Nagappa Gowda
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198072065
- eISBN:
- 9780199080748
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198072065.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, History of Ideas
The Bhagavadgita has lent itself to several readings to defend or contest various views on life, morality, and metaphysics. It has played an important role in the formation of nationalist discourse ...
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The Bhagavadgita has lent itself to several readings to defend or contest various views on life, morality, and metaphysics. It has played an important role in the formation of nationalist discourse in India. The book examines the ways in which the Gita became the central terrain of nationalist contestation, and the diverse ethico-moral mappings of the Indian nation. It also discusses issues such as the relation between the nation and the masses, renunciation and engagement with the world, the ideas of equality, freedom, and common good, in the context of a nationalist discourse. It argues that the commentaries on this timeless text opened up several possible understandings without necessarily eliminating one another. The different applications of the Bhagavadgita in the nationalist discourse can be seen in the works of B.R. Ambedkar, Swami Vivekananda, and Mahatma Gandhi.Less
The Bhagavadgita has lent itself to several readings to defend or contest various views on life, morality, and metaphysics. It has played an important role in the formation of nationalist discourse in India. The book examines the ways in which the Gita became the central terrain of nationalist contestation, and the diverse ethico-moral mappings of the Indian nation. It also discusses issues such as the relation between the nation and the masses, renunciation and engagement with the world, the ideas of equality, freedom, and common good, in the context of a nationalist discourse. It argues that the commentaries on this timeless text opened up several possible understandings without necessarily eliminating one another. The different applications of the Bhagavadgita in the nationalist discourse can be seen in the works of B.R. Ambedkar, Swami Vivekananda, and Mahatma Gandhi.
Giuliano Elise
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801447457
- eISBN:
- 9780801460722
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801447457.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Russian Politics
This chapter examines how group grievances develop among people with ethnic minority identities. It begins by comparing all the issues in the founding documents of nationalist movements in seven ...
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This chapter examines how group grievances develop among people with ethnic minority identities. It begins by comparing all the issues in the founding documents of nationalist movements in seven Russian republics: Tatarstan, Tuva, Chechnya, Yakutia, Bashkortostan, Mordovia, and Mari El. It then explores the issues involved in the founding of the Chechen nationalist movement in Chechnya before proceeding with a cross-case comparative analysis of nationalist politics and of the discourse employed by ethnic entrepreneurs in Tuva, Mari El, and Komi. It shows that ethnic groups are not necessarily motivated by the prospect of future wealth to mobilize behind a program of national sovereignty. People supported nationalism only in those republics where nationalist leaders framed issues of ethnic economic inequality.Less
This chapter examines how group grievances develop among people with ethnic minority identities. It begins by comparing all the issues in the founding documents of nationalist movements in seven Russian republics: Tatarstan, Tuva, Chechnya, Yakutia, Bashkortostan, Mordovia, and Mari El. It then explores the issues involved in the founding of the Chechen nationalist movement in Chechnya before proceeding with a cross-case comparative analysis of nationalist politics and of the discourse employed by ethnic entrepreneurs in Tuva, Mari El, and Komi. It shows that ethnic groups are not necessarily motivated by the prospect of future wealth to mobilize behind a program of national sovereignty. People supported nationalism only in those republics where nationalist leaders framed issues of ethnic economic inequality.
Yezid Sayigh
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198296430
- eISBN:
- 9780191685224
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198296430.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Arab Nationalists Movement (ANM) and the Palestinian National Liberation Movement were the most influential of the many clandestine groups that emerged among the scattered Palestinian communities in ...
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Arab Nationalists Movement (ANM) and the Palestinian National Liberation Movement were the most influential of the many clandestine groups that emerged among the scattered Palestinian communities in the years after 1948. The ANM saw the task of uniting Arab power as a necessary prerequisite for the liberation of Palestine. It threw itself into Arab politics, seeking the overthrow of governments considered hostile to the twin causes of Palestine and Arab unity. Furthermore, there was a sudden expansion of ANM membership which created new tensions within its ranks. The collapse of the union had dealt a major blow to Palestinian hopes that the war of liberation was near, and triggered a revision of previous assumptions by many believers in Nasir and pan-Arabism. It was against this background that a serious move started to create a separate, Palestinian branch within the ANM. Thus, Fateh had already fanned as an autonomous Palestinian organization.Less
Arab Nationalists Movement (ANM) and the Palestinian National Liberation Movement were the most influential of the many clandestine groups that emerged among the scattered Palestinian communities in the years after 1948. The ANM saw the task of uniting Arab power as a necessary prerequisite for the liberation of Palestine. It threw itself into Arab politics, seeking the overthrow of governments considered hostile to the twin causes of Palestine and Arab unity. Furthermore, there was a sudden expansion of ANM membership which created new tensions within its ranks. The collapse of the union had dealt a major blow to Palestinian hopes that the war of liberation was near, and triggered a revision of previous assumptions by many believers in Nasir and pan-Arabism. It was against this background that a serious move started to create a separate, Palestinian branch within the ANM. Thus, Fateh had already fanned as an autonomous Palestinian organization.
Deepak Lal
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199275793
- eISBN:
- 9780191706097
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199275793.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, History of Religion
This chapter addresses the question of whether the British succeeded in altering the living conditions of the mass of the Indian people, and whether this latest foreign assault on the Hindu ...
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This chapter addresses the question of whether the British succeeded in altering the living conditions of the mass of the Indian people, and whether this latest foreign assault on the Hindu equilibrium established at the beginning of the Christian era was any more successful in altering the basic parameters of India's polity, society, and economy than its predecessor. The British conquest of India was virtually completed by 1818. Acquired by a band of foreign merchants, Britain's Indian empire at that date ran along the coast from Bengal to Gujarat except for the territorial pockets of Portuguese Goa and French Pondicherry, which were in the hands of the other two European powers who had established footholds in India's coastal economies.Less
This chapter addresses the question of whether the British succeeded in altering the living conditions of the mass of the Indian people, and whether this latest foreign assault on the Hindu equilibrium established at the beginning of the Christian era was any more successful in altering the basic parameters of India's polity, society, and economy than its predecessor. The British conquest of India was virtually completed by 1818. Acquired by a band of foreign merchants, Britain's Indian empire at that date ran along the coast from Bengal to Gujarat except for the territorial pockets of Portuguese Goa and French Pondicherry, which were in the hands of the other two European powers who had established footholds in India's coastal economies.
Ann Wainscott
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780748696857
- eISBN:
- 9781474412247
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748696857.003.0007
- Subject:
- Religion, Islam
This chapter studies the impact of al Azhar University on the Moroccan nationalist movement and specifically its independence leader Allal al Fasi, whose ten-year exile in Egypt exposed him to the ...
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This chapter studies the impact of al Azhar University on the Moroccan nationalist movement and specifically its independence leader Allal al Fasi, whose ten-year exile in Egypt exposed him to the ideas of Muhammad Abduh and influenced the ideological position of the Moroccan independence party, Istiqlal. The chapter emphasises the impact that Abduh's ideas had on the educational policies of the independence party and their continued importance in Moroccan educational politics throughout the twentieth century. Graduates of the university, including Abdullah ibn Idris al Sanusi and Abu Shu'ayb al Dukkali, brought ideas of Islamic modernism back to Morocco. These ideas were shared with Moroccan religious students through lectures at the Qarawiyyin University in Fez and flourished into a movement for religious reform.Less
This chapter studies the impact of al Azhar University on the Moroccan nationalist movement and specifically its independence leader Allal al Fasi, whose ten-year exile in Egypt exposed him to the ideas of Muhammad Abduh and influenced the ideological position of the Moroccan independence party, Istiqlal. The chapter emphasises the impact that Abduh's ideas had on the educational policies of the independence party and their continued importance in Moroccan educational politics throughout the twentieth century. Graduates of the university, including Abdullah ibn Idris al Sanusi and Abu Shu'ayb al Dukkali, brought ideas of Islamic modernism back to Morocco. These ideas were shared with Moroccan religious students through lectures at the Qarawiyyin University in Fez and flourished into a movement for religious reform.
Bruce Nelson
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691153124
- eISBN:
- 9781400842230
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691153124.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter begins with a discussion of the issue of race and the controversy it has generated over the last several decades. It then sets out the book's focus, namely the evolution of Irish ...
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This chapter begins with a discussion of the issue of race and the controversy it has generated over the last several decades. It then sets out the book's focus, namely the evolution of Irish nationalism (and Irish racial identity) in the context of powerful global phenomena such as slavery and abolition, the British Empire, and the class and national struggles of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The goal is to interrogate the stereotype of Ireland as a self-contained “Holy Island” by focusing on elements of the nationalist movement that turned outward to a global arena of suffering and struggle and affirmed that “[our] sympathy with distress ... extends itself to every corner of the earth.” An overview of the subsequent chapters is also presented.Less
This chapter begins with a discussion of the issue of race and the controversy it has generated over the last several decades. It then sets out the book's focus, namely the evolution of Irish nationalism (and Irish racial identity) in the context of powerful global phenomena such as slavery and abolition, the British Empire, and the class and national struggles of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The goal is to interrogate the stereotype of Ireland as a self-contained “Holy Island” by focusing on elements of the nationalist movement that turned outward to a global arena of suffering and struggle and affirmed that “[our] sympathy with distress ... extends itself to every corner of the earth.” An overview of the subsequent chapters is also presented.
Michael Keating
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748639908
- eISBN:
- 9780748672080
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748639908.003.0016
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter presents a description of nationalist movements. Nationalism is a continual argument over the locus and meaning of political authority. Global interdependence has not entailed the ...
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This chapter presents a description of nationalist movements. Nationalism is a continual argument over the locus and meaning of political authority. Global interdependence has not entailed the disappearance of states, but has restricted their autonomy. Europe gives an external support system for statehood. Nationalism always makes an appeal to the past, the present and the future and nationalist parties' perspectives on the European future are affected by whether they have a ‘usable past’. Europe is elicited as a new political space in which very different meanings can be invested. The ideology and policy measures of nationalist movements are often deeply informed with a form of economic nationalism. The strategy and trajectory of nationalist parties and movements is strongly affected by their competitive context. The Scottish National Party (SNP) shows a vision in which the attainment of statehood itself will resolve its problems, calling in aid the oil wealth when the sums get difficult.Less
This chapter presents a description of nationalist movements. Nationalism is a continual argument over the locus and meaning of political authority. Global interdependence has not entailed the disappearance of states, but has restricted their autonomy. Europe gives an external support system for statehood. Nationalism always makes an appeal to the past, the present and the future and nationalist parties' perspectives on the European future are affected by whether they have a ‘usable past’. Europe is elicited as a new political space in which very different meanings can be invested. The ideology and policy measures of nationalist movements are often deeply informed with a form of economic nationalism. The strategy and trajectory of nationalist parties and movements is strongly affected by their competitive context. The Scottish National Party (SNP) shows a vision in which the attainment of statehood itself will resolve its problems, calling in aid the oil wealth when the sums get difficult.
Elleke Boehmer
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719068782
- eISBN:
- 9781781701898
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719068782.003.0005
- Subject:
- Literature, World Literature
Narratives give form to and legitimate the process of post-colonial and national coming-into-being. In nationalist movements in India and Africa, leaders' tales operate as inaugural symbolic texts ...
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Narratives give form to and legitimate the process of post-colonial and national coming-into-being. In nationalist movements in India and Africa, leaders' tales operate as inaugural symbolic texts shaping and justifying configurations of status and power in the post-colonial nation(-to-be), including the interconnection of nationalist ideology and gender politics. Looked at more closely, the leader's autobiography effectively sets in motion a process of reciprocal, even circular, legitimation. This chapter looks at the independence autobiographies by national leaders such as Jawaharlal Nehru, Nelson Mandela, Kwame Nkrumah and Jomo Kenyatta. Where the story of the growth to self-consciousness of the independence leader presents as a synonym for the rise of the nation, and where that leader has historically been male, it follows that national-son figures become the inheritors of the nation's future. Throughout his autobiography, Nehru is strongly aware of the symbol-making power of nationalism; of that way in which national movements are constituted out of compelling images. The chapter also mentions the self-representation of Sarojini Naidu as a political leader.Less
Narratives give form to and legitimate the process of post-colonial and national coming-into-being. In nationalist movements in India and Africa, leaders' tales operate as inaugural symbolic texts shaping and justifying configurations of status and power in the post-colonial nation(-to-be), including the interconnection of nationalist ideology and gender politics. Looked at more closely, the leader's autobiography effectively sets in motion a process of reciprocal, even circular, legitimation. This chapter looks at the independence autobiographies by national leaders such as Jawaharlal Nehru, Nelson Mandela, Kwame Nkrumah and Jomo Kenyatta. Where the story of the growth to self-consciousness of the independence leader presents as a synonym for the rise of the nation, and where that leader has historically been male, it follows that national-son figures become the inheritors of the nation's future. Throughout his autobiography, Nehru is strongly aware of the symbol-making power of nationalism; of that way in which national movements are constituted out of compelling images. The chapter also mentions the self-representation of Sarojini Naidu as a political leader.
Vjekoslav Perica
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195148565
- eISBN:
- 9780199834556
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195148568.003.0008
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
The chapter starts with a brief account of Albanian anti‐Serbian activities (attacks on Serbian sacred places and monuments, said to be fuelled by religious hatred) in Kosovo in the 1980s. It then ...
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The chapter starts with a brief account of Albanian anti‐Serbian activities (attacks on Serbian sacred places and monuments, said to be fuelled by religious hatred) in Kosovo in the 1980s. It then goes on to discuss shrines as a powerful symbolic energizer to the Serbian nationalist movement of the 1980s, with accounts of the building of the new cathedral in Belgrade, and notes on the construction of Serbian churches in Serbia, Croatia, Bosnia, Montenegro, and Kosovo. Next an account is given of the Milošević era, including his initial pacification of Kosovo (which enabled more restoration and building of Serbian sacred sites, and a program of pilgrimages, jubilees, etc.) and his pilgrimage to the thirteenth‐century Hilandar monastery at the holy mountain of Athos in Greece, which paved the way for a new role of the Serbian Orthodox Church in the Serbian nationalist movement.Less
The chapter starts with a brief account of Albanian anti‐Serbian activities (attacks on Serbian sacred places and monuments, said to be fuelled by religious hatred) in Kosovo in the 1980s. It then goes on to discuss shrines as a powerful symbolic energizer to the Serbian nationalist movement of the 1980s, with accounts of the building of the new cathedral in Belgrade, and notes on the construction of Serbian churches in Serbia, Croatia, Bosnia, Montenegro, and Kosovo. Next an account is given of the Milošević era, including his initial pacification of Kosovo (which enabled more restoration and building of Serbian sacred sites, and a program of pilgrimages, jubilees, etc.) and his pilgrimage to the thirteenth‐century Hilandar monastery at the holy mountain of Athos in Greece, which paved the way for a new role of the Serbian Orthodox Church in the Serbian nationalist movement.
Fergus Campbell
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199273249
- eISBN:
- 9780191706387
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199273249.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
In the 1890s, most of the inhabitants of the west of Ireland experienced great poverty and hardship, living as they did on farms that were too small to provide them with a reasonable standard of ...
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In the 1890s, most of the inhabitants of the west of Ireland experienced great poverty and hardship, living as they did on farms that were too small to provide them with a reasonable standard of living. By 1921, however, the living conditions of many of them had been transformed by a series of Land Acts that revolutionized the system of land holding in Ireland. This book examines agrarian conflict in Ireland during the neglected period between the death of Parnell (1891) and the signing of the Anglo-Irish Treaty (1921), and demonstrates that land reform was often introduced in response to popular protest. This book provides an account of popular political activity in late 19th- and 20th-century Ireland and the social background, ideas, and activities of grassroots political activists are explored, as are the class conflicts that threatened to fragment the unity of the nationalist movement in rural communities. This book suggests new interpretations of a number of critical developments including the failure of ‘constructive unionism’, the origins of Sinn Féin, and the nature and dynamics of the Irish revolution (1916-23).Less
In the 1890s, most of the inhabitants of the west of Ireland experienced great poverty and hardship, living as they did on farms that were too small to provide them with a reasonable standard of living. By 1921, however, the living conditions of many of them had been transformed by a series of Land Acts that revolutionized the system of land holding in Ireland. This book examines agrarian conflict in Ireland during the neglected period between the death of Parnell (1891) and the signing of the Anglo-Irish Treaty (1921), and demonstrates that land reform was often introduced in response to popular protest. This book provides an account of popular political activity in late 19th- and 20th-century Ireland and the social background, ideas, and activities of grassroots political activists are explored, as are the class conflicts that threatened to fragment the unity of the nationalist movement in rural communities. This book suggests new interpretations of a number of critical developments including the failure of ‘constructive unionism’, the origins of Sinn Féin, and the nature and dynamics of the Irish revolution (1916-23).
John Kent
- Published in print:
- 1992
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198203025
- eISBN:
- 9780191675669
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198203025.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History
The new post-war commitment of Colonial Offices in France and Britain to economic development and social welfare emerged alongside a growing African interest in political and constitutional change. ...
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The new post-war commitment of Colonial Offices in France and Britain to economic development and social welfare emerged alongside a growing African interest in political and constitutional change. The politicisation of more sections of West African society was bound to have an impact on colonial policy-makers seeking to redefine their links with the non-self governing territories. In this difficult process, the efforts of the French and British to co-operate in order to influence future developments had, by 1949, become more problematic. There are differences between British and French attitudes to the use of constitutional change to retain control and influence over these interest groups or ‘nationalist’ movements seeking political power or economic advancement. The key issue which revealed these differences was the demands of the Ewes for some form of national self-determination.Less
The new post-war commitment of Colonial Offices in France and Britain to economic development and social welfare emerged alongside a growing African interest in political and constitutional change. The politicisation of more sections of West African society was bound to have an impact on colonial policy-makers seeking to redefine their links with the non-self governing territories. In this difficult process, the efforts of the French and British to co-operate in order to influence future developments had, by 1949, become more problematic. There are differences between British and French attitudes to the use of constitutional change to retain control and influence over these interest groups or ‘nationalist’ movements seeking political power or economic advancement. The key issue which revealed these differences was the demands of the Ewes for some form of national self-determination.
Benjamin Zachariah
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- October 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195670585
- eISBN:
- 9780199081639
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195670585.003.0004
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Economic History
This chapter examines the ways in which Gandhian ideas were sought to be justified by Gandhians before an audience of intellectuals, who were the main protagonists in debates on ‘development’ in the ...
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This chapter examines the ways in which Gandhian ideas were sought to be justified by Gandhians before an audience of intellectuals, who were the main protagonists in debates on ‘development’ in the 1930s and the 1940s. This was a period of relative marginalization of Gandhian ideas in the Congress and, more generally, in the Indian nationalist movement. The chapter attempts the following: to place Gandhi in the political and socio-intellectual currents of the times; to examine the positions being articulated in opposition to Gandhi and the consequent need for a further effective intervention in the debates on Indian ‘development’ from a Gandhian perspective; to examine that intervention; and to place the position so articulated in the perspective of the positions against which it contended.Less
This chapter examines the ways in which Gandhian ideas were sought to be justified by Gandhians before an audience of intellectuals, who were the main protagonists in debates on ‘development’ in the 1930s and the 1940s. This was a period of relative marginalization of Gandhian ideas in the Congress and, more generally, in the Indian nationalist movement. The chapter attempts the following: to place Gandhi in the political and socio-intellectual currents of the times; to examine the positions being articulated in opposition to Gandhi and the consequent need for a further effective intervention in the debates on Indian ‘development’ from a Gandhian perspective; to examine that intervention; and to place the position so articulated in the perspective of the positions against which it contended.
Giuliano Elise
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801447457
- eISBN:
- 9780801460722
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801447457.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Russian Politics
This chapter focuses on the emergence of opposition nationalist movements in Russia's republics. It first compares the level of mass support for nationalism in each of Russia's sixteen republics, ...
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This chapter focuses on the emergence of opposition nationalist movements in Russia's republics. It first compares the level of mass support for nationalism in each of Russia's sixteen republics, with particular emphasis on mass demonstrations and ethnic violence. It then considers mass attitudes regarding republican declarations of sovereignty and the right of the republics to secede from Russia. It also discusses the explanations of nationalist mobilization in the post-Soviet politics literature on secessionism in terms of both their logic and their empirical predictions. These arguments are analyzed against evidence from Russia to determine whether they offer sufficient explanations for the emergence of nationalist mobilization or its variance across the republics.Less
This chapter focuses on the emergence of opposition nationalist movements in Russia's republics. It first compares the level of mass support for nationalism in each of Russia's sixteen republics, with particular emphasis on mass demonstrations and ethnic violence. It then considers mass attitudes regarding republican declarations of sovereignty and the right of the republics to secede from Russia. It also discusses the explanations of nationalist mobilization in the post-Soviet politics literature on secessionism in terms of both their logic and their empirical predictions. These arguments are analyzed against evidence from Russia to determine whether they offer sufficient explanations for the emergence of nationalist mobilization or its variance across the republics.
Tanisha C. Ford
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781469625157
- eISBN:
- 9781469625171
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469625157.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This chapter centers on Harlem in the early 1960s to demonstrate how young Black Nationalists helped make soul style cool for everyday black women. Focusing on the African Jazz Art Society (AJAS) and ...
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This chapter centers on Harlem in the early 1960s to demonstrate how young Black Nationalists helped make soul style cool for everyday black women. Focusing on the African Jazz Art Society (AJAS) and the African Nationalist Pioneer Movement (ANPM), the chapter offers a window into how these groups, made up of African American men and women and the children of Caribbean immigrant parents, were envisioning “Africa” as both a homeland and a model of black beauty and pride. At the time, AJAS and the ANPM described their style of adornment as African, meaning they were making efforts to link the styles they were wearing to specific ethnic groups and countries in Africa. AJAS used its ties to Abbey Lincoln and others who were part of the soul-jazz music scene to export images of their modeling troupe, the Grandassa models, throughout the diaspora. As the models appeared on album covers and magazines published in London, the Caribbean and Nigeria their look became known as soul style.Less
This chapter centers on Harlem in the early 1960s to demonstrate how young Black Nationalists helped make soul style cool for everyday black women. Focusing on the African Jazz Art Society (AJAS) and the African Nationalist Pioneer Movement (ANPM), the chapter offers a window into how these groups, made up of African American men and women and the children of Caribbean immigrant parents, were envisioning “Africa” as both a homeland and a model of black beauty and pride. At the time, AJAS and the ANPM described their style of adornment as African, meaning they were making efforts to link the styles they were wearing to specific ethnic groups and countries in Africa. AJAS used its ties to Abbey Lincoln and others who were part of the soul-jazz music scene to export images of their modeling troupe, the Grandassa models, throughout the diaspora. As the models appeared on album covers and magazines published in London, the Caribbean and Nigeria their look became known as soul style.
Molly Geidel
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780816692217
- eISBN:
- 9781452952468
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Minnesota Press
- DOI:
- 10.5749/minnesota/9780816692217.003.0006
- Subject:
- Sociology, Politics, Social Movements and Social Change
Moving to a closer study of the 1960s Peace Corps’ on-the-ground impact, the last chapter chronicles the agency’s work in and expulsion from Bolivia. It surveys the network of military and civilian ...
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Moving to a closer study of the 1960s Peace Corps’ on-the-ground impact, the last chapter chronicles the agency’s work in and expulsion from Bolivia. It surveys the network of military and civilian government agencies, religious missionaries, and other development workers that spread across Bolivia in the 1960s, and reveals how the Peace Corps came to symbolize in the Bolivian popular imagination all these modernization efforts. Geidel’s discussion of Bolivian responses to the Peace Corps culminates in an analysis of Jorge Sanjines’s 1969 neorealist film Yawar Mallku (Blood of the Condor), the film that directly incited the Peace Corps’ 1971 exit and spurred a cultural nationalist movement in Bolivia. This indigenous cultural nationalism became directed toward development discourse’s ideal of a masculine utopia whose construction would entail controlling women’s bodies. I conclude the book by showing how indigenous feminists have attempted in subsequent decades to re-theorize their own subjectivities, embracing neither Western individualism nor submission to cultural nationalist futures.Less
Moving to a closer study of the 1960s Peace Corps’ on-the-ground impact, the last chapter chronicles the agency’s work in and expulsion from Bolivia. It surveys the network of military and civilian government agencies, religious missionaries, and other development workers that spread across Bolivia in the 1960s, and reveals how the Peace Corps came to symbolize in the Bolivian popular imagination all these modernization efforts. Geidel’s discussion of Bolivian responses to the Peace Corps culminates in an analysis of Jorge Sanjines’s 1969 neorealist film Yawar Mallku (Blood of the Condor), the film that directly incited the Peace Corps’ 1971 exit and spurred a cultural nationalist movement in Bolivia. This indigenous cultural nationalism became directed toward development discourse’s ideal of a masculine utopia whose construction would entail controlling women’s bodies. I conclude the book by showing how indigenous feminists have attempted in subsequent decades to re-theorize their own subjectivities, embracing neither Western individualism nor submission to cultural nationalist futures.
Carrie Hamilton
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719075452
- eISBN:
- 9781781700754
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719075452.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, Political History
This chapter examines the role of the family in the history of the Basque nationalist movement in the post-Civil War period, looking at the reproduction of Basque nationalism in the 1940s and 1950s, ...
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This chapter examines the role of the family in the history of the Basque nationalist movement in the post-Civil War period, looking at the reproduction of Basque nationalism in the 1940s and 1950s, the years of the most intense Francoist repression, through the childhood and adolescent memories of narrators. It explores the different and changing place of women in relation to family life and argues that the family should not be considered a separate, private sphere, but must be understood in the context of the complex and changing relationship between private and public realms during the Franco dictatorship. This chapter also discusses the gender politics of early Basque nationalism and provides examples of those so-called independent women during this period.Less
This chapter examines the role of the family in the history of the Basque nationalist movement in the post-Civil War period, looking at the reproduction of Basque nationalism in the 1940s and 1950s, the years of the most intense Francoist repression, through the childhood and adolescent memories of narrators. It explores the different and changing place of women in relation to family life and argues that the family should not be considered a separate, private sphere, but must be understood in the context of the complex and changing relationship between private and public realms during the Franco dictatorship. This chapter also discusses the gender politics of early Basque nationalism and provides examples of those so-called independent women during this period.
Anindita Mukhopadhyay
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- October 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195680836
- eISBN:
- 9780199080700
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195680836.003.0028
- Subject:
- History, Indian History
The previous chapters examined the space between the political narrative of the nationalist movement centring on the drama of challenging the courts and jails, and the bhadralok understanding of the ...
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The previous chapters examined the space between the political narrative of the nationalist movement centring on the drama of challenging the courts and jails, and the bhadralok understanding of the necessity of order within the society. The ideal form of the rule of law, as interpreted by the bhadralok, maintained cultural and social order within the society, and ensured the supremacy of the bhadralok as the class imbued with moral authority within it. The lower classes, the chhotolok, were seen as a potential threat to the maintenance of this order, steeped as they were in immorality and vice. They were to be legitimately held down by the rule of law, and thus kept in their ordained place in the social and moral hierarchy where the position of the bhadralok was supreme. As the ruling power did not distinguish between different social divisions, the bhadralok, as ‘subaltern’ elite, had to reinvent their ritually superior status through a more secular language.Less
The previous chapters examined the space between the political narrative of the nationalist movement centring on the drama of challenging the courts and jails, and the bhadralok understanding of the necessity of order within the society. The ideal form of the rule of law, as interpreted by the bhadralok, maintained cultural and social order within the society, and ensured the supremacy of the bhadralok as the class imbued with moral authority within it. The lower classes, the chhotolok, were seen as a potential threat to the maintenance of this order, steeped as they were in immorality and vice. They were to be legitimately held down by the rule of law, and thus kept in their ordained place in the social and moral hierarchy where the position of the bhadralok was supreme. As the ruling power did not distinguish between different social divisions, the bhadralok, as ‘subaltern’ elite, had to reinvent their ritually superior status through a more secular language.
Nicholas M. Creary
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780823233342
- eISBN:
- 9780823241774
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fordham/9780823233342.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, History of Religion
The Catholic Association (CA) was the first organized lay movement in the Catholic Church in colonial Zimbabwe. While African laymen founded the organization, Jesuit and clerical understandings of ...
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The Catholic Association (CA) was the first organized lay movement in the Catholic Church in colonial Zimbabwe. While African laymen founded the organization, Jesuit and clerical understandings of Catholic Action significantly constrained it. Consequently, such attitudes about Catholic Action can be construed as manifestations of European colonialism within the church. In that light, the CA's efforts were the African laity's moderate attempt to liberate the church. In addition to the constraints of missionary colonialism, CA leaders had to contend with intimidation and violent opposition from African nationalist movements. The CA may not have done monumental things that are recorded as the great deeds of great people, but the men and women who joined its ranks, attended its congresses, gave their money in support of its projects, and supported one another in the mundane activities of daily village life certainly did something.Less
The Catholic Association (CA) was the first organized lay movement in the Catholic Church in colonial Zimbabwe. While African laymen founded the organization, Jesuit and clerical understandings of Catholic Action significantly constrained it. Consequently, such attitudes about Catholic Action can be construed as manifestations of European colonialism within the church. In that light, the CA's efforts were the African laity's moderate attempt to liberate the church. In addition to the constraints of missionary colonialism, CA leaders had to contend with intimidation and violent opposition from African nationalist movements. The CA may not have done monumental things that are recorded as the great deeds of great people, but the men and women who joined its ranks, attended its congresses, gave their money in support of its projects, and supported one another in the mundane activities of daily village life certainly did something.
Matthew F. Jacobs
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- July 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780807834886
- eISBN:
- 9781469602783
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/9780807869314_jacobs.7
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter tackles the issue of how academic, business, government, and media specialists understood secular mass politics in the Middle East and focus specifically on interpretations of Turkish, ...
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This chapter tackles the issue of how academic, business, government, and media specialists understood secular mass politics in the Middle East and focus specifically on interpretations of Turkish, Arab, and Iranian nationalist movements. Members of the nascent network first wrestled with the issue in the years between the end of World War I and the end of World War II, when they identified two different types of nationalist movement in the region. According to their analyses, the first type of movement emerged from the actions of particularly powerful individual leaders, such as Mustafa Kemal in Turkey, Reza Khan in Iran, and 'Abd al-'Aziz Ibn Sa'ud in the Arabian Peninsula. The second, defined most effectively in George Antonius's The Arab Awakening, was understood to be the product of a growing middle- and upper-class anticolonial and intellectual movement.Less
This chapter tackles the issue of how academic, business, government, and media specialists understood secular mass politics in the Middle East and focus specifically on interpretations of Turkish, Arab, and Iranian nationalist movements. Members of the nascent network first wrestled with the issue in the years between the end of World War I and the end of World War II, when they identified two different types of nationalist movement in the region. According to their analyses, the first type of movement emerged from the actions of particularly powerful individual leaders, such as Mustafa Kemal in Turkey, Reza Khan in Iran, and 'Abd al-'Aziz Ibn Sa'ud in the Arabian Peninsula. The second, defined most effectively in George Antonius's The Arab Awakening, was understood to be the product of a growing middle- and upper-class anticolonial and intellectual movement.
Brian Stanley
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780691196848
- eISBN:
- 9781400890316
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691196848.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, History of Religion
This chapter discusses the relationship between Christianity and nationalism. The twentieth century—and in particular the years after the First World War—saw the global diffusion of the European idea ...
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This chapter discusses the relationship between Christianity and nationalism. The twentieth century—and in particular the years after the First World War—saw the global diffusion of the European idea of the nation-state and the corresponding spread of mass nationalist sentiment. As Western colonial intrusion into the economies of Asia and Africa deepened, Asian and African peoples drew on a wide variety of ideas and strategies in pursuit of a goal that was increasingly defined as “national” liberation from alien rule. From the dawn of the twentieth century, nationalism and Christianity, at least in its traditional Western forms, were set on a collision course. In point of fact, at least during the first two decades of the century, nationalism was not generally aligned in opposition to Christianity, nor even to Western thought as a whole, for the simple reason that the educated elites who pioneered the first Asian and African nationalist movements were often the product of mission education and took many of their ideas from Western ideological sources. Indeed, right through the century, there remain a few striking exceptional cases of a continuing, or even growing, convergence between Christian and nationalist identities, both in Europe and beyond it. The chapter then considers two such examples. The first, that of Korea, is largely Protestant in character; the other, Poland, is decidedly Catholic.Less
This chapter discusses the relationship between Christianity and nationalism. The twentieth century—and in particular the years after the First World War—saw the global diffusion of the European idea of the nation-state and the corresponding spread of mass nationalist sentiment. As Western colonial intrusion into the economies of Asia and Africa deepened, Asian and African peoples drew on a wide variety of ideas and strategies in pursuit of a goal that was increasingly defined as “national” liberation from alien rule. From the dawn of the twentieth century, nationalism and Christianity, at least in its traditional Western forms, were set on a collision course. In point of fact, at least during the first two decades of the century, nationalism was not generally aligned in opposition to Christianity, nor even to Western thought as a whole, for the simple reason that the educated elites who pioneered the first Asian and African nationalist movements were often the product of mission education and took many of their ideas from Western ideological sources. Indeed, right through the century, there remain a few striking exceptional cases of a continuing, or even growing, convergence between Christian and nationalist identities, both in Europe and beyond it. The chapter then considers two such examples. The first, that of Korea, is largely Protestant in character; the other, Poland, is decidedly Catholic.
