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This chapter examines how group grievances develop among people with ethnic minority identities. It begins by comparing all the issues in the founding documents of nationalist movements in seven Russian republics: Tatarstan, Tuva, Chechnya, Yakutia, Bashkortostan, Mordovia, and Mari El. It then explores the issues involved in the founding of the Chechen nationalist movement in Chechnya before proceeding with a cross-case comparative analysis of nationalist politics and of the discourse employed by ethnic entrepreneurs in Tuva, Mari El, and Komi. It shows that ethnic groups are not necessarily motivated by the prospect of future wealth to mobilize behind a program of national sovereignty. People supported nationalism only in those republics where nationalist leaders framed issues of ethnic economic inequality.

Arab Nationalists Movement (ANM) and the Palestinian National Liberation Movement were the most influential of the many clandestine groups that emerged among the scattered Palestinian communities in the years after 1948. The ANM saw the task of uniting Arab power as a necessary prerequisite for the liberation of Palestine. It threw itself into Arab politics, seeking the overthrow of governments considered hostile to the twin causes of Palestine and Arab unity. Furthermore, there was a sudden expansion of ANM membership which created new tensions within its ranks. The collapse of the union had dealt a major blow to Palestinian hopes that the war of liberation was near, and triggered a revision of previous assumptions by many believers in Nasir and pan-Arabism. It was against this background that a serious move started to create a separate, Palestinian branch within the ANM. Thus, Fateh had already fanned as an autonomous Palestinian organization.

This chapter studies the impact of al Azhar University on the Moroccan nationalist movement and specifically its independence leader Allal al Fasi, whose ten-year exile in Egypt exposed him to the ideas of Muhammad Abduh and influenced the ideological position of the Moroccan independence party, Istiqlal. The chapter emphasises the impact that Abduh's ideas had on the educational policies of the independence party and their continued importance in Moroccan educational politics throughout the twentieth century. Graduates of the university, including Abdullah ibn Idris al Sanusi and Abu Shu'ayb al Dukkali, brought ideas of Islamic modernism back to Morocco. These ideas were shared with Moroccan religious students through lectures at the Qarawiyyin University in Fez and flourished into a movement for religious reform.

This chapter presents a description of nationalist movements. Nationalism is a continual argument over the locus and meaning of political authority. Global interdependence has not entailed the disappearance of states, but has restricted their autonomy. Europe gives an external support system for statehood. Nationalism always makes an appeal to the past, the present and the future and nationalist parties' perspectives on the European future are affected by whether they have a ‘usable past’. Europe is elicited as a new political space in which very different meanings can be invested. The ideology and policy measures of nationalist movements are often deeply informed with a form of economic nationalism. The strategy and trajectory of nationalist parties and movements is strongly affected by their competitive context. The Scottish National Party (SNP) shows a vision in which the attainment of statehood itself will resolve its problems, calling in aid the oil wealth when the sums get difficult.

This chapter addresses the question of whether the British succeeded in altering the living conditions of the mass of the Indian people, and whether this latest foreign assault on the Hindu equilibrium established at the beginning of the Christian era was any more successful in altering the basic parameters of India's polity, society, and economy than its predecessor. The British conquest of India was virtually completed by 1818. Acquired by a band of foreign merchants, Britain's Indian empire at that date ran along the coast from Bengal to Gujarat except for the territorial pockets of Portuguese Goa and French Pondicherry, which were in the hands of the other two European powers who had established footholds in India's coastal economies.

This chapter begins with a discussion of the issue of race and the controversy it has generated over the last several decades. It then sets out the book's focus, namely the evolution of Irish nationalism (and Irish racial identity) in the context of powerful global phenomena such as slavery and abolition, the British Empire, and the class and national struggles of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The goal is to interrogate the stereotype of Ireland as a self-contained “Holy Island” by focusing on elements of the nationalist movement that turned outward to a global arena of suffering and struggle and affirmed that “[our] sympathy with distress ... extends itself to every corner of the earth.” An overview of the subsequent chapters is also presented.

The chapter starts with a brief account of Albanian anti‐Serbian activities (attacks on Serbian sacred places and monuments, said to be fuelled by religious hatred) in Kosovo in the 1980s. It then goes on to discuss shrines as a powerful symbolic energizer to the Serbian nationalist movement of the 1980s, with accounts of the building of the new cathedral in Belgrade, and notes on the construction of Serbian churches in Serbia, Croatia, Bosnia, Montenegro, and Kosovo. Next an account is given of the Milošević era, including his initial pacification of Kosovo (which enabled more restoration and building of Serbian sacred sites, and a program of pilgrimages, jubilees, etc.) and his pilgrimage to the thirteenth‐century Hilandar monastery at the holy mountain of Athos in Greece, which paved the way for a new role of the Serbian Orthodox Church in the Serbian nationalist movement.

This chapter examines the ways in which Gandhian ideas were sought to be justified by Gandhians before an audience of intellectuals, who were the main protagonists in debates on ‘development’ in the 1930s and the 1940s. This was a period of relative marginalization of Gandhian ideas in the Congress and, more generally, in the Indian nationalist movement. The chapter attempts the following: to place Gandhi in the political and socio-intellectual currents of the times; to examine the positions being articulated in opposition to Gandhi and the consequent need for a further effective intervention in the debates on Indian ‘development’ from a Gandhian perspective; to examine that intervention; and to place the position so articulated in the perspective of the positions against which it contended.

This chapter focuses on the emergence of opposition nationalist movements in Russia's republics. It first compares the level of mass support for nationalism in each of Russia's sixteen republics, with particular emphasis on mass demonstrations and ethnic violence. It then considers mass attitudes regarding republican declarations of sovereignty and the right of the republics to secede from Russia. It also discusses the explanations of nationalist mobilization in the post-Soviet politics literature on secessionism in terms of both their logic and their empirical predictions. These arguments are analyzed against evidence from Russia to determine whether they offer sufficient explanations for the emergence of nationalist mobilization or its variance across the republics.

This chapter centers on Harlem in the early 1960s to demonstrate how young Black Nationalists helped make soul style cool for everyday black women. Focusing on the African Jazz Art Society (AJAS) and the African Nationalist Pioneer Movement (ANPM), the chapter offers a window into how these groups, made up of African American men and women and the children of Caribbean immigrant parents, were envisioning “Africa” as both a homeland and a model of black beauty and pride. At the time, AJAS and the ANPM described their style of adornment as African, meaning they were making efforts to link the styles they were wearing to specific ethnic groups and countries in Africa. AJAS used its ties to Abbey Lincoln and others who were part of the soul-jazz music scene to export images of their modeling troupe, the Grandassa models, throughout the diaspora. As the models appeared on album covers and magazines published in London, the Caribbean and Nigeria their look became known as soul style.

This chapter examines the role of the family in the history of the Basque nationalist movement in the post-Civil War period, looking at the reproduction of Basque nationalism in the 1940s and 1950s, the years of the most intense Francoist repression, through the childhood and adolescent memories of narrators. It explores the different and changing place of women in relation to family life and argues that the family should not be considered a separate, private sphere, but must be understood in the context of the complex and changing relationship between private and public realms during the Franco dictatorship. This chapter also discusses the gender politics of early Basque nationalism and provides examples of those so-called independent women during this period.

Moving to a closer study of the 1960s Peace Corps’ on-the-ground impact, the last chapter chronicles the agency’s work in and expulsion from Bolivia. It surveys the network of military and civilian government agencies, religious missionaries, and other development workers that spread across Bolivia in the 1960s, and reveals how the Peace Corps came to symbolize in the Bolivian popular imagination all these modernization efforts. Geidel’s discussion of Bolivian responses to the Peace Corps culminates in an analysis of Jorge Sanjines’s 1969 neorealist film Yawar Mallku (Blood of the Condor), the film that directly incited the Peace Corps’ 1971 exit and spurred a cultural nationalist movement in Bolivia. This indigenous cultural nationalism became directed toward development discourse’s ideal of a masculine utopia whose construction would entail controlling women’s bodies. I conclude the book by showing how indigenous feminists have attempted in subsequent decades to re-theorize their own subjectivities, embracing neither Western individualism nor submission to cultural nationalist futures.

The previous chapters examined the space between the political narrative of the nationalist movement centring on the drama of challenging the courts and jails, and the bhadralok understanding of the necessity of order within the society. The ideal form of the rule of law, as interpreted by the bhadralok, maintained cultural and social order within the society, and ensured the supremacy of the bhadralok as the class imbued with moral authority within it. The lower classes, the chhotolok, were seen as a potential threat to the maintenance of this order, steeped as they were in immorality and vice. They were to be legitimately held down by the rule of law, and thus kept in their ordained place in the social and moral hierarchy where the position of the bhadralok was supreme. As the ruling power did not distinguish between different social divisions, the bhadralok, as ‘subaltern’ elite, had to reinvent their ritually superior status through a more secular language.

Narratives give form to and legitimate the process of post-colonial and national coming-into-being. In nationalist movements in India and Africa, leaders' tales operate as inaugural symbolic texts shaping and justifying configurations of status and power in the post-colonial nation(-to-be), including the interconnection of nationalist ideology and gender politics. Looked at more closely, the leader's autobiography effectively sets in motion a process of reciprocal, even circular, legitimation. This chapter looks at the independence autobiographies by national leaders such as Jawaharlal Nehru, Nelson Mandela, Kwame Nkrumah and Jomo Kenyatta. Where the story of the growth to self-consciousness of the independence leader presents as a synonym for the rise of the nation, and where that leader has historically been male, it follows that national-son figures become the inheritors of the nation's future. Throughout his autobiography, Nehru is strongly aware of the symbol-making power of nationalism; of that way in which national movements are constituted out of compelling images. The chapter also mentions the self-representation of Sarojini Naidu as a political leader.

This chapter tackles the issue of how academic, business, government, and media specialists understood secular mass politics in the Middle East and focus specifically on interpretations of Turkish, Arab, and Iranian nationalist movements. Members of the nascent network first wrestled with the issue in the years between the end of World War I and the end of World War II, when they identified two different types of nationalist movement in the region. According to their analyses, the first type of movement emerged from the actions of particularly powerful individual leaders, such as Mustafa Kemal in Turkey, Reza Khan in Iran, and 'Abd al-'Aziz Ibn Sa'ud in the Arabian Peninsula. The second, defined most effectively in George Antonius's The Arab Awakening, was understood to be the product of a growing middle- and upper-class anticolonial and intellectual movement.

The Introduction outlines the background for social service and philanthropy in colonial India during the 1910s. It mentions the four main groups under scrutiny in the book: the Arya Samaj, the Theosophical Society, the Seva Samiti, and the Servants of India. It also explores the broader social, political and cultural relevance of social service associations, including their implications for the nationalist movement as well as the shaping of India’s ‘civil society’. It also elaborates how traditional living traditions of dana, seva, karmayoga and brahmacharya combine with global developments in organized philanthropy meant for the larger public good. It describes the promotion of a vibrant ‘associational culture’ as linked to notions of active citizenship. It also points out that the emergence of an organized voluntary sector and vibrant public life occurred at the same time as developments in the field globally. An overview of the chapters included in this book ends the Introduction.

The Catholic Association (CA) was the first organized lay movement in the Catholic Church in colonial Zimbabwe. While African laymen founded the organization, Jesuit and clerical understandings of Catholic Action significantly constrained it. Consequently, such attitudes about Catholic Action can be construed as manifestations of European colonialism within the church. In that light, the CA's efforts were the African laity's moderate attempt to liberate the church. In addition to the constraints of missionary colonialism, CA leaders had to contend with intimidation and violent opposition from African nationalist movements. The CA may not have done monumental things that are recorded as the great deeds of great people, but the men and women who joined its ranks, attended its congresses, gave their money in support of its projects, and supported one another in the mundane activities of daily village life certainly did something.