Michael Keating
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199240760
- eISBN:
- 9780191599644
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199240760.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Nationality claims are often seen as zero‐sum politics involving incompatible conceptions of the polity. Nationalism and self‐determination are seen as equivalent to separatism. Rethinking the ...
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Nationality claims are often seen as zero‐sum politics involving incompatible conceptions of the polity. Nationalism and self‐determination are seen as equivalent to separatism. Rethinking the concepts of nationality, self‐determination, and sovereignty and placing them in a historic context allows us to treat them as more tractable and as a form of politics. This is done through a study of the UK, Spain, Belgium, and Canada. Traditions of shared sovereignty are rediscovered. Analysis of the demands of minority nationalisms shows that these do not always entail separate statehood. Public opinion is more open than often assumed. Asymmetrical constitutional arrangements provide a means of accommodating plural national claims. The emerging European polity is a model for a post‐sovereign order in which legal pluralism and constitutional diversity can accommodate multiple nationality claims.Less
Nationality claims are often seen as zero‐sum politics involving incompatible conceptions of the polity. Nationalism and self‐determination are seen as equivalent to separatism. Rethinking the concepts of nationality, self‐determination, and sovereignty and placing them in a historic context allows us to treat them as more tractable and as a form of politics. This is done through a study of the UK, Spain, Belgium, and Canada. Traditions of shared sovereignty are rediscovered. Analysis of the demands of minority nationalisms shows that these do not always entail separate statehood. Public opinion is more open than often assumed. Asymmetrical constitutional arrangements provide a means of accommodating plural national claims. The emerging European polity is a model for a post‐sovereign order in which legal pluralism and constitutional diversity can accommodate multiple nationality claims.
Matthew Clayton
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199268948
- eISBN:
- 9780191603693
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199268940.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter offers an account of political or citizenship education. It argues that a central feature of citizenship education in a liberal society is the development of a sense of justice, and the ...
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This chapter offers an account of political or citizenship education. It argues that a central feature of citizenship education in a liberal society is the development of a sense of justice, and the virtues of civility and reciprocity that are constitutive of that sense. The discussion begins with the analysis of Brighouse’s consent-based objections to the shaping of political motivations. An alternative political motivation model is defended, which draws on Rawls’s account of the natural duty of justice. The aims of political education, with respect to the skills, attitudes and values of liberal citizens, are briefly discussed. Education for justice rejects the view that political education should seek to cultivate a sense of nationality. The aims of political education in the context of questions about global justice are considered. Certain educational issues that arise in the non-ideal world from the point of view of developing a sense of justice are addressed.Less
This chapter offers an account of political or citizenship education. It argues that a central feature of citizenship education in a liberal society is the development of a sense of justice, and the virtues of civility and reciprocity that are constitutive of that sense. The discussion begins with the analysis of Brighouse’s consent-based objections to the shaping of political motivations. An alternative political motivation model is defended, which draws on Rawls’s account of the natural duty of justice. The aims of political education, with respect to the skills, attitudes and values of liberal citizens, are briefly discussed. Education for justice rejects the view that political education should seek to cultivate a sense of nationality. The aims of political education in the context of questions about global justice are considered. Certain educational issues that arise in the non-ideal world from the point of view of developing a sense of justice are addressed.
Penny Fielding
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198121800
- eISBN:
- 9780191671319
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198121800.001.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, 19th-century and Victorian Literature
This book explores the concepts of nationality and culture in the context of 19th-century Scottish fiction, through the writing of Walter Scott, James Hogg, R. L. Stevenson, and Margaret Oliphant. It ...
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This book explores the concepts of nationality and culture in the context of 19th-century Scottish fiction, through the writing of Walter Scott, James Hogg, R. L. Stevenson, and Margaret Oliphant. It describes the relationship between speech writing as a foundation of the literary construction of a particular national identity, exploring how orality and literacy are figured in 19th-century preoccupations with the definition of ‘culture’. It further examines the importance of romance revival in the ascendancy of the novel and the development of that genre across a century which saw the novel stripped of its female associations and accorded a masculine authority, touching on the sexualization of language in the discourse between women's narrative (oral) and men's narrative (written). The book's importance for literary studies lies in the investigation of some of the consequences of deconstruction. It explores how the speech/writing opposition is open to the influence of social and material forces. Focusing on the writing of Scott, Hogg, Stevenson, and Oliphant, it looks at the conflicts in narratological experiments in Scottish writing, constructions of class and gender, the effects of popular literacy, and the material condition of books as artefacts and commodities. This book offers a broad picture of the interaction of Scottish fiction and modern theoretical thinking, taking its roots from a combination of deconstruction, narrative theory, the history of orality, linguistics, and psychoanalysis.Less
This book explores the concepts of nationality and culture in the context of 19th-century Scottish fiction, through the writing of Walter Scott, James Hogg, R. L. Stevenson, and Margaret Oliphant. It describes the relationship between speech writing as a foundation of the literary construction of a particular national identity, exploring how orality and literacy are figured in 19th-century preoccupations with the definition of ‘culture’. It further examines the importance of romance revival in the ascendancy of the novel and the development of that genre across a century which saw the novel stripped of its female associations and accorded a masculine authority, touching on the sexualization of language in the discourse between women's narrative (oral) and men's narrative (written). The book's importance for literary studies lies in the investigation of some of the consequences of deconstruction. It explores how the speech/writing opposition is open to the influence of social and material forces. Focusing on the writing of Scott, Hogg, Stevenson, and Oliphant, it looks at the conflicts in narratological experiments in Scottish writing, constructions of class and gender, the effects of popular literacy, and the material condition of books as artefacts and commodities. This book offers a broad picture of the interaction of Scottish fiction and modern theoretical thinking, taking its roots from a combination of deconstruction, narrative theory, the history of orality, linguistics, and psychoanalysis.
Jon Hegglund
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199796106
- eISBN:
- 9780199932771
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199796106.001.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, 20th-century Literature and Modernism, World Literature
This book argues that many Anglophone modernist and postcolonial authors have often functioned as geographers manquéés, advancing theories of space, culture, and community within the formal ...
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This book argues that many Anglophone modernist and postcolonial authors have often functioned as geographers manquéés, advancing theories of space, culture, and community within the formal structures of literary narrative. Reading a diverse body of work by Joseph Conrad, E. M. Forster, James Joyce, Graham Greene, Jean Rhys, Jamaica Kincaid, and Amitav Ghosh alongside writings of geographers and other intellectuals, this book finds a persistent imagining of other orders of geographical and geopolitical space that question or deny the ontological primacy of the territorial nation-state. Many twentieth-century Anglophone writers, the book argues, do far more than dramatize the conflicts of characters and communities within a static frame of geographical and social space; rather, these writers treat geographical space as a primary element of novelistic form. This geographical self-consciousness, or metageography, manifests itself in the novel as a structural tension between two codes of realism: the novelistic, which projects a mimetic space of human characters and invididualize plots, and the cartographic, which understands space as a quantitative, formal abstraction. In negotiating this tension, modernist and postcolonial writers employ a spatial irony as a way to both draw upon the novel's powers of mimetic representation while also critiquing the geopolitical orders of space into which the novel's individual narratives must inevitably fit.Less
This book argues that many Anglophone modernist and postcolonial authors have often functioned as geographers manquéés, advancing theories of space, culture, and community within the formal structures of literary narrative. Reading a diverse body of work by Joseph Conrad, E. M. Forster, James Joyce, Graham Greene, Jean Rhys, Jamaica Kincaid, and Amitav Ghosh alongside writings of geographers and other intellectuals, this book finds a persistent imagining of other orders of geographical and geopolitical space that question or deny the ontological primacy of the territorial nation-state. Many twentieth-century Anglophone writers, the book argues, do far more than dramatize the conflicts of characters and communities within a static frame of geographical and social space; rather, these writers treat geographical space as a primary element of novelistic form. This geographical self-consciousness, or metageography, manifests itself in the novel as a structural tension between two codes of realism: the novelistic, which projects a mimetic space of human characters and invididualize plots, and the cartographic, which understands space as a quantitative, formal abstraction. In negotiating this tension, modernist and postcolonial writers employ a spatial irony as a way to both draw upon the novel's powers of mimetic representation while also critiquing the geopolitical orders of space into which the novel's individual narratives must inevitably fit.
Maurizio Ferrara
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199284665
- eISBN:
- 9780191603273
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199284660.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
This chapter traces the historical origins and early developments of European welfare states up to the Second World War in terms of external and internal boundary building. It highlights the role of ...
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This chapter traces the historical origins and early developments of European welfare states up to the Second World War in terms of external and internal boundary building. It highlights the role of cleavage and centre periphery structures in moulding institutional choices, in particular, the choice between a universal and an occupational approach to social insurance — the former prevailing in the Anglo-Saxon and Nordic countries, and the latter prevailing in Continental and South European countries.Less
This chapter traces the historical origins and early developments of European welfare states up to the Second World War in terms of external and internal boundary building. It highlights the role of cleavage and centre periphery structures in moulding institutional choices, in particular, the choice between a universal and an occupational approach to social insurance — the former prevailing in the Anglo-Saxon and Nordic countries, and the latter prevailing in Continental and South European countries.
Jeffrey Kahn
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199246991
- eISBN:
- 9780191599606
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199246998.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Russian Politics
The Soviet Union's ‘nationalities problem’ was one of the fundamental hurdles that Mikhail Gorbachev failed to clear in his attempt at systemic transformation of the USSR. Less understood, and far ...
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The Soviet Union's ‘nationalities problem’ was one of the fundamental hurdles that Mikhail Gorbachev failed to clear in his attempt at systemic transformation of the USSR. Less understood, and far less studied, was Gorbachev's ‘federalism problem’. The institutional weaknesses of Soviet ‘federalism’ presented serious obstacles to would‐be reformers of the political system as well as to opponents of reform. After 70 years of Soviet rhetoric, there was deep confusion over just what terms like ‘federal’ or ‘sovereignty’ really meant. Efforts to construct a ‘renewed’ USSR and a new Russian Federation were deeply constrained by Soviet institutions and concepts.Less
The Soviet Union's ‘nationalities problem’ was one of the fundamental hurdles that Mikhail Gorbachev failed to clear in his attempt at systemic transformation of the USSR. Less understood, and far less studied, was Gorbachev's ‘federalism problem’. The institutional weaknesses of Soviet ‘federalism’ presented serious obstacles to would‐be reformers of the political system as well as to opponents of reform. After 70 years of Soviet rhetoric, there was deep confusion over just what terms like ‘federal’ or ‘sovereignty’ really meant. Efforts to construct a ‘renewed’ USSR and a new Russian Federation were deeply constrained by Soviet institutions and concepts.
Cécile Laborde
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199550210
- eISBN:
- 9780191720857
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199550210.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union, Political Theory
Chapter 8 introduces the official republican case for requiring minorities to endorse national identity and to privatise their cultural and religious differences, in the name of civic, inter-ethnic ...
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Chapter 8 introduces the official republican case for requiring minorities to endorse national identity and to privatise their cultural and religious differences, in the name of civic, inter-ethnic solidarity. It first argues that historically, republican solidarity had non-ethnic foundations, but relied on fairly high levels of cultural convergence, as shared nationality was expected to function as a civic and democratic bond. It then shows how the historical model of national assimilation served as a template for the integration of immigrants and their children in the 1980s. Finally, it suggests that the public wearing of hijab has been perceived by official republicans as a symptom of a crisis of the national model of integration, one that sets divisive identity politics against the republican politics of inclusive solidarity.Less
Chapter 8 introduces the official republican case for requiring minorities to endorse national identity and to privatise their cultural and religious differences, in the name of civic, inter-ethnic solidarity. It first argues that historically, republican solidarity had non-ethnic foundations, but relied on fairly high levels of cultural convergence, as shared nationality was expected to function as a civic and democratic bond. It then shows how the historical model of national assimilation served as a template for the integration of immigrants and their children in the 1980s. Finally, it suggests that the public wearing of hijab has been perceived by official republicans as a symptom of a crisis of the national model of integration, one that sets divisive identity politics against the republican politics of inclusive solidarity.
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198070740
- eISBN:
- 9780199080427
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198070740.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Sikhism
This book presents a comprehensive account of Sikh history and tradition, beginning with the founding of the community to the impact of modernity on Sikh institutions in the Punjab. It discusses ...
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This book presents a comprehensive account of Sikh history and tradition, beginning with the founding of the community to the impact of modernity on Sikh institutions in the Punjab. It discusses issues like conscious conceptualization of a new dispensation, process of community formation, social transformation and politicization leading to the emergence of a new political order. It brings out the cumulative implications of these processes on the evolution of Sikh identity. Fourteen essays cover Sikh literature from the early sixteenth century to the early twentieth century and reflect identity consciousness in Mughal, Sikh, and colonial rule in Punjab. The book looks at the compositions of five Gurus: Guru Nanak, Guru Angad, Guru Amar Das, Guru Ram Das, and Guru Arjan along with other Sikh theologians and historians to reflect upon the changing socio-political context. Highlighting the intricate connections between literature and historical processes, it also presents the life of Guru Tegh Bahadur and explores Sikh nationality, Sikh faith, and the Khalsa.Less
This book presents a comprehensive account of Sikh history and tradition, beginning with the founding of the community to the impact of modernity on Sikh institutions in the Punjab. It discusses issues like conscious conceptualization of a new dispensation, process of community formation, social transformation and politicization leading to the emergence of a new political order. It brings out the cumulative implications of these processes on the evolution of Sikh identity. Fourteen essays cover Sikh literature from the early sixteenth century to the early twentieth century and reflect identity consciousness in Mughal, Sikh, and colonial rule in Punjab. The book looks at the compositions of five Gurus: Guru Nanak, Guru Angad, Guru Amar Das, Guru Ram Das, and Guru Arjan along with other Sikh theologians and historians to reflect upon the changing socio-political context. Highlighting the intricate connections between literature and historical processes, it also presents the life of Guru Tegh Bahadur and explores Sikh nationality, Sikh faith, and the Khalsa.
Ümit Cizre
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199244904
- eISBN:
- 9780191600050
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199244901.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Ümit Cizre rethinks the connections between the metaphor of boundaries as containers of democracy and the evolution of Turkish and Kurdish identities since the founding of the modern Turkey in ...
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Ümit Cizre rethinks the connections between the metaphor of boundaries as containers of democracy and the evolution of Turkish and Kurdish identities since the founding of the modern Turkey in 1919–23. The author identifies the dual nature of Turkish nationality: equal citizenship without regard to ethnicity and ethnic singularity of Turkishness. Cizre then examines Kurdish contestation of this hegemonic discourse of nationality and its link to the state's territory. The author also places the chapter's conclusions in the context of the arrest and trial of Abdullah Öcalan, the leader of the Kurdish Workers’ Party (PKK).Less
Ümit Cizre rethinks the connections between the metaphor of boundaries as containers of democracy and the evolution of Turkish and Kurdish identities since the founding of the modern Turkey in 1919–23. The author identifies the dual nature of Turkish nationality: equal citizenship without regard to ethnicity and ethnic singularity of Turkishness. Cizre then examines Kurdish contestation of this hegemonic discourse of nationality and its link to the state's territory. The author also places the chapter's conclusions in the context of the arrest and trial of Abdullah Öcalan, the leader of the Kurdish Workers’ Party (PKK).
Michael Keating
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199240760
- eISBN:
- 9780191599644
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199240760.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The concepts of nation and state must be separated conceptually. Nation should be understood as a normative concept based on a claim to self‐determination. This does not mean the creation of a state, ...
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The concepts of nation and state must be separated conceptually. Nation should be understood as a normative concept based on a claim to self‐determination. This does not mean the creation of a state, but rather the right to negotiate one's status within the state and constitutional order. State sovereignty, always a difficult concept, is being transformed by changes in the state and transnational integration. This opens up the possibility of shared and divided sovereignty as a way of reconciling nationality claims.Less
The concepts of nation and state must be separated conceptually. Nation should be understood as a normative concept based on a claim to self‐determination. This does not mean the creation of a state, but rather the right to negotiate one's status within the state and constitutional order. State sovereignty, always a difficult concept, is being transformed by changes in the state and transnational integration. This opens up the possibility of shared and divided sovereignty as a way of reconciling nationality claims.
Michael Keating
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199240760
- eISBN:
- 9780191599644
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199240760.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Asymmetrical government is one way to manage nationality questions. It raises a number of problems in principle, but these appear less serious in practice. A wide range of asymmetrical arrangements ...
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Asymmetrical government is one way to manage nationality questions. It raises a number of problems in principle, but these appear less serious in practice. A wide range of asymmetrical arrangements presently exist in the UK, Spain, Canada, and Belgium.Less
Asymmetrical government is one way to manage nationality questions. It raises a number of problems in principle, but these appear less serious in practice. A wide range of asymmetrical arrangements presently exist in the UK, Spain, Canada, and Belgium.
Michael Keating
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199240760
- eISBN:
- 9780191599644
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199240760.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
European integration provides a number of ways in which the nationalities question can be accommodated. It undermines the doctrine of unitary state sovereignty, detaches citizenship from rights, and ...
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European integration provides a number of ways in which the nationalities question can be accommodated. It undermines the doctrine of unitary state sovereignty, detaches citizenship from rights, and provides a number of opportunities for stateless nations to project themselves beyond state borders. The practical opportunities this gives are, perhaps, less impressive than the symbolic ones.Less
European integration provides a number of ways in which the nationalities question can be accommodated. It undermines the doctrine of unitary state sovereignty, detaches citizenship from rights, and provides a number of opportunities for stateless nations to project themselves beyond state borders. The practical opportunities this gives are, perhaps, less impressive than the symbolic ones.
Michael Keating
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199240760
- eISBN:
- 9780191599644
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199240760.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The chapters have demonstrated an emerging conception of plurinational states embedded in supranational and international systems, which could serve to manage the nationalities question. This is an ...
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The chapters have demonstrated an emerging conception of plurinational states embedded in supranational and international systems, which could serve to manage the nationalities question. This is an inchoate order and does not provide a blueprint for solving nationality questions. It depends on the will to resolve issues through political mechanisms. This must therefore be seen as a form of politics rather than a prescription to be applied to situations of national conflict where politics has broken down.Less
The chapters have demonstrated an emerging conception of plurinational states embedded in supranational and international systems, which could serve to manage the nationalities question. This is an inchoate order and does not provide a blueprint for solving nationality questions. It depends on the will to resolve issues through political mechanisms. This must therefore be seen as a form of politics rather than a prescription to be applied to situations of national conflict where politics has broken down.
David Miller
- Published in print:
- 1990
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198278641
- eISBN:
- 9780191599903
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198278640.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
The radical socialist vision of community associated with thinkers such as Marx, Morris, and Kropotkin sees it as unitary, egalitarian, and all‐embracing. Although this vision is flawed, socialists ...
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The radical socialist vision of community associated with thinkers such as Marx, Morris, and Kropotkin sees it as unitary, egalitarian, and all‐embracing. Although this vision is flawed, socialists must hold on to the idea of an encompassing community, since they must rely on it to achieve their other goals, including justice. In practice, this means embracing nationality as the form of community relevant to modern societies, and (active) citizenship as the practice that prevents national identities from becoming merely traditional. Although national identities are ‘imagined’ and typically contain elements of myth, they can be defended in terms of the functions they serve.Less
The radical socialist vision of community associated with thinkers such as Marx, Morris, and Kropotkin sees it as unitary, egalitarian, and all‐embracing. Although this vision is flawed, socialists must hold on to the idea of an encompassing community, since they must rely on it to achieve their other goals, including justice. In practice, this means embracing nationality as the form of community relevant to modern societies, and (active) citizenship as the practice that prevents national identities from becoming merely traditional. Although national identities are ‘imagined’ and typically contain elements of myth, they can be defended in terms of the functions they serve.
R. D. Grillo
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294269
- eISBN:
- 9780191599378
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198294263.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Like the US, Britain and France have had a shared concern with the assimilability of peoples of immigrant origin. Although there are important differences between them, in the last decades of the ...
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Like the US, Britain and France have had a shared concern with the assimilability of peoples of immigrant origin. Although there are important differences between them, in the last decades of the twentieth century all three abandoned policies of out‐and‐out assimilation and espoused more pluralistic solutions described variously as ‘integration’, ‘insertion’, or ‘multiculturalism’. The impact from c. 1960 onwards of immigrants from the so‐called ‘New Commonwealth’ was addressed in Britain through a legislation controlling entry, redefining British nationality; outlawing racial discrimination; and introducing anti‐racist and multicultural policies and practices, especially in education. Designed to combat what were seen to be outstanding problems of day‐to‐day living in contemporary multicultural Britain, they represented a coming to terms with the end of empire.Less
Like the US, Britain and France have had a shared concern with the assimilability of peoples of immigrant origin. Although there are important differences between them, in the last decades of the twentieth century all three abandoned policies of out‐and‐out assimilation and espoused more pluralistic solutions described variously as ‘integration’, ‘insertion’, or ‘multiculturalism’. The impact from c. 1960 onwards of immigrants from the so‐called ‘New Commonwealth’ was addressed in Britain through a legislation controlling entry, redefining British nationality; outlawing racial discrimination; and introducing anti‐racist and multicultural policies and practices, especially in education. Designed to combat what were seen to be outstanding problems of day‐to‐day living in contemporary multicultural Britain, they represented a coming to terms with the end of empire.
Elizabeth Meehan
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199245000
- eISBN:
- 9780191599996
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199245002.003.0016
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
Begins with a brief reference to the constitutional and institutional frameworks of allegiances, identification, and citizenship rights, and goes on to argue that there are grounds for questioning ...
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Begins with a brief reference to the constitutional and institutional frameworks of allegiances, identification, and citizenship rights, and goes on to argue that there are grounds for questioning the customary conceptual and political overlap between nationality and citizenship. Some decoupling has taken place in the EU, opening, according to some commentators, the possibility of a new paradigm in citizenship praxis. Thus, the chapter explores Carlos Closa's idea that supranational citizenship has more potential than national citizenship to be democratic, and draws on Joseph Weiler's ideas, which in some respects are similar to those of Closa but differ in respect of the significance of nationality and national identity; Weiler's acknowledgement of national forces is, however, consistent with Closa's suggestion that civil society in the EU is too weak to take advantage of the more democratic potential of supranational citizenship. Both ideas can be used to infer that difficulties in European citizenship may be reinforced by enlargement, not because of the introduction of a further set of nationalities per se into a supranational citizenship system, but because of a new complexity in the principled norms that Closa says have to be present in a site of democratic citizenship. In view of this, there are lessons to be learned from American theories of republican federalism, which, as expounded by S. H. Beer (1993), have much in common with a modern interest among radical democrats in deliberative or dialogic democracy; in this respect, Weiler's ideas about a European public space must be taken seriouslyLess
Begins with a brief reference to the constitutional and institutional frameworks of allegiances, identification, and citizenship rights, and goes on to argue that there are grounds for questioning the customary conceptual and political overlap between nationality and citizenship. Some decoupling has taken place in the EU, opening, according to some commentators, the possibility of a new paradigm in citizenship praxis. Thus, the chapter explores Carlos Closa's idea that supranational citizenship has more potential than national citizenship to be democratic, and draws on Joseph Weiler's ideas, which in some respects are similar to those of Closa but differ in respect of the significance of nationality and national identity; Weiler's acknowledgement of national forces is, however, consistent with Closa's suggestion that civil society in the EU is too weak to take advantage of the more democratic potential of supranational citizenship. Both ideas can be used to infer that difficulties in European citizenship may be reinforced by enlargement, not because of the introduction of a further set of nationalities per se into a supranational citizenship system, but because of a new complexity in the principled norms that Closa says have to be present in a site of democratic citizenship. In view of this, there are lessons to be learned from American theories of republican federalism, which, as expounded by S. H. Beer (1993), have much in common with a modern interest among radical democrats in deliberative or dialogic democracy; in this respect, Weiler's ideas about a European public space must be taken seriously
John Child, David Faulkner, and Robert Pitkethly
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199267101
- eISBN:
- 9780191716706
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199267101.003.0008
- Subject:
- Business and Management, International Business
This chapter presents findings on control and integration policies between parent and subsidiary that were adopted following acquisition. It draws on both quantitative and qualitative research which ...
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This chapter presents findings on control and integration policies between parent and subsidiary that were adopted following acquisition. It draws on both quantitative and qualitative research which shows that strategic and operational control are independent concepts. There is an overall trend towards integration of subsidiaries. Parent companies exercised a large degree of control by reserving many key decisions. Degrees of integration and strategic and operational control differed noticeably by nationality. The relationship between integration and performance can also involve some important national differences. The data suggest that cross-cultural integration is likely to be, if anything, counter-productive compared to integration of companies of similar nationality. Two case studies are presented that contrast policies of high and low post-acquisition integration. Acquiring companies not only had generally differing approaches to the relationship between strategic and operational control and integration, but achieved differing results from their implementation.Less
This chapter presents findings on control and integration policies between parent and subsidiary that were adopted following acquisition. It draws on both quantitative and qualitative research which shows that strategic and operational control are independent concepts. There is an overall trend towards integration of subsidiaries. Parent companies exercised a large degree of control by reserving many key decisions. Degrees of integration and strategic and operational control differed noticeably by nationality. The relationship between integration and performance can also involve some important national differences. The data suggest that cross-cultural integration is likely to be, if anything, counter-productive compared to integration of companies of similar nationality. Two case studies are presented that contrast policies of high and low post-acquisition integration. Acquiring companies not only had generally differing approaches to the relationship between strategic and operational control and integration, but achieved differing results from their implementation.
John Child, David Faulkner, and Robert Pitkethly
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199267101
- eISBN:
- 9780191716706
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199267101.003.0009
- Subject:
- Business and Management, International Business
This chapter takes a closer look at post-acquisition integration, focusing on how the ways of integrating acquisitions with parent companies relate to control policies. Drawing upon detailed ...
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This chapter takes a closer look at post-acquisition integration, focusing on how the ways of integrating acquisitions with parent companies relate to control policies. Drawing upon detailed information available from forty case studies, the chapter first considers the methods of communication used, and the strategy and philosophy adopted by the new parent in relation to the subsidiary. It then takes a closer look at the level of integration of the subsidiary into the parent, and the methods and systems adopted by the parent to control its new acquisition. There are several key dimensions to the relationship between acquiring and acquired companies concerning subsidiary integration and control, communication, and parent strategy and philosophy toward subsidiaries. Each of these dimensions differed according to acquirer nationality.Less
This chapter takes a closer look at post-acquisition integration, focusing on how the ways of integrating acquisitions with parent companies relate to control policies. Drawing upon detailed information available from forty case studies, the chapter first considers the methods of communication used, and the strategy and philosophy adopted by the new parent in relation to the subsidiary. It then takes a closer look at the level of integration of the subsidiary into the parent, and the methods and systems adopted by the parent to control its new acquisition. There are several key dimensions to the relationship between acquiring and acquired companies concerning subsidiary integration and control, communication, and parent strategy and philosophy toward subsidiaries. Each of these dimensions differed according to acquirer nationality.
Leah F. Vosko
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199574810
- eISBN:
- 9780191722080
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199574810.003.0003
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Political Economy, HRM / IR
This chapter traces the evolution of the SER as the baseline of international labour regulation in the interwar and post‐World War II periods. It reviews the SER's central pillars—the bilateral ...
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This chapter traces the evolution of the SER as the baseline of international labour regulation in the interwar and post‐World War II periods. It reviews the SER's central pillars—the bilateral employment relationship, standardized working time, and continuous employment—and analyses their construction in ILO regulations. This discussion highlights the significance of exclusions in the creation of this employment norm. It also shows how even as the SER materialized for many working‐class men, the gender contract with which it was intertwined began to deteriorate. Regulations adopted in response to this crumbling gender contract starting in the 1950s sought to strip the SER of its formal exclusions. With the notable exception of those based on nationality, formal equality was the objective of interventions, but, by neglecting processes of social reproduction, ILO regulations retained an employment norm geared to male citizens as a baseline.Less
This chapter traces the evolution of the SER as the baseline of international labour regulation in the interwar and post‐World War II periods. It reviews the SER's central pillars—the bilateral employment relationship, standardized working time, and continuous employment—and analyses their construction in ILO regulations. This discussion highlights the significance of exclusions in the creation of this employment norm. It also shows how even as the SER materialized for many working‐class men, the gender contract with which it was intertwined began to deteriorate. Regulations adopted in response to this crumbling gender contract starting in the 1950s sought to strip the SER of its formal exclusions. With the notable exception of those based on nationality, formal equality was the objective of interventions, but, by neglecting processes of social reproduction, ILO regulations retained an employment norm geared to male citizens as a baseline.
Alison Kesby
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199600823
- eISBN:
- 9780191738272
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199600823.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law
Writing in the immediate aftermath of the Second World War, the political theorist Hannah Arendt argued that the plight of stateless people in the inter-war period pointed to the existence of a ...
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Writing in the immediate aftermath of the Second World War, the political theorist Hannah Arendt argued that the plight of stateless people in the inter-war period pointed to the existence of a ‘right to have rights’. This right to have rights was the right to citizenship—to membership of a political community. Since then, and especially in recent years, theorists have continued to grapple with the meaning of the right to have rights. In the context of enduring statelessness, mass migration, people flows, and the contested nature of democratic politics, the question of the right to have rights remains of pressing concern for writers and advocates across the disciplines. This book provides the first in-depth examination of the right to have rights in the context of the international protection of human rights. It explores two overarching questions. First, how do different and competing conceptions of the right to have rights shed light on right-bearing in the contemporary context, and in particular on concepts and relationships central to the protection of human rights in public international law? Secondly, given these competing conceptions, how is the right to have rights to be understood in the context of public international law? In the course of the analysis, the author examines the significance and limits of citizenship, nationality, humanity, and politics for right-bearing, and argues that their complex interrelation points to how the right to have rights might be rearticulated for the purposes of international legal thought and practice.Less
Writing in the immediate aftermath of the Second World War, the political theorist Hannah Arendt argued that the plight of stateless people in the inter-war period pointed to the existence of a ‘right to have rights’. This right to have rights was the right to citizenship—to membership of a political community. Since then, and especially in recent years, theorists have continued to grapple with the meaning of the right to have rights. In the context of enduring statelessness, mass migration, people flows, and the contested nature of democratic politics, the question of the right to have rights remains of pressing concern for writers and advocates across the disciplines. This book provides the first in-depth examination of the right to have rights in the context of the international protection of human rights. It explores two overarching questions. First, how do different and competing conceptions of the right to have rights shed light on right-bearing in the contemporary context, and in particular on concepts and relationships central to the protection of human rights in public international law? Secondly, given these competing conceptions, how is the right to have rights to be understood in the context of public international law? In the course of the analysis, the author examines the significance and limits of citizenship, nationality, humanity, and politics for right-bearing, and argues that their complex interrelation points to how the right to have rights might be rearticulated for the purposes of international legal thought and practice.
