Asifa M. Hussain and William L. Miller
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199280711
- eISBN:
- 9780191604102
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199280711.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This book is a pioneering study of how multiculturalism interacts with sub-state nationalism in Britain. It gives equal attention to Scotland’s largest ‘visible’ and ‘invisible’ minorities: ethnic ...
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This book is a pioneering study of how multiculturalism interacts with sub-state nationalism in Britain. It gives equal attention to Scotland’s largest ‘visible’ and ‘invisible’ minorities: ethnic Pakistanis (almost all of them Muslim) and English immigrants; and to the Islamophobia and Anglophobia of majority Scots. Rising Scottish self-consciousness could have threatened both these minorities. But in reality, problems proved to be solutions, integrating rather than alienating. In the eyes of the minorities, the devolution of power to a Scottish Parliament has made Scots at once more proud and less xenophobic. English immigrants also felt that devolution has defused tensions, calmed frustrations, and forced Scots to blame themselves rather than others for their problems. Muslims suffered increased harassment after 9/11, although less in Scotland than elsewhere. Consciously or unconsciously, they continued to use Scottish identities and even Scottish nationalism as tools of integration. Conversely, nationalism in Scotland did not increase the majority’s Islamophobia as it did in England and elsewhere. The book is based on extensive quotations from focus-group discussions with minorities, in-depth interviews with elites, and statistical analysis of large-scale surveys of minorities and majorities.Less
This book is a pioneering study of how multiculturalism interacts with sub-state nationalism in Britain. It gives equal attention to Scotland’s largest ‘visible’ and ‘invisible’ minorities: ethnic Pakistanis (almost all of them Muslim) and English immigrants; and to the Islamophobia and Anglophobia of majority Scots. Rising Scottish self-consciousness could have threatened both these minorities. But in reality, problems proved to be solutions, integrating rather than alienating. In the eyes of the minorities, the devolution of power to a Scottish Parliament has made Scots at once more proud and less xenophobic. English immigrants also felt that devolution has defused tensions, calmed frustrations, and forced Scots to blame themselves rather than others for their problems. Muslims suffered increased harassment after 9/11, although less in Scotland than elsewhere. Consciously or unconsciously, they continued to use Scottish identities and even Scottish nationalism as tools of integration. Conversely, nationalism in Scotland did not increase the majority’s Islamophobia as it did in England and elsewhere. The book is based on extensive quotations from focus-group discussions with minorities, in-depth interviews with elites, and statistical analysis of large-scale surveys of minorities and majorities.
Jacob T. Levy
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198297123
- eISBN:
- 9780191599767
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198297122.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This work argues for a liberal account of multiculturalism, which draws on a liberalism of fear, like that articulated by Judith Shklar and inspired by Montesquieu. Liberalism should not be centrally ...
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This work argues for a liberal account of multiculturalism, which draws on a liberalism of fear, like that articulated by Judith Shklar and inspired by Montesquieu. Liberalism should not be centrally concerned either with preserving or with transcending cultural communities, practices, and identities. Rather, it should focus on mitigating evils such as interethnic civil wars, cruel practices internal to cultural communities, and state violence against ethnic minorities. This ‘multiculturalism of fear’ must be grounded in the realities of ethnic politics and ethnic conflict. It must therefore take seriously the importance, which persons feel their ethnic identities and cultural practices to have, without falling into a celebration of cultural belonging. Levy argues against nationalist and multicultural theories that accord significant moral weight to cultural communities as such. Yet he also insists that the challenges of life in a multicultural world cannot be met with appeals to cosmopolitanism, with attempts to deny the importance that particularist identities and practices have to individual persons and to social life. The book applies the multiculturalism of fear to a variety of policy problems confronting multi‐ethnic states. These include the regulation of sexist practices internal to cultural communities, secession and national self‐determination, land rights, customary law, and the symbols and words used by the state, including official apologies. It draws on cases from diverse states such as Australia, Canada, Israel, India, South Africa, and the US.Less
This work argues for a liberal account of multiculturalism, which draws on a liberalism of fear, like that articulated by Judith Shklar and inspired by Montesquieu. Liberalism should not be centrally concerned either with preserving or with transcending cultural communities, practices, and identities. Rather, it should focus on mitigating evils such as interethnic civil wars, cruel practices internal to cultural communities, and state violence against ethnic minorities. This ‘multiculturalism of fear’ must be grounded in the realities of ethnic politics and ethnic conflict. It must therefore take seriously the importance, which persons feel their ethnic identities and cultural practices to have, without falling into a celebration of cultural belonging. Levy argues against nationalist and multicultural theories that accord significant moral weight to cultural communities as such. Yet he also insists that the challenges of life in a multicultural world cannot be met with appeals to cosmopolitanism, with attempts to deny the importance that particularist identities and practices have to individual persons and to social life. The book applies the multiculturalism of fear to a variety of policy problems confronting multi‐ethnic states. These include the regulation of sexist practices internal to cultural communities, secession and national self‐determination, land rights, customary law, and the symbols and words used by the state, including official apologies. It draws on cases from diverse states such as Australia, Canada, Israel, India, South Africa, and the US.
Michael Keating
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199240760
- eISBN:
- 9780191599644
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199240760.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Nationality claims are often seen as zero‐sum politics involving incompatible conceptions of the polity. Nationalism and self‐determination are seen as equivalent to separatism. Rethinking the ...
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Nationality claims are often seen as zero‐sum politics involving incompatible conceptions of the polity. Nationalism and self‐determination are seen as equivalent to separatism. Rethinking the concepts of nationality, self‐determination, and sovereignty and placing them in a historic context allows us to treat them as more tractable and as a form of politics. This is done through a study of the UK, Spain, Belgium, and Canada. Traditions of shared sovereignty are rediscovered. Analysis of the demands of minority nationalisms shows that these do not always entail separate statehood. Public opinion is more open than often assumed. Asymmetrical constitutional arrangements provide a means of accommodating plural national claims. The emerging European polity is a model for a post‐sovereign order in which legal pluralism and constitutional diversity can accommodate multiple nationality claims.Less
Nationality claims are often seen as zero‐sum politics involving incompatible conceptions of the polity. Nationalism and self‐determination are seen as equivalent to separatism. Rethinking the concepts of nationality, self‐determination, and sovereignty and placing them in a historic context allows us to treat them as more tractable and as a form of politics. This is done through a study of the UK, Spain, Belgium, and Canada. Traditions of shared sovereignty are rediscovered. Analysis of the demands of minority nationalisms shows that these do not always entail separate statehood. Public opinion is more open than often assumed. Asymmetrical constitutional arrangements provide a means of accommodating plural national claims. The emerging European polity is a model for a post‐sovereign order in which legal pluralism and constitutional diversity can accommodate multiple nationality claims.
David Miller
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198293569
- eISBN:
- 9780191599910
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293569.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Nationalism is often dismissed today as an irrational political creed with disastrous consequences. Yet most people regard their national identity as a significant aspect of themselves, see ...
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Nationalism is often dismissed today as an irrational political creed with disastrous consequences. Yet most people regard their national identity as a significant aspect of themselves, see themselves as having special obligations to their compatriots, and value their nation's political independence. This book defends these beliefs, and shows that nationality, defined in these terms, serves valuable goals, including social justice, democracy, and the protection of culture. National identities need not be illiberal, and they do not exclude other sources of personal identity, such as ethnicity or religion. An ethics that gives weight to special relationships is more effective in motivating people to pursue justice and other values because it connects peoples’ duties to their identity; but this is consistent with recognizing some universal values, such as human rights. There are strong reasons for making the boundaries of states and nations coincide wherever possible, but in other cases, nations can achieve forms of self‐determination that fall short of full sovereignty. Multicultural arguments in favour of identity politics and special rights for minority groups ignore the benefits that such groups derive from participating in a shared national identity and the kind of democratic politics that such an identity makes possible. Although national identities are often said to be in decline in an increasingly globalized world, they serve such important purposes that our aim should be to rebuild them in a form that makes them more accessible to excluded cultural minorities.Less
Nationalism is often dismissed today as an irrational political creed with disastrous consequences. Yet most people regard their national identity as a significant aspect of themselves, see themselves as having special obligations to their compatriots, and value their nation's political independence. This book defends these beliefs, and shows that nationality, defined in these terms, serves valuable goals, including social justice, democracy, and the protection of culture. National identities need not be illiberal, and they do not exclude other sources of personal identity, such as ethnicity or religion. An ethics that gives weight to special relationships is more effective in motivating people to pursue justice and other values because it connects peoples’ duties to their identity; but this is consistent with recognizing some universal values, such as human rights. There are strong reasons for making the boundaries of states and nations coincide wherever possible, but in other cases, nations can achieve forms of self‐determination that fall short of full sovereignty. Multicultural arguments in favour of identity politics and special rights for minority groups ignore the benefits that such groups derive from participating in a shared national identity and the kind of democratic politics that such an identity makes possible. Although national identities are often said to be in decline in an increasingly globalized world, they serve such important purposes that our aim should be to rebuild them in a form that makes them more accessible to excluded cultural minorities.
Michael Keating and John McGarry (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199242146
- eISBN:
- 9780191599651
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199242143.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Globalization and European integration are sometimes seen as the enemies of nationalism, sweeping away particularisms and imposing a single economic, cultural, and political order. The book argues ...
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Globalization and European integration are sometimes seen as the enemies of nationalism, sweeping away particularisms and imposing a single economic, cultural, and political order. The book argues that, on the contrary, by challenging the ‘nation‐state’ as the sole basis for identity and sovereignty, such processes open the door for a variety of claims by stateless nations, and provide new ways of managing nationality claims. At one level, they lower the stakes in resisting independence and might permit peaceful transitions to independence. Yet they may also make independence, in the traditional sense, less important and provide ways in which multiple and conflicting nationality claims could be accommodated within new political structures. The chapters in this volume consider these issues from a theoretical perspective, with the help of case studies of stateless nationalisms in Western, Eastern, and Central Europe, the former Soviet Union, and Quebec. They discuss a wide variety of political experience and show that while there are no easy answers to conflicting national claims, there is reason to believe that they can be managed through democratic political processes.Less
Globalization and European integration are sometimes seen as the enemies of nationalism, sweeping away particularisms and imposing a single economic, cultural, and political order. The book argues that, on the contrary, by challenging the ‘nation‐state’ as the sole basis for identity and sovereignty, such processes open the door for a variety of claims by stateless nations, and provide new ways of managing nationality claims. At one level, they lower the stakes in resisting independence and might permit peaceful transitions to independence. Yet they may also make independence, in the traditional sense, less important and provide ways in which multiple and conflicting nationality claims could be accommodated within new political structures. The chapters in this volume consider these issues from a theoretical perspective, with the help of case studies of stateless nationalisms in Western, Eastern, and Central Europe, the former Soviet Union, and Quebec. They discuss a wide variety of political experience and show that while there are no easy answers to conflicting national claims, there is reason to believe that they can be managed through democratic political processes.
Isaiah Berlin
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199249893
- eISBN:
- 9780191598807
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019924989X.003.0013
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This briefest of notes, written to help a friend speaking to a popular audience, gives an informal statement of Berlin’s views on liberty, nationalism and the plurality of human goals. It excoriates ...
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This briefest of notes, written to help a friend speaking to a popular audience, gives an informal statement of Berlin’s views on liberty, nationalism and the plurality of human goals. It excoriates ‘the belief that there is one and only one true answer to the central questions which have agonized mankind’ as ‘responsible for … oceans of blood.’Less
This briefest of notes, written to help a friend speaking to a popular audience, gives an informal statement of Berlin’s views on liberty, nationalism and the plurality of human goals. It excoriates ‘the belief that there is one and only one true answer to the central questions which have agonized mankind’ as ‘responsible for … oceans of blood.’
Jude Hays
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195369335
- eISBN:
- 9780199871056
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195369335.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
On one level, the book is about how national institutions, such as electoral and labor market institutions, shape the political and policy responses of government to economic globalization: it is ...
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On one level, the book is about how national institutions, such as electoral and labor market institutions, shape the political and policy responses of government to economic globalization: it is about how domestic politics reacts to and interacts with the global economy and how institutions structure these relationships. However, on a deeper level, the book is about the political backlash against globalization in the Anglo-American democracies. The book's analysis is based on the fact that the future of the global economy is at stake, and possibly so is international peace and stability. The book analyzes the risks to the state of the international economy from economic nationalism, the current global economic crisis, and recent concerns over national security.Less
On one level, the book is about how national institutions, such as electoral and labor market institutions, shape the political and policy responses of government to economic globalization: it is about how domestic politics reacts to and interacts with the global economy and how institutions structure these relationships. However, on a deeper level, the book is about the political backlash against globalization in the Anglo-American democracies. The book's analysis is based on the fact that the future of the global economy is at stake, and possibly so is international peace and stability. The book analyzes the risks to the state of the international economy from economic nationalism, the current global economic crisis, and recent concerns over national security.
Asifa Hussain and William Miller
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199280711
- eISBN:
- 9780191604102
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199280711.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter reviews the definitions or types of nationalism, including the distinction between ‘ethnic’ and ‘civic’ nationalism, and the less common and apparently self-contradictory concept of ...
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This chapter reviews the definitions or types of nationalism, including the distinction between ‘ethnic’ and ‘civic’ nationalism, and the less common and apparently self-contradictory concept of ‘multicultural nationalism’. It argues that identities are not only chosen, multiple, and fluid, but also used for purposes, for integration, as well as for differentiation. This chapter also describes two key Scottish minorities: ethnic Pakistani Muslims and English immigrants, reviews the historical and political setting, and describes the plan of the book.Less
This chapter reviews the definitions or types of nationalism, including the distinction between ‘ethnic’ and ‘civic’ nationalism, and the less common and apparently self-contradictory concept of ‘multicultural nationalism’. It argues that identities are not only chosen, multiple, and fluid, but also used for purposes, for integration, as well as for differentiation. This chapter also describes two key Scottish minorities: ethnic Pakistani Muslims and English immigrants, reviews the historical and political setting, and describes the plan of the book.
John McCormick
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199556212
- eISBN:
- 9780191721830
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199556212.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union, International Relations and Politics
This book attempts to identify and outline the political, economic, and social norms and values associated with Europe and Europeans. It argues that regardless of the doubts associated with the ...
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This book attempts to identify and outline the political, economic, and social norms and values associated with Europe and Europeans. It argues that regardless of the doubts associated with the exercise of European integration and the work of the European Union, and regardless of residual identities with states and nations, Europeans have much in common. The opening chapters deal with the historical development of European ideas, and are followed by chapters addressing European attitudes towards the state (including a rejection of state‐based nationalism, new ideas about patriotism and citizenship, and the importance of cosmopolitanism), the characteristics of politics and government in Europe (with an emphasis on communitarianism and the effects of the parliamentary system of government), European economic models (including the importance of welfarism and sustainable development), European social models, European attitudes towards values such as multiculturalism and secularism, and Europeanist views in regard to international relations (emphasizing civilian power and multiculturalism).Less
This book attempts to identify and outline the political, economic, and social norms and values associated with Europe and Europeans. It argues that regardless of the doubts associated with the exercise of European integration and the work of the European Union, and regardless of residual identities with states and nations, Europeans have much in common. The opening chapters deal with the historical development of European ideas, and are followed by chapters addressing European attitudes towards the state (including a rejection of state‐based nationalism, new ideas about patriotism and citizenship, and the importance of cosmopolitanism), the characteristics of politics and government in Europe (with an emphasis on communitarianism and the effects of the parliamentary system of government), European economic models (including the importance of welfarism and sustainable development), European social models, European attitudes towards values such as multiculturalism and secularism, and Europeanist views in regard to international relations (emphasizing civilian power and multiculturalism).
Wayne Norman
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780198293354
- eISBN:
- 9780191604126
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293356.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
What should political actors and state institutions be permitted, encouraged, required, or forbidden to do in the attempt to shape people’s national identities? This is the central question in the ...
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What should political actors and state institutions be permitted, encouraged, required, or forbidden to do in the attempt to shape people’s national identities? This is the central question in the ethics of nation-building, and has been vastly understudied in recent normative political theories of nationalism. This chapter answers this question by discussing more than a dozen components of an individual’s national identity. It considers the many legitimate and illegitimate ways in which political actors and the state can shape or alter these components, and the content of the identity itself. It also considers the soundness and relevance of the seemly age-old distinction between so-called ethnic and civic national identities.Less
What should political actors and state institutions be permitted, encouraged, required, or forbidden to do in the attempt to shape people’s national identities? This is the central question in the ethics of nation-building, and has been vastly understudied in recent normative political theories of nationalism. This chapter answers this question by discussing more than a dozen components of an individual’s national identity. It considers the many legitimate and illegitimate ways in which political actors and the state can shape or alter these components, and the content of the identity itself. It also considers the soundness and relevance of the seemly age-old distinction between so-called ethnic and civic national identities.
James Mitchell, Lynn Bennie, and Rob Johns
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199580002
- eISBN:
- 9780191731099
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199580002.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This book is a study of the Scottish National Party (SNP) immediately after it came to power in May 2007, based on a survey of the entire membership and elite interviews with over eighty senior party ...
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This book is a study of the Scottish National Party (SNP) immediately after it came to power in May 2007, based on a survey of the entire membership and elite interviews with over eighty senior party figures. Discussion is located within the appropriate literatures and comparisons drawn with other British parties. The image of the SNP as a youthful party, with a decentralized social movement-type organization, is challenged. The party is much older and much more male than had previously been thought and appears more like other conventional parties than its past image suggested. Its increased membership in recent years hold few clues as to how to re-engage youth as even these recent joiners are predominantly older people, often former members returning to the party. The study questions the value of the civic–ethnic dichotomy in understanding nationalism with SNP members, acknowledging different ways – ethnic and civic – of defining who belongs to the Scottish nation. The picture that emerges is of a reasonably coherent left of centre party that accepts the pragmatism of its leadership. While independence remains the key motivation for joining and being active, a sizeable minority see the party as a means of furthering Scottish interests.Less
This book is a study of the Scottish National Party (SNP) immediately after it came to power in May 2007, based on a survey of the entire membership and elite interviews with over eighty senior party figures. Discussion is located within the appropriate literatures and comparisons drawn with other British parties. The image of the SNP as a youthful party, with a decentralized social movement-type organization, is challenged. The party is much older and much more male than had previously been thought and appears more like other conventional parties than its past image suggested. Its increased membership in recent years hold few clues as to how to re-engage youth as even these recent joiners are predominantly older people, often former members returning to the party. The study questions the value of the civic–ethnic dichotomy in understanding nationalism with SNP members, acknowledging different ways – ethnic and civic – of defining who belongs to the Scottish nation. The picture that emerges is of a reasonably coherent left of centre party that accepts the pragmatism of its leadership. While independence remains the key motivation for joining and being active, a sizeable minority see the party as a means of furthering Scottish interests.
Asifa Hussain and William Miller
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199280711
- eISBN:
- 9780191604102
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199280711.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
‘Multicultural nationalism’ comes very close to being an oxymoron: devolution increased national self-consciousness and 9/11 added to the problems of multiculturalism everywhere, including Scotland. ...
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‘Multicultural nationalism’ comes very close to being an oxymoron: devolution increased national self-consciousness and 9/11 added to the problems of multiculturalism everywhere, including Scotland. But in practice, potential problems proved to be solutions. Since England has a key role in defining Scottish identity, Scottish nationalism stimulates Anglophobia but not Islamophobia, and Muslims can use Scottish nationalism as a tool of integration. 9/11 made life worse for Muslims in Scotland, but not as much as elsewhere. Thus, 9/11 and the ‘war on terror’ bound Muslims more closely to Scotland. Although both minorities criticized the governing performance of the new Scottish Parliament, both felt that its street-level impact has been more positive than negative. English immigrants feel that devolution has defused tensions, and Muslims self-consciously distinguish between the positive impact of devolution and the concurrent, negative impact of 9/11. Against the odds, multiculturalism and sub-state nationalism have not merely coexisted, but actually interacted positively within post-devolution Scotland.Less
‘Multicultural nationalism’ comes very close to being an oxymoron: devolution increased national self-consciousness and 9/11 added to the problems of multiculturalism everywhere, including Scotland. But in practice, potential problems proved to be solutions. Since England has a key role in defining Scottish identity, Scottish nationalism stimulates Anglophobia but not Islamophobia, and Muslims can use Scottish nationalism as a tool of integration. 9/11 made life worse for Muslims in Scotland, but not as much as elsewhere. Thus, 9/11 and the ‘war on terror’ bound Muslims more closely to Scotland. Although both minorities criticized the governing performance of the new Scottish Parliament, both felt that its street-level impact has been more positive than negative. English immigrants feel that devolution has defused tensions, and Muslims self-consciously distinguish between the positive impact of devolution and the concurrent, negative impact of 9/11. Against the odds, multiculturalism and sub-state nationalism have not merely coexisted, but actually interacted positively within post-devolution Scotland.
Nadine Atallah
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780197266748
- eISBN:
- 9780191938146
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197266748.003.0002
- Subject:
- Art, Art History
This chapter highlights and discusses the historical, ideological and institutional factors which allowed the good integration of women into the Egyptian modern art worlds. The argument draws from ...
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This chapter highlights and discusses the historical, ideological and institutional factors which allowed the good integration of women into the Egyptian modern art worlds. The argument draws from Egyptian artist Nazli Madkour’s objection to Linda Nochlin’s famous question ‘Why have there been no great women artists?’, based on the observation that women artists in Egypt benefitted from an early recognition. In an attempt to explain this Egyptian specificity, the chapter defines the rhetoric of authenticity [asala] as a paradigmatic counterpoint to the Western myth of greatness, at a time when Egypt was struggling for decolonisation and moving towards the Nasserist revolution. Serving as a framework for the appreciation of modern art in Egypt, authenticity seems to create a favourable ground for women’s art, while involving differences between male and female artists in the service of the nation. In order to demonstrate how the search for authenticity shaped and framed the work of women artists and its reception, two paintings about and against polygamy painted in the early 1950s by Inji Efflatoun (1925–1989) and Gazbia Sirry (b. 1925) are analysed in their exhibition contexts. This alternate study shows the entanglement of artistic and socio–political issues while acknowledging internal unevenness within Egyptian feminism and its expression in the arts.Less
This chapter highlights and discusses the historical, ideological and institutional factors which allowed the good integration of women into the Egyptian modern art worlds. The argument draws from Egyptian artist Nazli Madkour’s objection to Linda Nochlin’s famous question ‘Why have there been no great women artists?’, based on the observation that women artists in Egypt benefitted from an early recognition. In an attempt to explain this Egyptian specificity, the chapter defines the rhetoric of authenticity [asala] as a paradigmatic counterpoint to the Western myth of greatness, at a time when Egypt was struggling for decolonisation and moving towards the Nasserist revolution. Serving as a framework for the appreciation of modern art in Egypt, authenticity seems to create a favourable ground for women’s art, while involving differences between male and female artists in the service of the nation. In order to demonstrate how the search for authenticity shaped and framed the work of women artists and its reception, two paintings about and against polygamy painted in the early 1950s by Inji Efflatoun (1925–1989) and Gazbia Sirry (b. 1925) are analysed in their exhibition contexts. This alternate study shows the entanglement of artistic and socio–political issues while acknowledging internal unevenness within Egyptian feminism and its expression in the arts.
Monica Heller
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199746866
- eISBN:
- 9780199827091
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199746866.001.0001
- Subject:
- Linguistics, Sociolinguistics / Anthropological Linguistics
Nationalism has informed all our ideas about language, culture, identity, nation, and state. Those ideas are being profoundly challenged by globalization, neoliberal responses to it, and the emergent ...
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Nationalism has informed all our ideas about language, culture, identity, nation, and state. Those ideas are being profoundly challenged by globalization, neoliberal responses to it, and the emergent new economy. Language, culture, and identity are commodified; communication takes on a central role as work process and work product in the new economy; multilingualism becomes a salient element of managing the mobility of people, ideas, and goods, and, indeed, of their very value. Through a fine-grained ethnographic analysis of key sites of production of discourse constructing the idea of “francophone Canada” from the 1970s to the present, the author shows how hegemonic discourses of language, identity, and the nation-state are destabilized under new political economic conditions, in processes which, she argues, put us on the path to post-nationalism. Examining sociolinguistic practices in workplaces, schools, community associations, NGOs, state agencies, and sites of tourism and performance across francophone North America and Europe, she shows how the tensions of late modernity produce competing visions of social organization and competing sources of legitimacy in attempts to reimagine—or resist reimagining—who we are.Less
Nationalism has informed all our ideas about language, culture, identity, nation, and state. Those ideas are being profoundly challenged by globalization, neoliberal responses to it, and the emergent new economy. Language, culture, and identity are commodified; communication takes on a central role as work process and work product in the new economy; multilingualism becomes a salient element of managing the mobility of people, ideas, and goods, and, indeed, of their very value. Through a fine-grained ethnographic analysis of key sites of production of discourse constructing the idea of “francophone Canada” from the 1970s to the present, the author shows how hegemonic discourses of language, identity, and the nation-state are destabilized under new political economic conditions, in processes which, she argues, put us on the path to post-nationalism. Examining sociolinguistic practices in workplaces, schools, community associations, NGOs, state agencies, and sites of tourism and performance across francophone North America and Europe, she shows how the tensions of late modernity produce competing visions of social organization and competing sources of legitimacy in attempts to reimagine—or resist reimagining—who we are.
Donald Markwell
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- January 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780198292364
- eISBN:
- 9780191715525
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198292364.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Keynes was, in a phrase he frequently used, brought up to accept certain ideas that were central to the classical liberalism of the late 19th and early 20th centuries. He worked in the British ...
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Keynes was, in a phrase he frequently used, brought up to accept certain ideas that were central to the classical liberalism of the late 19th and early 20th centuries. He worked in the British Treasury during the First World War to finance a war effort towards which he was increasingly hostile. He also contributed during and immediately after the war to British government thinking about how to treat the defeated enemy. But his ideas on this faced fierce resistance. This chapter traces the evolution of Keynes’s thinking on these and other issues to the end of 1918. It outlines aspects of Keynes’s thought on international issues before the First World War, especially how he was brought up to believe that free trade promoted peace; and his attitudes toward the Empire and population pressure; his approach to the First World War, conscription, and war finance; and the evolution of his thought on reparations to the end of 1918.Less
Keynes was, in a phrase he frequently used, brought up to accept certain ideas that were central to the classical liberalism of the late 19th and early 20th centuries. He worked in the British Treasury during the First World War to finance a war effort towards which he was increasingly hostile. He also contributed during and immediately after the war to British government thinking about how to treat the defeated enemy. But his ideas on this faced fierce resistance. This chapter traces the evolution of Keynes’s thinking on these and other issues to the end of 1918. It outlines aspects of Keynes’s thought on international issues before the First World War, especially how he was brought up to believe that free trade promoted peace; and his attitudes toward the Empire and population pressure; his approach to the First World War, conscription, and war finance; and the evolution of his thought on reparations to the end of 1918.
A Raghuramaraju (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198070122
- eISBN:
- 9780199080014
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198070122.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Social Theory
Indian society is extremely complex, particularly in the twentieth century. However, this complexity has not been captured by Indian social theory. One reason is the theoretical burden caused by ...
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Indian society is extremely complex, particularly in the twentieth century. However, this complexity has not been captured by Indian social theory. One reason is the theoretical burden caused by historical events such as colonialism, which incidentally brought modernity to India. Western modernity is mainly normative, and its norms include the concept of autonomous individual, freedom, and instrumental rationality. This normative project is sought to be ruthlessly implemented through modern programmes of secularism, nationalism, urbanization, and industrialization where the pre-modern is sought to be disinherited. This book explores the limitations surrounding Indian social theorists' views on Indian society. It discusses Partha Chatterjee's perspectives on Indian nationalism, Javeed Alam's interpretation of Indian secularism and the use of plural character of Indian society by some Indian social scientists, and Gopal Guru's proposal to move Dalits' lived experience from literature into social theory. The book also examines the limitations surrounding the reading of contemporary texts and activities of thinkers such as Mahatma Gandhi, Swami Vivekananda, B.R. Ambedkar, and Aurobindo Ghosh.Less
Indian society is extremely complex, particularly in the twentieth century. However, this complexity has not been captured by Indian social theory. One reason is the theoretical burden caused by historical events such as colonialism, which incidentally brought modernity to India. Western modernity is mainly normative, and its norms include the concept of autonomous individual, freedom, and instrumental rationality. This normative project is sought to be ruthlessly implemented through modern programmes of secularism, nationalism, urbanization, and industrialization where the pre-modern is sought to be disinherited. This book explores the limitations surrounding Indian social theorists' views on Indian society. It discusses Partha Chatterjee's perspectives on Indian nationalism, Javeed Alam's interpretation of Indian secularism and the use of plural character of Indian society by some Indian social scientists, and Gopal Guru's proposal to move Dalits' lived experience from literature into social theory. The book also examines the limitations surrounding the reading of contemporary texts and activities of thinkers such as Mahatma Gandhi, Swami Vivekananda, B.R. Ambedkar, and Aurobindo Ghosh.
Susan Boynton
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199754595
- eISBN:
- 9780199918850
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199754595.001.0001
- Subject:
- Music, History, Western
This book demonstrates the singular importance of medieval music in an eighteenth-century vision of Spanish culture and national identity. From 1750 to 1755, the Jesuit Andrés Marcos Burriel ...
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This book demonstrates the singular importance of medieval music in an eighteenth-century vision of Spanish culture and national identity. From 1750 to 1755, the Jesuit Andrés Marcos Burriel (1719–1762) and the calligrapher Francisco Xavier Santiago y Palomares (1728–1796) worked in Toledo Cathedral for the Royal Commission on the Archives, which was formed to obtain evidence for the royal patronage of church benefices in Spain. With Burriel as director, the Commission transcribed not only archival documents, but also manuscripts of canon law, history, literature, and liturgy, in order to write a new ecclesiastical history of Spain. At the center of this ambitious project of cultural nationalism stood the medieval manuscripts of the Old Hispanic rite, specifically those associated with the Mozarabs of Toledo. Burriel was the first to realize that these manuscripts differed significantly from the early-modern editions of the Mozarabic rite. In collaboration with Burriel, Palomares expertly copied the script and notation of the manuscripts, producing a parchment facsimile that was presented to King Ferdinand VI of Spain, as well as a copy (dedicated to Bárbara de Braganza) of the Toledo codex of the Cantigas de Santa Maria. For both men, this silent music was invaluable as a graphic legacy of Spain’s past. While many historians in the Spanish Enlightenment articulated the idea of the modern nation through the study of the Middle Ages, Burriel and Palomares are exceptional for their treatment of musical notation as an object of historical study and their conception of music as an integral part of history.Less
This book demonstrates the singular importance of medieval music in an eighteenth-century vision of Spanish culture and national identity. From 1750 to 1755, the Jesuit Andrés Marcos Burriel (1719–1762) and the calligrapher Francisco Xavier Santiago y Palomares (1728–1796) worked in Toledo Cathedral for the Royal Commission on the Archives, which was formed to obtain evidence for the royal patronage of church benefices in Spain. With Burriel as director, the Commission transcribed not only archival documents, but also manuscripts of canon law, history, literature, and liturgy, in order to write a new ecclesiastical history of Spain. At the center of this ambitious project of cultural nationalism stood the medieval manuscripts of the Old Hispanic rite, specifically those associated with the Mozarabs of Toledo. Burriel was the first to realize that these manuscripts differed significantly from the early-modern editions of the Mozarabic rite. In collaboration with Burriel, Palomares expertly copied the script and notation of the manuscripts, producing a parchment facsimile that was presented to King Ferdinand VI of Spain, as well as a copy (dedicated to Bárbara de Braganza) of the Toledo codex of the Cantigas de Santa Maria. For both men, this silent music was invaluable as a graphic legacy of Spain’s past. While many historians in the Spanish Enlightenment articulated the idea of the modern nation through the study of the Middle Ages, Burriel and Palomares are exceptional for their treatment of musical notation as an object of historical study and their conception of music as an integral part of history.
John McGarry
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199244348
- eISBN:
- 9780191599866
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199244340.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter takes issue with what has been described as the integrationist, nation‐building, or civic nationalist approach to the Northern Ireland conflict. It shows that the problem with this ...
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This chapter takes issue with what has been described as the integrationist, nation‐building, or civic nationalist approach to the Northern Ireland conflict. It shows that the problem with this approach is that there are two national communities in Northern Ireland, and no sign that either of them is prepared to accept the other's identity or state. The chapter argues that what Northern Ireland needs are political institutions, like those in the Agreement, that cater to the bi‐national nature of Northern Ireland's society.Less
This chapter takes issue with what has been described as the integrationist, nation‐building, or civic nationalist approach to the Northern Ireland conflict. It shows that the problem with this approach is that there are two national communities in Northern Ireland, and no sign that either of them is prepared to accept the other's identity or state. The chapter argues that what Northern Ireland needs are political institutions, like those in the Agreement, that cater to the bi‐national nature of Northern Ireland's society.
Elizabeth Vlossak
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199561117
- eISBN:
- 9780191595035
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199561117.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This book studies modern Alsatian history using gender as a category of historical analysis, and the first to record the experiences of the region's women from 1870 to 1946. Relying on an extensive ...
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This book studies modern Alsatian history using gender as a category of historical analysis, and the first to record the experiences of the region's women from 1870 to 1946. Relying on an extensive array of documentary, visual and literary material, national and regional publications, oral testimonies, and previously-unused archival sources gathered in France, Germany and Britain, the book contributes to the growing literature on the relationship between gender, the nation and citizenship, and between nationalism and feminism. It does so by focusing on the roles, both passive and active, that women played in the process of German and French nation-building in Alsace. The work also critiques and corrects the long-held assumptions that Alsatian women were the preservers, after 1871, of a French national heritage in the region, and that women were neglected or disregarded by policy-makers concerned with the consolidation of German, and later French, loyalties. Women were in fact seen as important agents of nation-formation and treated as such. In addition, all the categories of social action implicated in the nation-building process — confession, education, socialization, the public sphere, the domestic setting, the iconography of regional and national belonging — were themselves gendered. Thus nation-building projects impacted asymmetrically on men and women, with far-reaching consequences. Having been ‘nationalized’ through different ‘rounds of restructuring’ than men, the women of Alsace were, and continue to be excluded from national and regional histories, as well as from public memory and official commemoration. Marianne or Germania questions, and ultimately challenges, these practices.Less
This book studies modern Alsatian history using gender as a category of historical analysis, and the first to record the experiences of the region's women from 1870 to 1946. Relying on an extensive array of documentary, visual and literary material, national and regional publications, oral testimonies, and previously-unused archival sources gathered in France, Germany and Britain, the book contributes to the growing literature on the relationship between gender, the nation and citizenship, and between nationalism and feminism. It does so by focusing on the roles, both passive and active, that women played in the process of German and French nation-building in Alsace. The work also critiques and corrects the long-held assumptions that Alsatian women were the preservers, after 1871, of a French national heritage in the region, and that women were neglected or disregarded by policy-makers concerned with the consolidation of German, and later French, loyalties. Women were in fact seen as important agents of nation-formation and treated as such. In addition, all the categories of social action implicated in the nation-building process — confession, education, socialization, the public sphere, the domestic setting, the iconography of regional and national belonging — were themselves gendered. Thus nation-building projects impacted asymmetrically on men and women, with far-reaching consequences. Having been ‘nationalized’ through different ‘rounds of restructuring’ than men, the women of Alsace were, and continue to be excluded from national and regional histories, as well as from public memory and official commemoration. Marianne or Germania questions, and ultimately challenges, these practices.
A. Raghuramaraju
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198070122
- eISBN:
- 9780199080014
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198070122.003.0008
- Subject:
- Sociology, Social Theory
Some social theorists in India, including Partha Chatterjee, Javeed Alam, and Gopal Guru, have failed to recognize the core project of modernity and its social consequences. Instead, they were ...
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Some social theorists in India, including Partha Chatterjee, Javeed Alam, and Gopal Guru, have failed to recognize the core project of modernity and its social consequences. Instead, they were preoccupied with the themes of modernity including reason or the ‘cunning of reason’, ‘individualism’ or ‘individuation’, nationalism, secularism, and universalism. This prevented them from recognizing the internal project of modernity. This also prevented others from seeing some important and unique issues including internal criticism that is evident in the writings of contemporary Indian thinkers like Swami Vivekananda, and prevented them from identifying a third kind of action in Mahatma Gandhi, namely, inaction. This book argues that, unlike the West, social theory in India was unable to grasp the philosophical foundations of modernity that lies in its method.Less
Some social theorists in India, including Partha Chatterjee, Javeed Alam, and Gopal Guru, have failed to recognize the core project of modernity and its social consequences. Instead, they were preoccupied with the themes of modernity including reason or the ‘cunning of reason’, ‘individualism’ or ‘individuation’, nationalism, secularism, and universalism. This prevented them from recognizing the internal project of modernity. This also prevented others from seeing some important and unique issues including internal criticism that is evident in the writings of contemporary Indian thinkers like Swami Vivekananda, and prevented them from identifying a third kind of action in Mahatma Gandhi, namely, inaction. This book argues that, unlike the West, social theory in India was unable to grasp the philosophical foundations of modernity that lies in its method.
