divine in Gal 2:20: “it is no longer I who live, but Christ who lives in me.” Building on this notion of apophatic anthropology, the book forwards an explanation for why this sixth‐century author chose to write under an apostolic pseudonym. It argues that the very practice of pseudonymous writing itself serves as an ecstatic devotional exercise whereby the writer becomes split in two and thereby open to the indwelling of the divine. Pseudonymity is on this interpretation integral and internal to the aims of the wider mystical enterprise. Thus this book aims to question the distinction between “theory” and “practice” by demonstrating that negative theology—often figured as a speculative and rarefied theory regarding the transcendence of God—is in fact best understood as a kind of asceticism, a devotional practice aiming for the total transformation of the Christian subject.
Roberto D'Alimonte
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199257560
- eISBN:
- 9780191603280
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199257566.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Given that Italy has had one of the few perfectly bicameral parliamentary systems (in which each house has equal powers), there are two different electoral systems to analyse. These electoral systems ...
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Given that Italy has had one of the few perfectly bicameral parliamentary systems (in which each house has equal powers), there are two different electoral systems to analyse. These electoral systems are relatively new (dating only to 1993) and are very complex, reflecting compromises between parties with different interests. Lijphart’s prescription that an electoral system should emphasize ‘proportionality and simplicity’ is certainly violated. Italy has changed from list PR (before 1993) to variations of mixed-member majoritarian systems. Both the Chamber and the Senate are composed of 75 per cent of members elected from SMDs, and 25 per cent from lists. Beyond this, the electoral systems vary in a range of important ways. One of the important effects is the ‘proportionalisation of the plurality tier’. Italy is a leading example of the manner in which major electoral reform can have some expected and some very unexpected consequences. There is widespread discontent with the ‘new’ systems, such that electoral reform is very much on the agenda.Less
Given that Italy has had one of the few perfectly bicameral parliamentary systems (in which each house has equal powers), there are two different electoral systems to analyse. These electoral systems are relatively new (dating only to 1993) and are very complex, reflecting compromises between parties with different interests. Lijphart’s prescription that an electoral system should emphasize ‘proportionality and simplicity’ is certainly violated. Italy has changed from list PR (before 1993) to variations of mixed-member majoritarian systems. Both the Chamber and the Senate are composed of 75 per cent of members elected from SMDs, and 25 per cent from lists. Beyond this, the electoral systems vary in a range of important ways. One of the important effects is the ‘proportionalisation of the plurality tier’. Italy is a leading example of the manner in which major electoral reform can have some expected and some very unexpected consequences. There is widespread discontent with the ‘new’ systems, such that electoral reform is very much on the agenda.
N. M. L. Nathan
- Published in print:
- 1992
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198239543
- eISBN:
- 9780191679957
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198239543.003.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Metaphysics/Epistemology
In a want and belief conflict, one wants something to be true, but believes it to be false. In a positive solution, the world changes. In a negative solution, the change is only in one's attitudes. ...
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In a want and belief conflict, one wants something to be true, but believes it to be false. In a positive solution, the world changes. In a negative solution, the change is only in one's attitudes. In positive solution, one's beliefs is abolished by the very change in the world by virtue of which it was false. One or both of one's two conflicting attitudes may even be deliberately destroyed. Some want and beliefs, however, have no positive solution. There is in particular no positive solution to conflicts in which what one wants is that some purely metaphysical proposition is true. Maybe there are spiritual substances, naturally necessary connections between events, non-natural moral properties, and real objects with colour qualities.Less
In a want and belief conflict, one wants something to be true, but believes it to be false. In a positive solution, the world changes. In a negative solution, the change is only in one's attitudes. In positive solution, one's beliefs is abolished by the very change in the world by virtue of which it was false. One or both of one's two conflicting attitudes may even be deliberately destroyed. Some want and beliefs, however, have no positive solution. There is in particular no positive solution to conflicts in which what one wants is that some purely metaphysical proposition is true. Maybe there are spiritual substances, naturally necessary connections between events, non-natural moral properties, and real objects with colour qualities.
Henny Fiskå Hägg
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199288083
- eISBN:
- 9780191604164
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199288089.003.0007
- Subject:
- Religion, Early Christian Studies
The relationship between Clement’s apophaticism and his epistemology is discussed. Particular attention is paid to the consequences of the negative way to God — as an expression of Clement’s view of ...
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The relationship between Clement’s apophaticism and his epistemology is discussed. Particular attention is paid to the consequences of the negative way to God — as an expression of Clement’s view of God’s absolute incomprehensibility — and to the negative way’s relation to the positive, or cataphatic way: the way of knowing the unknowable.Less
The relationship between Clement’s apophaticism and his epistemology is discussed. Particular attention is paid to the consequences of the negative way to God — as an expression of Clement’s view of God’s absolute incomprehensibility — and to the negative way’s relation to the positive, or cataphatic way: the way of knowing the unknowable.
Nasredeen Abdulbari
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780197266953
- eISBN:
- 9780191938191
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197266953.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Conflict Politics and Policy
There are two (not mutually exclusive) understandings of self-determination: a ‘thin’ one and a ‘thick’ one. The thin understanding focuses on secession; the thick understanding focuses on ...
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There are two (not mutually exclusive) understandings of self-determination: a ‘thin’ one and a ‘thick’ one. The thin understanding focuses on secession; the thick understanding focuses on participation within the same state. In the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), the Sudanese government and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM) used both conceptions of self-determination. This chapter argues that the two understandings of self-determination correspond to two different understandings of peace and that in Sudan’s particular experience only self-determination in its thin sense, which corresponds to negative peace and not positive peace, was implemented in resolving the southern Sudan-northern Sudan conflict, explaining much of what followed. The chapter analyses the CPA and its implementation, as well as the two main constitutions that reflected its provisions, with the objective of examining the different understandings of self-determination that they incorporated, the conceptions of peace that correspond to them and how they were interlinked, and how this determined the degree of success in realizing peace through self-determination.Less
There are two (not mutually exclusive) understandings of self-determination: a ‘thin’ one and a ‘thick’ one. The thin understanding focuses on secession; the thick understanding focuses on participation within the same state. In the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), the Sudanese government and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM) used both conceptions of self-determination. This chapter argues that the two understandings of self-determination correspond to two different understandings of peace and that in Sudan’s particular experience only self-determination in its thin sense, which corresponds to negative peace and not positive peace, was implemented in resolving the southern Sudan-northern Sudan conflict, explaining much of what followed. The chapter analyses the CPA and its implementation, as well as the two main constitutions that reflected its provisions, with the objective of examining the different understandings of self-determination that they incorporated, the conceptions of peace that correspond to them and how they were interlinked, and how this determined the degree of success in realizing peace through self-determination.
Brett M. Frischmann
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199895656
- eISBN:
- 9780199933280
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199895656.003.0010
- Subject:
- Law, Environmental and Energy Law
This chapter illustrates many of the economic concepts discussed in previous chapters. First, road infrastructure exhibits the classic supply-side economic characteristics, which are commonly ...
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This chapter illustrates many of the economic concepts discussed in previous chapters. First, road infrastructure exhibits the classic supply-side economic characteristics, which are commonly discussed in transportation, public welfare, and regulatory economics. The cost structure of supply and strong natural monopoly tendencies indicate that markets will fail to provide road infrastructure efficiently and that provision by either the government or a regulated monopolist will be necessary. In the United States, government provision dominates as the solution to this problem. Second, road infrastructure exhibit the demand-side economic characteristics explored in Chapters 4 and 5. Road infrastructure is mixed infrastructure that generate massive spillovers for society by enabling users to engage in an incredibly wide variety of productive activities that yield private, public, and social goods. The case for commons management is quite strong. Not surprisingly (given government provisioning), road infrastructure is managed openly as commons. Government provisioning alleviates supply-side objections to commons management, but two major concerns remain: congestion and the generation of substantial negative externalities from environmental pollution. The chapter shows how to address these significant concerns in nondiscriminatory ways that sustain the road infrastructure commons.Less
This chapter illustrates many of the economic concepts discussed in previous chapters. First, road infrastructure exhibits the classic supply-side economic characteristics, which are commonly discussed in transportation, public welfare, and regulatory economics. The cost structure of supply and strong natural monopoly tendencies indicate that markets will fail to provide road infrastructure efficiently and that provision by either the government or a regulated monopolist will be necessary. In the United States, government provision dominates as the solution to this problem. Second, road infrastructure exhibit the demand-side economic characteristics explored in Chapters 4 and 5. Road infrastructure is mixed infrastructure that generate massive spillovers for society by enabling users to engage in an incredibly wide variety of productive activities that yield private, public, and social goods. The case for commons management is quite strong. Not surprisingly (given government provisioning), road infrastructure is managed openly as commons. Government provisioning alleviates supply-side objections to commons management, but two major concerns remain: congestion and the generation of substantial negative externalities from environmental pollution. The chapter shows how to address these significant concerns in nondiscriminatory ways that sustain the road infrastructure commons.
Torbjörn Bergman
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780198297840
- eISBN:
- 9780191602016
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019829784X.003.0020
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
While far from perfect, for much of the post-war period the Swedish chain of democratic delegation and accountability has not been affected by serious agency problems. Fierce electoral competition ...
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While far from perfect, for much of the post-war period the Swedish chain of democratic delegation and accountability has not been affected by serious agency problems. Fierce electoral competition between two clearly defined blocs and two alternative visions of society allowed voters to be reasonably sure that elections would impact on the direction of national politics. At the same time, the minority status of most cabinets allowed for moderation in policy decisions. Since the late 1980s, however, Swedish politicians have increasingly been faced with distrust, lower electoral turnout, and a loss of party members. It is possible that the growing discrepancy between de facto power relations and the ideal-typical Constitution contributes to a declining popular trust in politicians and political parties.Less
While far from perfect, for much of the post-war period the Swedish chain of democratic delegation and accountability has not been affected by serious agency problems. Fierce electoral competition between two clearly defined blocs and two alternative visions of society allowed voters to be reasonably sure that elections would impact on the direction of national politics. At the same time, the minority status of most cabinets allowed for moderation in policy decisions. Since the late 1980s, however, Swedish politicians have increasingly been faced with distrust, lower electoral turnout, and a loss of party members. It is possible that the growing discrepancy between de facto power relations and the ideal-typical Constitution contributes to a declining popular trust in politicians and political parties.
