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By the middle of the eighteenth century, the elevated place natural philosophy had achieved remained secure, and indeed was reinforced as naturalization became a dominant explanatory strategy. On the other hand, those features of natural philosophy that had been considered, most notably by mechanists, to mark it out as a cognitive paradigm in the first place were not only now considered by most natural philosophers to be mistaken, but natural philosophy itself had largely fragmented into different disciplines, holding out no hope for a single, unified model for knowledge.

Most communities encourage lay involvement in worship and leadership, thereby teaching civic skills. Smaller Protestant churches, Hindu ashrams, Sikh congregations, and even some activist Catholic parishes do this well. Some communities engage in direct training in civic skills, through literacy and English classes, naturalization and citizenship classes, discussion groups and forums, and programs to promote greater civic awareness. Lay and religious leadership is often crucial to mobilizing members around homeland causes or immigrant issues, and encouraging immigrants to exercise their civic skills in such causes.

This wide‐ranging chapter introduces key aspects of the argument to be discussed in greater detail in subsequent chapters. The chapter sets out the proposition that the formation of a category “religion” which appears as a distinct and autonomous reality of human experience and practice is a myth serviced by the corresponding formation of special departments for the study of religion. But this process is mirrored in the formation of “nonreligious” categories such as “politics” and “the secular state” which in turn appear as distinct and autonomous domains served by special departments of political science. These rhetorical constructions appear as though they are natural aspects of the world, and their ideological function in the mystification of capitalism and consumerism is disguised by the academic pretensions of secular objectivity. The chapter also makes a distinction between critical thinking that challenges these rhetorical constructions and “critical” thinking that merely recycles them as an undeniable part of the order of things.

Von Sternberg's life in Vienna ended in 1908, when Moses, who became a U.S. citizen in 1906, decided that the family should rejoin him in the United States. He had found steady work in the clothing business. His naturalization application lists his profession as “furrier” and the 1910 census as “lace worker.” Fiction did not figure in Von Sternberg's curriculum, which favored philosophy, history, and particularly art. His first discovery about cinema was his most important. Von Sternberg defined art as “the compression of infinite spiritual power into a confined space,” and his particular skill was bringing his subjects into “a dramatic encounter with light.”

This chapter shows how social workers saw European immigrants as culturally inept but nonetheless imagined them as “objects of reform” and so included them in their early social welfare efforts. Moreover, they became their defenders before a sometimes hostile public. They refuted assertions that southeastern European immigrants were paupers and worked to forge a competing construction, marshaling “evidence” to prove that the new immigrants were hardworking, thrifty, sober, and self-sufficient. Part of their confidence in these immigrants rested on their firm conviction that southern and eastern Europeans were capable of economic and racial assimilation. Indeed, looking around, they would have found much evidence confirming these beliefs: from high naturalization rates to growing socioeconomic mobility, all facilitated by the racial, labor, and political context in which these immigrants lived. Social workers then lobbied against national origin quotas and tried to protect European immigrants from harsh immigration and deportation laws.

This essay examines a landmark 1922 case in which the United States Supreme Court denied a Sikh immigrant’s application for citizenship under the 1790 statute restricting naturalization to “free white men.” Despite his undisputed “Aryan blood,” the Supreme Court decreed that Bhagat Singh Thind could not become an American citizen because because his “Hindoo” religion was inconsistent with “the civilization of white men.”

This chapter examines the attitudes of Mexican Americans toward braceros and “wetbacks” in the Salinas Valley during the period 1947–1960, with particular emphasis on how the tension between them hindered the formation of a larger transnational Mexican-origin community in the region. It considers the concerns of some Mexican American middle-class civil rights leaders about the threat posed by undocumented immigrants on their economic stability and social respectability. It also discusses two particular flashpoints that brought the intraethnic conflict between Mexican Americans, braceros, and undocumented migrants into greater relief: the Immigration and Naturalization Service's “Operation Wetback” of 1954 and the peak of the Bracero Program in 1956. The chapter shows that the Mexican American agricultural working class felt betrayed by the state for creating a Bracero Program and immigration system that served at the pleasure of agribusiness instead of protecting them as worker-citizens.

U.S. expatriation policies have been influenced and sometimes dictated by international relations between the United States and both its allies and its enemies. This chapter traces those considerations by looking at the treaties the United States signed regarding expatriation, including the Bancroft treaties and the United Nations Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness, as well as the Hague conference of 1930. While some expatriation policies were constructed in response to the ideology of exclusive national allegiance, others—involving immigration and naturalization—were overturned in response to the state’s immediate needs in the international arena (mainly in respect to military service). Protecting the national order makes a state vulnerable to other, nonmilitary exigencies, and this accounts for much of the complexity of the history of expatriation legislation and the conversation around it.

Only matter has causal powers. The underlying metaphysical intuition is perhaps clear enough to be getting on with: whatever enters into causal interactions is constituted of the sort of stuff that basic physics is about. Call that the ‘physicalist’ thesis (PT). This chapter argues that PT functions as an a priori methodological constraint on scientific practice; ‘a priori’ in the sense that any theory that fails to conform to PT to that extent counts as disconfirmed. This applies to intentional psychology inter alia: only matter can think. It also discusses what philosophers call the ‘naturalization’ of intentional psychology.

This chapter addresses how local farm families judge who is wealthier than whom. The beginning phase of the farm's developmental cycle is marked by constant struggle to meet the mortgage payment, and this has a significant effect on a young family's lives. The income tax system effectively reduces the range of differences in spendable income among community members. In South Downs, the landholder's wealth is not assessed in terms of the size of the farm or the number of sheep it carries. The farmers in South Downs assume that the hierarchy of wealth in the district is natural, in that it reflects certain objective economic constraints or factors that they all face. The spirit of capitalism more accurately describes the California case than that of South Downs. The analysis of this chapter reveals an important principle, that is, the naturalization of the criterion of wealth in local thought.

The period between the dissolution of the Constituent Assembly and the crisis of March 1793 was a transitional time for foreigners living in France. It was hoped that foreigners who shared the French Revolution's aspirations would associate with the struggle. This attitude can be seen in the revolutionaries' approach to citizenship, naturalization, and the political rights of foreigners. Their underlying concern was not nationality alone, but an adherence to the principles of the Revolution, particularly after the overthrow of the monarchy. The revolutionaries abandoned the caution of the Constituent and loudly proclaimed their support for foreign patriots, as allies in the war against European ‘despotism’. As the overriding concerns of the revolutionaries no longer entailed the retention of peaceful diplomatic relations with other powers, so new factors emerged that dictated their policies towards foreigners. The political attitudes of foreigners and the role they played in French society became the most important determinants of their fate.

Napoleon Bonaparte and the state apparatus that he commanded were deemed to embody the general will. Loyalty, obedience, and service to the head of state became the criteria for advancement both for his French subjects and for the inhabitants of his European conquests and client-states. The treatment of foreigners, therefore, was based on usefulness to the state, which meant, above all, to Bonaparte himself. It was for this reason that naturalization was removed from the hands of the law and placed into those of the emperor. By making detention of enemy subjects a matter of course, by further developing surveillance, by reintroducing the droit d'aubaine, by making both residence and naturalization dependent on a political decision, the Napoleonic regime reinforced state power over the lives of foreigners. These measures demanded both a consolidation of existing mechanisms of control and an expansion of bureaucracy and policing that would enable the authorities to apply the various orders and decrees against foreigners in France.

The doctrine of materialism, or physicalism, is articulated and defended, based on the causal role of conscious states. Three objections are dealt with: epiphenomenalism, the explanatory exclusion argument, and an argument to the effect that naturalization is not required to secure the causal role of the mental.

By the mid seventeenth century, international trade had brought about massive changes to both European and Asian cultures, which now found themselves indelibly connected through a curious circuitry involving the global exchange of consumer goods, precious metals, and commodities for war: material goods imported from the Islamic world shaped the way people in Britain lived their lives and thought about themselves. Textiles — English wool, Persian silk, Turkey carpets, Indian cottons — were crucial commodities linking people in Britain with residents of the Islamic world. After exploring how both British and Islamic cultures responded to the arrival and spread of tobacco and calico, we examine how attitudes towards that principal symbol of Muslim identity — the turban — changed in significance as Britain extended its commercial reach globally. Finally, a process of importation leading to domestic production and eventual naturalization, was radically transforming English equestrian culture with the emergence of that national icon, the Thoroughbred.

The spring 2006 wave of immigrant rights mass mobilizations represents a watershed in the history of civic engagement in the United States. Practitioners involved in the policy debate, scholars who measure immigrant political opinion, and migrant leaders themselves were all caught off guard. This raises questions about the social foundations of the marches—what kinds of social and civic practices, networks and organizations made them possible? To provide at least part of the answer, this chapter introduces the concepts of civic binationality and migrant civil society, which provide frameworks for understanding the already existing patterns of migrant organization that came together at this unusual historical turning point. The point of departure here is that, at least for many adult migrants, their initiation into civic life either takes place in their country of origin or is oriented toward their country of origin. The 2006 protests constitute a powerful indicator that millions of immigrants have been fully transplanted into the U.S. public sphere, followed by subsequent increases in naturalization and voter turnout among “new Americans” in 2008.

This chapter focuses on the relationship between the availability of a diasporic membership status and immigrant naturalization in the country of residence. The extensive analysis shows that the availability of dual citizenship, or here, Overseas Citizenship of India (OCI), leads to higher naturalization rates in the country of residence. Based on several distinct naturalization rates, the analysis isolates effects specific to India as the country of origin from general factors in the US, by comparing the development of naturalization rates for Indian or India-born immigrants with the respective rates for relevant comparison groups. In addition, the chapter explores the concrete consequences of naturalization and to what extent they matter for India’s development. This includes an exploration of multiple belonging and national identification, political activities, as well as the effect on immigrants’ income, known as the ‘naturalization premium.’