Stephen Gaukroger
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199594931
- eISBN:
- 9780191595745
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199594931.003.0014
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Philosophy of Science, General
By the middle of the eighteenth century, the elevated place natural philosophy had achieved remained secure, and indeed was reinforced as naturalization became a dominant explanatory strategy. On the ...
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By the middle of the eighteenth century, the elevated place natural philosophy had achieved remained secure, and indeed was reinforced as naturalization became a dominant explanatory strategy. On the other hand, those features of natural philosophy that had been considered, most notably by mechanists, to mark it out as a cognitive paradigm in the first place were not only now considered by most natural philosophers to be mistaken, but natural philosophy itself had largely fragmented into different disciplines, holding out no hope for a single, unified model for knowledge.Less
By the middle of the eighteenth century, the elevated place natural philosophy had achieved remained secure, and indeed was reinforced as naturalization became a dominant explanatory strategy. On the other hand, those features of natural philosophy that had been considered, most notably by mechanists, to mark it out as a cognitive paradigm in the first place were not only now considered by most natural philosophers to be mistaken, but natural philosophy itself had largely fragmented into different disciplines, holding out no hope for a single, unified model for knowledge.
Michael W. Foley and Dean R. Hoge
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195188707
- eISBN:
- 9780199785315
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195188707.003.0006
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Most communities encourage lay involvement in worship and leadership, thereby teaching civic skills. Smaller Protestant churches, Hindu ashrams, Sikh congregations, and even some activist Catholic ...
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Most communities encourage lay involvement in worship and leadership, thereby teaching civic skills. Smaller Protestant churches, Hindu ashrams, Sikh congregations, and even some activist Catholic parishes do this well. Some communities engage in direct training in civic skills, through literacy and English classes, naturalization and citizenship classes, discussion groups and forums, and programs to promote greater civic awareness. Lay and religious leadership is often crucial to mobilizing members around homeland causes or immigrant issues, and encouraging immigrants to exercise their civic skills in such causes.Less
Most communities encourage lay involvement in worship and leadership, thereby teaching civic skills. Smaller Protestant churches, Hindu ashrams, Sikh congregations, and even some activist Catholic parishes do this well. Some communities engage in direct training in civic skills, through literacy and English classes, naturalization and citizenship classes, discussion groups and forums, and programs to promote greater civic awareness. Lay and religious leadership is often crucial to mobilizing members around homeland causes or immigrant issues, and encouraging immigrants to exercise their civic skills in such causes.
Timothy Fitzgerald
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195300093
- eISBN:
- 9780199868636
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195300093.003.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Literature
This wide‐ranging chapter introduces key aspects of the argument to be discussed in greater detail in subsequent chapters. The chapter sets out the proposition that the formation of a category ...
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This wide‐ranging chapter introduces key aspects of the argument to be discussed in greater detail in subsequent chapters. The chapter sets out the proposition that the formation of a category “religion” which appears as a distinct and autonomous reality of human experience and practice is a myth serviced by the corresponding formation of special departments for the study of religion. But this process is mirrored in the formation of “nonreligious” categories such as “politics” and “the secular state” which in turn appear as distinct and autonomous domains served by special departments of political science. These rhetorical constructions appear as though they are natural aspects of the world, and their ideological function in the mystification of capitalism and consumerism is disguised by the academic pretensions of secular objectivity. The chapter also makes a distinction between critical thinking that challenges these rhetorical constructions and “critical” thinking that merely recycles them as an undeniable part of the order of things.Less
This wide‐ranging chapter introduces key aspects of the argument to be discussed in greater detail in subsequent chapters. The chapter sets out the proposition that the formation of a category “religion” which appears as a distinct and autonomous reality of human experience and practice is a myth serviced by the corresponding formation of special departments for the study of religion. But this process is mirrored in the formation of “nonreligious” categories such as “politics” and “the secular state” which in turn appear as distinct and autonomous domains served by special departments of political science. These rhetorical constructions appear as though they are natural aspects of the world, and their ideological function in the mystification of capitalism and consumerism is disguised by the academic pretensions of secular objectivity. The chapter also makes a distinction between critical thinking that challenges these rhetorical constructions and “critical” thinking that merely recycles them as an undeniable part of the order of things.
John Baxter
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813126012
- eISBN:
- 9780813135601
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813126012.003.0004
- Subject:
- Film, Television and Radio, Film
Von Sternberg's life in Vienna ended in 1908, when Moses, who became a U.S. citizen in 1906, decided that the family should rejoin him in the United States. He had found steady work in the clothing ...
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Von Sternberg's life in Vienna ended in 1908, when Moses, who became a U.S. citizen in 1906, decided that the family should rejoin him in the United States. He had found steady work in the clothing business. His naturalization application lists his profession as “furrier” and the 1910 census as “lace worker.” Fiction did not figure in Von Sternberg's curriculum, which favored philosophy, history, and particularly art. His first discovery about cinema was his most important. Von Sternberg defined art as “the compression of infinite spiritual power into a confined space,” and his particular skill was bringing his subjects into “a dramatic encounter with light.”Less
Von Sternberg's life in Vienna ended in 1908, when Moses, who became a U.S. citizen in 1906, decided that the family should rejoin him in the United States. He had found steady work in the clothing business. His naturalization application lists his profession as “furrier” and the 1910 census as “lace worker.” Fiction did not figure in Von Sternberg's curriculum, which favored philosophy, history, and particularly art. His first discovery about cinema was his most important. Von Sternberg defined art as “the compression of infinite spiritual power into a confined space,” and his particular skill was bringing his subjects into “a dramatic encounter with light.”
Cybelle Fox
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691152233
- eISBN:
- 9781400842582
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691152233.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Public Policy
This chapter shows how social workers saw European immigrants as culturally inept but nonetheless imagined them as “objects of reform” and so included them in their early social welfare efforts. ...
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This chapter shows how social workers saw European immigrants as culturally inept but nonetheless imagined them as “objects of reform” and so included them in their early social welfare efforts. Moreover, they became their defenders before a sometimes hostile public. They refuted assertions that southeastern European immigrants were paupers and worked to forge a competing construction, marshaling “evidence” to prove that the new immigrants were hardworking, thrifty, sober, and self-sufficient. Part of their confidence in these immigrants rested on their firm conviction that southern and eastern Europeans were capable of economic and racial assimilation. Indeed, looking around, they would have found much evidence confirming these beliefs: from high naturalization rates to growing socioeconomic mobility, all facilitated by the racial, labor, and political context in which these immigrants lived. Social workers then lobbied against national origin quotas and tried to protect European immigrants from harsh immigration and deportation laws.Less
This chapter shows how social workers saw European immigrants as culturally inept but nonetheless imagined them as “objects of reform” and so included them in their early social welfare efforts. Moreover, they became their defenders before a sometimes hostile public. They refuted assertions that southeastern European immigrants were paupers and worked to forge a competing construction, marshaling “evidence” to prove that the new immigrants were hardworking, thrifty, sober, and self-sufficient. Part of their confidence in these immigrants rested on their firm conviction that southern and eastern Europeans were capable of economic and racial assimilation. Indeed, looking around, they would have found much evidence confirming these beliefs: from high naturalization rates to growing socioeconomic mobility, all facilitated by the racial, labor, and political context in which these immigrants lived. Social workers then lobbied against national origin quotas and tried to protect European immigrants from harsh immigration and deportation laws.
Jennifer Snow
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- April 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780195149180
- eISBN:
- 9780199835386
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195149181.003.0011
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This essay examines a landmark 1922 case in which the United States Supreme Court denied a Sikh immigrant’s application for citizenship under the 1790 statute restricting naturalization to “free ...
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This essay examines a landmark 1922 case in which the United States Supreme Court denied a Sikh immigrant’s application for citizenship under the 1790 statute restricting naturalization to “free white men.” Despite his undisputed “Aryan blood,” the Supreme Court decreed that Bhagat Singh Thind could not become an American citizen because because his “Hindoo” religion was inconsistent with “the civilization of white men.”Less
This essay examines a landmark 1922 case in which the United States Supreme Court denied a Sikh immigrant’s application for citizenship under the 1790 statute restricting naturalization to “free white men.” Despite his undisputed “Aryan blood,” the Supreme Court decreed that Bhagat Singh Thind could not become an American citizen because because his “Hindoo” religion was inconsistent with “the civilization of white men.”
Lori A. Flores
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780300196962
- eISBN:
- 9780300216387
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300196962.003.0003
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Latin American Studies
This chapter examines the attitudes of Mexican Americans toward braceros and “wetbacks” in the Salinas Valley during the period 1947–1960, with particular emphasis on how the tension between them ...
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This chapter examines the attitudes of Mexican Americans toward braceros and “wetbacks” in the Salinas Valley during the period 1947–1960, with particular emphasis on how the tension between them hindered the formation of a larger transnational Mexican-origin community in the region. It considers the concerns of some Mexican American middle-class civil rights leaders about the threat posed by undocumented immigrants on their economic stability and social respectability. It also discusses two particular flashpoints that brought the intraethnic conflict between Mexican Americans, braceros, and undocumented migrants into greater relief: the Immigration and Naturalization Service's “Operation Wetback” of 1954 and the peak of the Bracero Program in 1956. The chapter shows that the Mexican American agricultural working class felt betrayed by the state for creating a Bracero Program and immigration system that served at the pleasure of agribusiness instead of protecting them as worker-citizens.Less
This chapter examines the attitudes of Mexican Americans toward braceros and “wetbacks” in the Salinas Valley during the period 1947–1960, with particular emphasis on how the tension between them hindered the formation of a larger transnational Mexican-origin community in the region. It considers the concerns of some Mexican American middle-class civil rights leaders about the threat posed by undocumented immigrants on their economic stability and social respectability. It also discusses two particular flashpoints that brought the intraethnic conflict between Mexican Americans, braceros, and undocumented migrants into greater relief: the Immigration and Naturalization Service's “Operation Wetback” of 1954 and the peak of the Bracero Program in 1956. The chapter shows that the Mexican American agricultural working class felt betrayed by the state for creating a Bracero Program and immigration system that served at the pleasure of agribusiness instead of protecting them as worker-citizens.
Hugh Nicholson
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199772865
- eISBN:
- 9780199897315
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199772865.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, World Religions
This book concerns the problem of the ineluctability of ‘us’ versus ‘them’ relations in theological discourse. It argues that liberal theologies — from the Christian fulfillment theology of the ...
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This book concerns the problem of the ineluctability of ‘us’ versus ‘them’ relations in theological discourse. It argues that liberal theologies — from the Christian fulfillment theology of the nineteenth century to the pluralist theology of the twentieth — have sought to transcend this “political” dimension of religion only to see it reappear in the more subtle, though arguably more insidious form of unacknowledged exclusion or hegemonism. This phenomenon of the ineluctability of the political in theological discourse is perhaps most clearly manifest in the current standoff between inclusivists and pluralists in the “theology of religions” debate; each of these parties has successfully exposed the unacknowledged exclusions of the other while generally being unable to refine their own positions to satisfy the criticism of their adversary. The book proposes a model of comparative or interreligious theology that seeks a way around this impasse. Instead of vainly attempting to negate the agonistic dimension of religious identity, this theological model focuses its critical attention on the tendency of religious identities, once formed, to disavow their relational nature and ossify into essentialized, ideological formations. This shift in critical focus reflects the thesis that religious intolerance, understood as the refusal to respect religious difference, stems less from the first “political” moment of exclusion in which religious identities are initially constructed, as from a subsequent moment of naturalization in which, as the political theorist William Connolly puts it, “relations of difference are converted into modes of otherness.”Less
This book concerns the problem of the ineluctability of ‘us’ versus ‘them’ relations in theological discourse. It argues that liberal theologies — from the Christian fulfillment theology of the nineteenth century to the pluralist theology of the twentieth — have sought to transcend this “political” dimension of religion only to see it reappear in the more subtle, though arguably more insidious form of unacknowledged exclusion or hegemonism. This phenomenon of the ineluctability of the political in theological discourse is perhaps most clearly manifest in the current standoff between inclusivists and pluralists in the “theology of religions” debate; each of these parties has successfully exposed the unacknowledged exclusions of the other while generally being unable to refine their own positions to satisfy the criticism of their adversary. The book proposes a model of comparative or interreligious theology that seeks a way around this impasse. Instead of vainly attempting to negate the agonistic dimension of religious identity, this theological model focuses its critical attention on the tendency of religious identities, once formed, to disavow their relational nature and ossify into essentialized, ideological formations. This shift in critical focus reflects the thesis that religious intolerance, understood as the refusal to respect religious difference, stems less from the first “political” moment of exclusion in which religious identities are initially constructed, as from a subsequent moment of naturalization in which, as the political theorist William Connolly puts it, “relations of difference are converted into modes of otherness.”
Ben Herzog
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780814760383
- eISBN:
- 9780814770962
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9780814760383.003.0005
- Subject:
- Law, Human Rights and Immigration
U.S. expatriation policies have been influenced and sometimes dictated by international relations between the United States and both its allies and its enemies. This chapter traces those ...
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U.S. expatriation policies have been influenced and sometimes dictated by international relations between the United States and both its allies and its enemies. This chapter traces those considerations by looking at the treaties the United States signed regarding expatriation, including the Bancroft treaties and the United Nations Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness, as well as the Hague conference of 1930. While some expatriation policies were constructed in response to the ideology of exclusive national allegiance, others—involving immigration and naturalization—were overturned in response to the state’s immediate needs in the international arena (mainly in respect to military service). Protecting the national order makes a state vulnerable to other, nonmilitary exigencies, and this accounts for much of the complexity of the history of expatriation legislation and the conversation around it.Less
U.S. expatriation policies have been influenced and sometimes dictated by international relations between the United States and both its allies and its enemies. This chapter traces those considerations by looking at the treaties the United States signed regarding expatriation, including the Bancroft treaties and the United Nations Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness, as well as the Hague conference of 1930. While some expatriation policies were constructed in response to the ideology of exclusive national allegiance, others—involving immigration and naturalization—were overturned in response to the state’s immediate needs in the international arena (mainly in respect to military service). Protecting the national order makes a state vulnerable to other, nonmilitary exigencies, and this accounts for much of the complexity of the history of expatriation legislation and the conversation around it.
Michael Rapport
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198208457
- eISBN:
- 9780191678011
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198208457.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
The period between the dissolution of the Constituent Assembly and the crisis of March 1793 was a transitional time for foreigners living in France. It was hoped that foreigners who shared the French ...
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The period between the dissolution of the Constituent Assembly and the crisis of March 1793 was a transitional time for foreigners living in France. It was hoped that foreigners who shared the French Revolution's aspirations would associate with the struggle. This attitude can be seen in the revolutionaries' approach to citizenship, naturalization, and the political rights of foreigners. Their underlying concern was not nationality alone, but an adherence to the principles of the Revolution, particularly after the overthrow of the monarchy. The revolutionaries abandoned the caution of the Constituent and loudly proclaimed their support for foreign patriots, as allies in the war against European ‘despotism’. As the overriding concerns of the revolutionaries no longer entailed the retention of peaceful diplomatic relations with other powers, so new factors emerged that dictated their policies towards foreigners. The political attitudes of foreigners and the role they played in French society became the most important determinants of their fate.Less
The period between the dissolution of the Constituent Assembly and the crisis of March 1793 was a transitional time for foreigners living in France. It was hoped that foreigners who shared the French Revolution's aspirations would associate with the struggle. This attitude can be seen in the revolutionaries' approach to citizenship, naturalization, and the political rights of foreigners. Their underlying concern was not nationality alone, but an adherence to the principles of the Revolution, particularly after the overthrow of the monarchy. The revolutionaries abandoned the caution of the Constituent and loudly proclaimed their support for foreign patriots, as allies in the war against European ‘despotism’. As the overriding concerns of the revolutionaries no longer entailed the retention of peaceful diplomatic relations with other powers, so new factors emerged that dictated their policies towards foreigners. The political attitudes of foreigners and the role they played in French society became the most important determinants of their fate.
Michael Rapport
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198208457
- eISBN:
- 9780191678011
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198208457.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
Napoleon Bonaparte and the state apparatus that he commanded were deemed to embody the general will. Loyalty, obedience, and service to the head of state became the criteria for advancement both for ...
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Napoleon Bonaparte and the state apparatus that he commanded were deemed to embody the general will. Loyalty, obedience, and service to the head of state became the criteria for advancement both for his French subjects and for the inhabitants of his European conquests and client-states. The treatment of foreigners, therefore, was based on usefulness to the state, which meant, above all, to Bonaparte himself. It was for this reason that naturalization was removed from the hands of the law and placed into those of the emperor. By making detention of enemy subjects a matter of course, by further developing surveillance, by reintroducing the droit d'aubaine, by making both residence and naturalization dependent on a political decision, the Napoleonic regime reinforced state power over the lives of foreigners. These measures demanded both a consolidation of existing mechanisms of control and an expansion of bureaucracy and policing that would enable the authorities to apply the various orders and decrees against foreigners in France.Less
Napoleon Bonaparte and the state apparatus that he commanded were deemed to embody the general will. Loyalty, obedience, and service to the head of state became the criteria for advancement both for his French subjects and for the inhabitants of his European conquests and client-states. The treatment of foreigners, therefore, was based on usefulness to the state, which meant, above all, to Bonaparte himself. It was for this reason that naturalization was removed from the hands of the law and placed into those of the emperor. By making detention of enemy subjects a matter of course, by further developing surveillance, by reintroducing the droit d'aubaine, by making both residence and naturalization dependent on a political decision, the Napoleonic regime reinforced state power over the lives of foreigners. These measures demanded both a consolidation of existing mechanisms of control and an expansion of bureaucracy and policing that would enable the authorities to apply the various orders and decrees against foreigners in France.
Elvin Hatch
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520074729
- eISBN:
- 9780520911437
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520074729.003.0005
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Anthropology, Global
This chapter addresses how local farm families judge who is wealthier than whom. The beginning phase of the farm's developmental cycle is marked by constant struggle to meet the mortgage payment, and ...
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This chapter addresses how local farm families judge who is wealthier than whom. The beginning phase of the farm's developmental cycle is marked by constant struggle to meet the mortgage payment, and this has a significant effect on a young family's lives. The income tax system effectively reduces the range of differences in spendable income among community members. In South Downs, the landholder's wealth is not assessed in terms of the size of the farm or the number of sheep it carries. The farmers in South Downs assume that the hierarchy of wealth in the district is natural, in that it reflects certain objective economic constraints or factors that they all face. The spirit of capitalism more accurately describes the California case than that of South Downs. The analysis of this chapter reveals an important principle, that is, the naturalization of the criterion of wealth in local thought.Less
This chapter addresses how local farm families judge who is wealthier than whom. The beginning phase of the farm's developmental cycle is marked by constant struggle to meet the mortgage payment, and this has a significant effect on a young family's lives. The income tax system effectively reduces the range of differences in spendable income among community members. In South Downs, the landholder's wealth is not assessed in terms of the size of the farm or the number of sheep it carries. The farmers in South Downs assume that the hierarchy of wealth in the district is natural, in that it reflects certain objective economic constraints or factors that they all face. The spirit of capitalism more accurately describes the California case than that of South Downs. The analysis of this chapter reveals an important principle, that is, the naturalization of the criterion of wealth in local thought.
John H. Flores
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- September 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780252041808
- eISBN:
- 9780252050473
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5622/illinois/9780252041808.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Migration Studies (including Refugee Studies)
This book examines the political, labor, and assimilation history of Mexican immigrants in metropolitan Chicago during the first half of the twentieth century. Beginning in the mid-1920s and ...
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This book examines the political, labor, and assimilation history of Mexican immigrants in metropolitan Chicago during the first half of the twentieth century. Beginning in the mid-1920s and extending into the years of the Great Depression, the New Deal, and the Cold War, Mexican immigrants engaged in a wide-range of political activism, and their political beliefs were shaped by the Mexican Revolution. Mexican immigrant political activists included men and women, middle-class businessmen and professionals, and blue-collar laborers from urban and rural backgrounds. Over time, Mexican immigrants formed distinct conservative, liberal, and radical transnational societies that competed with each other to mold the identities and influence the political beliefs of the broader Mexican, Mexican American, and Latino populations of Chicago and Northwest Indiana. Initially, Mexican conservatives, liberals, and radicals all defined themselves as patriots loyal to the Mexican state, but over the course of the 1920s and 1930s, profound political events in Mexico and in the United States led the conservatives to become the most critical of the Mexican state and the most amenable to U.S. naturalization. While the liberals and radicals tended to decline U.S. citizenship, conservative Mexican Catholics become U.S. citizens in great numbers, and they did so because they sought to protect themselves from both the anticlerical policies of Mexican government and from the deportation policies of the United States government.Less
This book examines the political, labor, and assimilation history of Mexican immigrants in metropolitan Chicago during the first half of the twentieth century. Beginning in the mid-1920s and extending into the years of the Great Depression, the New Deal, and the Cold War, Mexican immigrants engaged in a wide-range of political activism, and their political beliefs were shaped by the Mexican Revolution. Mexican immigrant political activists included men and women, middle-class businessmen and professionals, and blue-collar laborers from urban and rural backgrounds. Over time, Mexican immigrants formed distinct conservative, liberal, and radical transnational societies that competed with each other to mold the identities and influence the political beliefs of the broader Mexican, Mexican American, and Latino populations of Chicago and Northwest Indiana. Initially, Mexican conservatives, liberals, and radicals all defined themselves as patriots loyal to the Mexican state, but over the course of the 1920s and 1930s, profound political events in Mexico and in the United States led the conservatives to become the most critical of the Mexican state and the most amenable to U.S. naturalization. While the liberals and radicals tended to decline U.S. citizenship, conservative Mexican Catholics become U.S. citizens in great numbers, and they did so because they sought to protect themselves from both the anticlerical policies of Mexican government and from the deportation policies of the United States government.
Lynne Rudder Baker
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199914722
- eISBN:
- 9780199347483
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199914722.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Philosophy of Mind
Many versions of naturalism make the ontological claim that science is the exclusive arbiter of reality. A corollary of this claim of naturalism is that reality is completely describable in ...
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Many versions of naturalism make the ontological claim that science is the exclusive arbiter of reality. A corollary of this claim of naturalism is that reality is completely describable in “scientific language”—language that contains no tenses or indexicals. If any of these versions of naturalism is correct, then putative first-person facts (as expressed by, e.g., “I am LB,” or “I believe that I am tall”) are either reduced to subpersonal facts or eliminated altogether. This book has three main goals: (1) to show that no wholly impersonal account of reality can be adequate, that apparently first-person aspects of reality are genuine—irreducible and ineliminable—and belong in a complete ontology; (2) to give a detailed non-Cartesian account of the first-person perspective and its contribution to reality; (3) to shape a “near-naturalism” that is more accommodating to reality with us in it than is the reigning scientific naturalism. Along the way, there are discussions of reductive and nonreductive naturalism, personal identity, agency, artifacts, moral responsibility, dispositional properties, and more.Less
Many versions of naturalism make the ontological claim that science is the exclusive arbiter of reality. A corollary of this claim of naturalism is that reality is completely describable in “scientific language”—language that contains no tenses or indexicals. If any of these versions of naturalism is correct, then putative first-person facts (as expressed by, e.g., “I am LB,” or “I believe that I am tall”) are either reduced to subpersonal facts or eliminated altogether. This book has three main goals: (1) to show that no wholly impersonal account of reality can be adequate, that apparently first-person aspects of reality are genuine—irreducible and ineliminable—and belong in a complete ontology; (2) to give a detailed non-Cartesian account of the first-person perspective and its contribution to reality; (3) to shape a “near-naturalism” that is more accommodating to reality with us in it than is the reigning scientific naturalism. Along the way, there are discussions of reductive and nonreductive naturalism, personal identity, agency, artifacts, moral responsibility, dispositional properties, and more.
Jerry A. Fodor
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199548774
- eISBN:
- 9780191721106
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199548774.003.0007
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Philosophy of Mind, Philosophy of Language
Only matter has causal powers. The underlying metaphysical intuition is perhaps clear enough to be getting on with: whatever enters into causal interactions is constituted of the sort of stuff that ...
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Only matter has causal powers. The underlying metaphysical intuition is perhaps clear enough to be getting on with: whatever enters into causal interactions is constituted of the sort of stuff that basic physics is about. Call that the ‘physicalist’ thesis (PT). This chapter argues that PT functions as an a priori methodological constraint on scientific practice; ‘a priori’ in the sense that any theory that fails to conform to PT to that extent counts as disconfirmed. This applies to intentional psychology inter alia: only matter can think. It also discusses what philosophers call the ‘naturalization’ of intentional psychology.Less
Only matter has causal powers. The underlying metaphysical intuition is perhaps clear enough to be getting on with: whatever enters into causal interactions is constituted of the sort of stuff that basic physics is about. Call that the ‘physicalist’ thesis (PT). This chapter argues that PT functions as an a priori methodological constraint on scientific practice; ‘a priori’ in the sense that any theory that fails to conform to PT to that extent counts as disconfirmed. This applies to intentional psychology inter alia: only matter can think. It also discusses what philosophers call the ‘naturalization’ of intentional psychology.
Joseph Levine
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195132359
- eISBN:
- 9780199833375
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195132351.003.0002
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Philosophy of Mind
The doctrine of materialism, or physicalism, is articulated and defended, based on the causal role of conscious states. Three objections are dealt with: epiphenomenalism, the explanatory exclusion ...
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The doctrine of materialism, or physicalism, is articulated and defended, based on the causal role of conscious states. Three objections are dealt with: epiphenomenalism, the explanatory exclusion argument, and an argument to the effect that naturalization is not required to secure the causal role of the mental.Less
The doctrine of materialism, or physicalism, is articulated and defended, based on the causal role of conscious states. Three objections are dealt with: epiphenomenalism, the explanatory exclusion argument, and an argument to the effect that naturalization is not required to secure the causal role of the mental.
David Sorkin
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780691164946
- eISBN:
- 9780691189673
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691164946.003.0006
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Jewish Studies
This chapter focuses on how western European states introduced limited changes to the Jews' status in the eighteenth century. England introduced a policy of naturalization for Jews in its colonies in ...
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This chapter focuses on how western European states introduced limited changes to the Jews' status in the eighteenth century. England introduced a policy of naturalization for Jews in its colonies in part to compete with Holland's successful free port (St. Eustatius). However, only the wealthy could aspire to naturalization. The merchant elite's effort to gain easier naturalization with the “Jew Bill” (1753) failed when it became embroiled in the general Whig-Tory conflict. In France, the Jews of Bordeaux reached the acme of corporate privileges by gaining residential and commercial freedom throughout the kingdom. In contrast, Alsatian Jewry continued to suffer from major restrictions. The privileges it brought from the Holy Roman Empire were at odds with a centralizing French administration. Moreover, occupational and residential restrictions that forced Alsace's Jews into moneylending and petty trade created enduring tensions with the surrounding populace. Louis XVI's patents (1784) removed one demeaning law but otherwise imposed harsher laws on most Jews while further privileging the wealthy. Since Louis XVI's Edict of Toleration for Protestants (non-Catholics) did not apply to Jews, his government attempted, but failed, to produce legislation for Jews modeled on Joseph II's.Less
This chapter focuses on how western European states introduced limited changes to the Jews' status in the eighteenth century. England introduced a policy of naturalization for Jews in its colonies in part to compete with Holland's successful free port (St. Eustatius). However, only the wealthy could aspire to naturalization. The merchant elite's effort to gain easier naturalization with the “Jew Bill” (1753) failed when it became embroiled in the general Whig-Tory conflict. In France, the Jews of Bordeaux reached the acme of corporate privileges by gaining residential and commercial freedom throughout the kingdom. In contrast, Alsatian Jewry continued to suffer from major restrictions. The privileges it brought from the Holy Roman Empire were at odds with a centralizing French administration. Moreover, occupational and residential restrictions that forced Alsace's Jews into moneylending and petty trade created enduring tensions with the surrounding populace. Louis XVI's patents (1784) removed one demeaning law but otherwise imposed harsher laws on most Jews while further privileging the wealthy. Since Louis XVI's Edict of Toleration for Protestants (non-Catholics) did not apply to Jews, his government attempted, but failed, to produce legislation for Jews modeled on Joseph II's.
Sefton D. Temkin
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- February 2021
- ISBN:
- 9781874774457
- eISBN:
- 9781800340930
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3828/liverpool/9781874774457.003.0023
- Subject:
- Religion, Judaism
This chapter turns to Rabbi David Einhorn. Einhorn was ten years older than Wise. He received his Talmudic education at the yeshivah of Fürth, in his native Bavaria, and at the universities of Munich ...
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This chapter turns to Rabbi David Einhorn. Einhorn was ten years older than Wise. He received his Talmudic education at the yeshivah of Fürth, in his native Bavaria, and at the universities of Munich and Würzburg. Participation in the German rabbinic conferences of 1844–1846 marked him out as a reformer and made life in German congregations uncomfortable for him. To point to the contrast with opponents such as Einhorn on the one side and Isaac Leeser on the other is helpful to the understanding of Wise’s personality and policies. Wise’s constant hammering at the need for an American rabbinate and the naturalization of the Jew and Judaism in America must be seen in the light of the Einhorn influence; the significance of his constant travels to outlying congregations stands in contrast to his opponent’s aloofness. What they shared was a readiness for full-blooded conflict.Less
This chapter turns to Rabbi David Einhorn. Einhorn was ten years older than Wise. He received his Talmudic education at the yeshivah of Fürth, in his native Bavaria, and at the universities of Munich and Würzburg. Participation in the German rabbinic conferences of 1844–1846 marked him out as a reformer and made life in German congregations uncomfortable for him. To point to the contrast with opponents such as Einhorn on the one side and Isaac Leeser on the other is helpful to the understanding of Wise’s personality and policies. Wise’s constant hammering at the need for an American rabbinate and the naturalization of the Jew and Judaism in America must be seen in the light of the Einhorn influence; the significance of his constant travels to outlying congregations stands in contrast to his opponent’s aloofness. What they shared was a readiness for full-blooded conflict.
Gerald MacLean and Nabil Matar
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199203185
- eISBN:
- 9780191728433
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199203185.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, History of Religion
By the mid seventeenth century, international trade had brought about massive changes to both European and Asian cultures, which now found themselves indelibly connected through a curious circuitry ...
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By the mid seventeenth century, international trade had brought about massive changes to both European and Asian cultures, which now found themselves indelibly connected through a curious circuitry involving the global exchange of consumer goods, precious metals, and commodities for war: material goods imported from the Islamic world shaped the way people in Britain lived their lives and thought about themselves. Textiles — English wool, Persian silk, Turkey carpets, Indian cottons — were crucial commodities linking people in Britain with residents of the Islamic world. After exploring how both British and Islamic cultures responded to the arrival and spread of tobacco and calico, we examine how attitudes towards that principal symbol of Muslim identity — the turban — changed in significance as Britain extended its commercial reach globally. Finally, a process of importation leading to domestic production and eventual naturalization, was radically transforming English equestrian culture with the emergence of that national icon, the Thoroughbred.Less
By the mid seventeenth century, international trade had brought about massive changes to both European and Asian cultures, which now found themselves indelibly connected through a curious circuitry involving the global exchange of consumer goods, precious metals, and commodities for war: material goods imported from the Islamic world shaped the way people in Britain lived their lives and thought about themselves. Textiles — English wool, Persian silk, Turkey carpets, Indian cottons — were crucial commodities linking people in Britain with residents of the Islamic world. After exploring how both British and Islamic cultures responded to the arrival and spread of tobacco and calico, we examine how attitudes towards that principal symbol of Muslim identity — the turban — changed in significance as Britain extended its commercial reach globally. Finally, a process of importation leading to domestic production and eventual naturalization, was radically transforming English equestrian culture with the emergence of that national icon, the Thoroughbred.
Jonathan Fox and Xóchitl Bada
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520267541
- eISBN:
- 9780520948914
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520267541.003.0007
- Subject:
- Sociology, Migration Studies (including Refugee Studies)
The spring 2006 wave of immigrant rights mass mobilizations represents a watershed in the history of civic engagement in the United States. Practitioners involved in the policy debate, scholars who ...
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The spring 2006 wave of immigrant rights mass mobilizations represents a watershed in the history of civic engagement in the United States. Practitioners involved in the policy debate, scholars who measure immigrant political opinion, and migrant leaders themselves were all caught off guard. This raises questions about the social foundations of the marches—what kinds of social and civic practices, networks and organizations made them possible? To provide at least part of the answer, this chapter introduces the concepts of civic binationality and migrant civil society, which provide frameworks for understanding the already existing patterns of migrant organization that came together at this unusual historical turning point. The point of departure here is that, at least for many adult migrants, their initiation into civic life either takes place in their country of origin or is oriented toward their country of origin. The 2006 protests constitute a powerful indicator that millions of immigrants have been fully transplanted into the U.S. public sphere, followed by subsequent increases in naturalization and voter turnout among “new Americans” in 2008.Less
The spring 2006 wave of immigrant rights mass mobilizations represents a watershed in the history of civic engagement in the United States. Practitioners involved in the policy debate, scholars who measure immigrant political opinion, and migrant leaders themselves were all caught off guard. This raises questions about the social foundations of the marches—what kinds of social and civic practices, networks and organizations made them possible? To provide at least part of the answer, this chapter introduces the concepts of civic binationality and migrant civil society, which provide frameworks for understanding the already existing patterns of migrant organization that came together at this unusual historical turning point. The point of departure here is that, at least for many adult migrants, their initiation into civic life either takes place in their country of origin or is oriented toward their country of origin. The 2006 protests constitute a powerful indicator that millions of immigrants have been fully transplanted into the U.S. public sphere, followed by subsequent increases in naturalization and voter turnout among “new Americans” in 2008.
