David Miller
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198293569
- eISBN:
- 9780191599910
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293569.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Nationalism is often dismissed today as an irrational political creed with disastrous consequences. Yet most people regard their national identity as a significant aspect of themselves, see ...
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Nationalism is often dismissed today as an irrational political creed with disastrous consequences. Yet most people regard their national identity as a significant aspect of themselves, see themselves as having special obligations to their compatriots, and value their nation's political independence. This book defends these beliefs, and shows that nationality, defined in these terms, serves valuable goals, including social justice, democracy, and the protection of culture. National identities need not be illiberal, and they do not exclude other sources of personal identity, such as ethnicity or religion. An ethics that gives weight to special relationships is more effective in motivating people to pursue justice and other values because it connects peoples’ duties to their identity; but this is consistent with recognizing some universal values, such as human rights. There are strong reasons for making the boundaries of states and nations coincide wherever possible, but in other cases, nations can achieve forms of self‐determination that fall short of full sovereignty. Multicultural arguments in favour of identity politics and special rights for minority groups ignore the benefits that such groups derive from participating in a shared national identity and the kind of democratic politics that such an identity makes possible. Although national identities are often said to be in decline in an increasingly globalized world, they serve such important purposes that our aim should be to rebuild them in a form that makes them more accessible to excluded cultural minorities.Less
Nationalism is often dismissed today as an irrational political creed with disastrous consequences. Yet most people regard their national identity as a significant aspect of themselves, see themselves as having special obligations to their compatriots, and value their nation's political independence. This book defends these beliefs, and shows that nationality, defined in these terms, serves valuable goals, including social justice, democracy, and the protection of culture. National identities need not be illiberal, and they do not exclude other sources of personal identity, such as ethnicity or religion. An ethics that gives weight to special relationships is more effective in motivating people to pursue justice and other values because it connects peoples’ duties to their identity; but this is consistent with recognizing some universal values, such as human rights. There are strong reasons for making the boundaries of states and nations coincide wherever possible, but in other cases, nations can achieve forms of self‐determination that fall short of full sovereignty. Multicultural arguments in favour of identity politics and special rights for minority groups ignore the benefits that such groups derive from participating in a shared national identity and the kind of democratic politics that such an identity makes possible. Although national identities are often said to be in decline in an increasingly globalized world, they serve such important purposes that our aim should be to rebuild them in a form that makes them more accessible to excluded cultural minorities.
Simon Caney
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- April 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780198293507
- eISBN:
- 9780191602337
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019829350X.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Having argued in Chs 3 and 4 that there are cosmopolitan principles of civil and political justice and cosmopolitan principles of distributive justice, one is logically led to the question, ‘if one ...
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Having argued in Chs 3 and 4 that there are cosmopolitan principles of civil and political justice and cosmopolitan principles of distributive justice, one is logically led to the question, ‘if one affirms cosmopolitan principles of justice, what kind of political framework (political structures) should one accept— a system of states, or of global political institutions, of autonomous nations (including even statehood)? This chapter seeks to answer these questions. It is arranged in 17 sections: Section I provides a conceptual analysis of some possible political frameworks; the following six sections (II–VI) consider cosmopolitan approaches to the question of how political power should be institutionalized (II), present three possible approaches—intrinsic, right-based, and instrumental (III–V), and examine the nature of the political framework offered by these three approaches (VI); Sections VII–XI analyse five challenges to the cosmopolitan political proposals, first, those voiced by statists (including both realists and those who affirm the ‘society of states’) (VIII–X) and, second, those voiced by those sympathetic to the idea of a global civil society (XI); Sections XII–XVI evaluate four nationalist claims that any defensible account of political institutions should grant autonomy to nations (provide national self-determination), and they aim to defend a cosmopolitan political programme—one in which there are democratic supra-state institutions charged with protecting people’s civil, political, and economic rights—and to rebut the challenges of statists and nationalists or to show that they can be accommodated by cosmopolitans. Section XVII summarizes and concludes that, overall, a cosmopolitan political order should grant a very heavily qualified role to national self-determination.Less
Having argued in Chs 3 and 4 that there are cosmopolitan principles of civil and political justice and cosmopolitan principles of distributive justice, one is logically led to the question, ‘if one affirms cosmopolitan principles of justice, what kind of political framework (political structures) should one accept— a system of states, or of global political institutions, of autonomous nations (including even statehood)? This chapter seeks to answer these questions. It is arranged in 17 sections: Section I provides a conceptual analysis of some possible political frameworks; the following six sections (II–VI) consider cosmopolitan approaches to the question of how political power should be institutionalized (II), present three possible approaches—intrinsic, right-based, and instrumental (III–V), and examine the nature of the political framework offered by these three approaches (VI); Sections VII–XI analyse five challenges to the cosmopolitan political proposals, first, those voiced by statists (including both realists and those who affirm the ‘society of states’) (VIII–X) and, second, those voiced by those sympathetic to the idea of a global civil society (XI); Sections XII–XVI evaluate four nationalist claims that any defensible account of political institutions should grant autonomy to nations (provide national self-determination), and they aim to defend a cosmopolitan political programme—one in which there are democratic supra-state institutions charged with protecting people’s civil, political, and economic rights—and to rebut the challenges of statists and nationalists or to show that they can be accommodated by cosmopolitans. Section XVII summarizes and concludes that, overall, a cosmopolitan political order should grant a very heavily qualified role to national self-determination.
Margaret Moore
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198297468
- eISBN:
- 9780191599958
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198297467.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
The Ethics of Nationalism is about the normative limits of nationalism. It assesses three justificatory arguments for the institutional recognition of national identity and argues that ...
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The Ethics of Nationalism is about the normative limits of nationalism. It assesses three justificatory arguments for the institutional recognition of national identity and argues that they suggest the appropriate limits of national accommodation. There are two kinds of projects associated with nationalism—nation‐building projects and national self‐determination projects—and these are often in tension with one another, at least in practice. The book discusses guidelines for determining when one is more appropriate than the other and the extent to which states can legitimately engage in nation‐building. The discussion of national self‐determination draws not only on the normative arguments for institutional recognition of national identity but also on claims to particular pieces of territory.Less
The Ethics of Nationalism is about the normative limits of nationalism. It assesses three justificatory arguments for the institutional recognition of national identity and argues that they suggest the appropriate limits of national accommodation. There are two kinds of projects associated with nationalism—nation‐building projects and national self‐determination projects—and these are often in tension with one another, at least in practice. The book discusses guidelines for determining when one is more appropriate than the other and the extent to which states can legitimately engage in nation‐building. The discussion of national self‐determination draws not only on the normative arguments for institutional recognition of national identity but also on claims to particular pieces of territory.
Margaret Moore (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198293842
- eISBN:
- 9780191599941
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293844.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
National Self‐determination and Secession brings together a number of original essays by leading figures in the field on the ethics of secession. It examines such questions as: When is ...
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National Self‐determination and Secession brings together a number of original essays by leading figures in the field on the ethics of secession. It examines such questions as: When is secession justified? What is a people and what gives them a right to secede? Is national self‐determination compatible with liberal and democratic principles? It offers fresh insight into debates about contested territory, the problem of minorities, and the place of secession in resolving national conflicts.Less
National Self‐determination and Secession brings together a number of original essays by leading figures in the field on the ethics of secession. It examines such questions as: When is secession justified? What is a people and what gives them a right to secede? Is national self‐determination compatible with liberal and democratic principles? It offers fresh insight into debates about contested territory, the problem of minorities, and the place of secession in resolving national conflicts.
Ronald S. Beiner
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198293842
- eISBN:
- 9780191599941
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293844.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter argues that the language of ‘rights’ to secession is not helpful in dealing with the complexities of national self‐determination and is unnecessarily inflammatory and oppositional.
This chapter argues that the language of ‘rights’ to secession is not helpful in dealing with the complexities of national self‐determination and is unnecessarily inflammatory and oppositional.
Margaret Moore
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198293842
- eISBN:
- 9780191599941
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293844.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This introductory chapter examines the debates concerning who are the people and the relevant territorial unit in which they should exercise self‐determination. It distinguishes between three types ...
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This introductory chapter examines the debates concerning who are the people and the relevant territorial unit in which they should exercise self‐determination. It distinguishes between three types of arguments concerning conditions under which there might be a right (or justified claim) to secede: (1) choice theories, (2) just‐cause theories, and (3) national self‐determination theories.Less
This introductory chapter examines the debates concerning who are the people and the relevant territorial unit in which they should exercise self‐determination. It distinguishes between three types of arguments concerning conditions under which there might be a right (or justified claim) to secede: (1) choice theories, (2) just‐cause theories, and (3) national self‐determination theories.
Margaret Moore
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198293842
- eISBN:
- 9780191599941
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293844.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter examines one of the most serious problems with the principle of self‐determination, viz., that this concept does not tell us who the peoples are that are entitled to self‐determination ...
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This chapter examines one of the most serious problems with the principle of self‐determination, viz., that this concept does not tell us who the peoples are that are entitled to self‐determination or the jurisdictional unit that they are entitled. It examines indigenous, historical, superior culture, and occupancy arguments for rights to a particular territory and suggests normative principles for thinking about jurisdictional units.Less
This chapter examines one of the most serious problems with the principle of self‐determination, viz., that this concept does not tell us who the peoples are that are entitled to self‐determination or the jurisdictional unit that they are entitled. It examines indigenous, historical, superior culture, and occupancy arguments for rights to a particular territory and suggests normative principles for thinking about jurisdictional units.
AMY NG
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199273096
- eISBN:
- 9780191706318
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199273096.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
Both Josef Redlich and Lewis Namier were caught up in the hysteria of World War I. It would seem that the two men started from diametrically opposed viewpoints, yet underneath the obvious differences ...
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Both Josef Redlich and Lewis Namier were caught up in the hysteria of World War I. It would seem that the two men started from diametrically opposed viewpoints, yet underneath the obvious differences was a greater commonality in views. Both shared a burning desire for a new Europe: a fairer and more moral order, especially in Central and Eastern Europe. Both, despite accepting the principle of national self-determination, gradually became alienated from nationalism in the course of the war, and promoted multinational, supranational ideals. Redlich strove to actualise the liberal internationalist interpretation of the Austrian state idea, whilst Namier fought to win British support for the cause of socialism (tinged with Pan-Slavism) in Central and Eastern Europe. In an age of nationalist fervour in Central and Eastern Europe, and of widespread liberal optimism in the West that national self-determination would result in new liberal nation-states, both Redlich and Namier were inevitably isolated.Less
Both Josef Redlich and Lewis Namier were caught up in the hysteria of World War I. It would seem that the two men started from diametrically opposed viewpoints, yet underneath the obvious differences was a greater commonality in views. Both shared a burning desire for a new Europe: a fairer and more moral order, especially in Central and Eastern Europe. Both, despite accepting the principle of national self-determination, gradually became alienated from nationalism in the course of the war, and promoted multinational, supranational ideals. Redlich strove to actualise the liberal internationalist interpretation of the Austrian state idea, whilst Namier fought to win British support for the cause of socialism (tinged with Pan-Slavism) in Central and Eastern Europe. In an age of nationalist fervour in Central and Eastern Europe, and of widespread liberal optimism in the West that national self-determination would result in new liberal nation-states, both Redlich and Namier were inevitably isolated.
Jeff McMahan
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195325195
- eISBN:
- 9780199776412
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195325195.003.0003
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Moral Philosophy, General
One of the central issues raised by Jonathan Glover's study of atrocities in the twentieth century is when it can be permissible, or indeed obligatory, to use military force to stop or to prevent ...
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One of the central issues raised by Jonathan Glover's study of atrocities in the twentieth century is when it can be permissible, or indeed obligatory, to use military force to stop or to prevent such atrocities. This chapter argues that some of the traditional objections to humanitarian intervention are misguided — particularly those that treat national self‐determination or state sovereignty as a decisive barrier to the permissibility of intervention. It does, however, defend a “requirement of consent,” according to which the ostensible beneficiaries of humanitarian intervention should have a veto authority with respect to intervention on their behalf. It also argues for the surprising and perhaps paradoxical claim that the proportionality constraint on causing unintended but foreseen harm may be weaker in its application to harms inflicted on the intended beneficiaries of humanitarian intervention than it is in it application to harms inflicted on other innocent people in war.Less
One of the central issues raised by Jonathan Glover's study of atrocities in the twentieth century is when it can be permissible, or indeed obligatory, to use military force to stop or to prevent such atrocities. This chapter argues that some of the traditional objections to humanitarian intervention are misguided — particularly those that treat national self‐determination or state sovereignty as a decisive barrier to the permissibility of intervention. It does, however, defend a “requirement of consent,” according to which the ostensible beneficiaries of humanitarian intervention should have a veto authority with respect to intervention on their behalf. It also argues for the surprising and perhaps paradoxical claim that the proportionality constraint on causing unintended but foreseen harm may be weaker in its application to harms inflicted on the intended beneficiaries of humanitarian intervention than it is in it application to harms inflicted on other innocent people in war.
Tove H. Malloy
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199274437
- eISBN:
- 9780191699757
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199274437.003.0002
- Subject:
- Law, EU Law
This chapter examines the post-1989 discourse on national minority and co-nation rights. It suggests that the foundation of the problem of national minorities in international law is found not in the ...
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This chapter examines the post-1989 discourse on national minority and co-nation rights. It suggests that the foundation of the problem of national minorities in international law is found not in the issue of a definition but in the relation between national minorities and state nationalism. The chapter argues that in order to elucidate the problematic relationship between protection and national self-determination, one must problematise the discourse of national minority rights not solely in terms of international law, but also in terms of social idealism.Less
This chapter examines the post-1989 discourse on national minority and co-nation rights. It suggests that the foundation of the problem of national minorities in international law is found not in the issue of a definition but in the relation between national minorities and state nationalism. The chapter argues that in order to elucidate the problematic relationship between protection and national self-determination, one must problematise the discourse of national minority rights not solely in terms of international law, but also in terms of social idealism.
Tove H. Malloy
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199274437
- eISBN:
- 9780191699757
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199274437.003.0005
- Subject:
- Law, EU Law
This chapter examines the problem of co-nation inclusion in national self-determination in the context of liberalism and nationalism. It argues that the tension in national self-determination in ...
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This chapter examines the problem of co-nation inclusion in national self-determination in the context of liberalism and nationalism. It argues that the tension in national self-determination in relation to national minority rights is better explained in terms of its focus and scope. The chapter suggests that the national notion of national self-determination may be just an impression based on an illusion, and that national identity may be an impossibility based on a false consciousness.Less
This chapter examines the problem of co-nation inclusion in national self-determination in the context of liberalism and nationalism. It argues that the tension in national self-determination in relation to national minority rights is better explained in terms of its focus and scope. The chapter suggests that the national notion of national self-determination may be just an impression based on an illusion, and that national identity may be an impossibility based on a false consciousness.
JENNIFER JACKSON PREECE
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198294375
- eISBN:
- 9780191685033
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198294375.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter explores why national minorities should be a subject of international relations when this field is primarily concerned with states and not groups or individuals within a state’s domestic ...
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This chapter explores why national minorities should be a subject of international relations when this field is primarily concerned with states and not groups or individuals within a state’s domestic jurisdiction. If statesmen and stateswomen demonstrated no concern for such groups in their foreign policies, then national minorities certainly would not be an appropriate subject for a book on international politics, though they would still be suitable for studies of domestic governance or constitutional law or political sociology, among others. However, such international indifference towards minorities does not exist: in practice, the foreign relations of many countries both today and in the past have been concerned with national minorities. This is because although the modern theory of state sovereignty postulates a neat fit between international boundaries and politically significant identities, in reality the two rarely coincide.Less
This chapter explores why national minorities should be a subject of international relations when this field is primarily concerned with states and not groups or individuals within a state’s domestic jurisdiction. If statesmen and stateswomen demonstrated no concern for such groups in their foreign policies, then national minorities certainly would not be an appropriate subject for a book on international politics, though they would still be suitable for studies of domestic governance or constitutional law or political sociology, among others. However, such international indifference towards minorities does not exist: in practice, the foreign relations of many countries both today and in the past have been concerned with national minorities. This is because although the modern theory of state sovereignty postulates a neat fit between international boundaries and politically significant identities, in reality the two rarely coincide.
Amy Ng
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199273096
- eISBN:
- 9780191706318
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199273096.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
National self-determination and the formation of nation-states has been the preferred liberal solution to the nationality conflict in Central and Eastern Europe. Historians have played a prominent ...
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National self-determination and the formation of nation-states has been the preferred liberal solution to the nationality conflict in Central and Eastern Europe. Historians have played a prominent role in constructing nationalist narratives to legitimise the new nation-states arising from the corpse of the multinational Habsburg monarchy. The alternative liberal and historiographical tradition which privileges multinational states over nation-states, most famously associated with Lord Acton, has been relatively ignored. The book addresses this imbalance by concentrating on the lives and works of Josef Redlich (1869-1936) and Lewis Namier (1869-1936), both politically active historians from upper-middle-class assimilated Habsburg Jewish backgrounds. They were anti-nationalist historians in an age of nationalism, and staunch defenders of parliamentary democracy in an era when it came under attack from both the political right and left. Both men argued that modern nationalism with its absolutist claims militated against the spirit of tolerance and mutual compromise essential to parliamentary government. This innovative, intellectual history places Redlich and Namier in context.Less
National self-determination and the formation of nation-states has been the preferred liberal solution to the nationality conflict in Central and Eastern Europe. Historians have played a prominent role in constructing nationalist narratives to legitimise the new nation-states arising from the corpse of the multinational Habsburg monarchy. The alternative liberal and historiographical tradition which privileges multinational states over nation-states, most famously associated with Lord Acton, has been relatively ignored. The book addresses this imbalance by concentrating on the lives and works of Josef Redlich (1869-1936) and Lewis Namier (1869-1936), both politically active historians from upper-middle-class assimilated Habsburg Jewish backgrounds. They were anti-nationalist historians in an age of nationalism, and staunch defenders of parliamentary democracy in an era when it came under attack from both the political right and left. Both men argued that modern nationalism with its absolutist claims militated against the spirit of tolerance and mutual compromise essential to parliamentary government. This innovative, intellectual history places Redlich and Namier in context.
Erica Benner
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198279594
- eISBN:
- 9780191598791
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198279590.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
The relationship between ethical principles and cold, strategic Realpolitik in Marx and Engels’ national policy has been much disputed. This chapter reconstructs the ethical thinking behind their ...
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The relationship between ethical principles and cold, strategic Realpolitik in Marx and Engels’ national policy has been much disputed. This chapter reconstructs the ethical thinking behind their policies during the 1848 revolutions and counter‐revolutions. It argues that a distinctive, consistent set of ethical concerns can be tracked in most of their writings in this period, although Engels’ infamous stance on the ‘historyless’ Slav peoples deviates from their usual anti‐determinist approach.Less
The relationship between ethical principles and cold, strategic Realpolitik in Marx and Engels’ national policy has been much disputed. This chapter reconstructs the ethical thinking behind their policies during the 1848 revolutions and counter‐revolutions. It argues that a distinctive, consistent set of ethical concerns can be tracked in most of their writings in this period, although Engels’ infamous stance on the ‘historyless’ Slav peoples deviates from their usual anti‐determinist approach.
Andreas Osiander
- Published in print:
- 1994
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198278870
- eISBN:
- 9780191684258
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198278870.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This book looks at the four major European peace congresses: Munster and Osnabrück (1644–1648), Utrecht (1712–1715), Vienna (1814–1815), and Paris (1919–1920) and shows how a prevailing consensus on ...
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This book looks at the four major European peace congresses: Munster and Osnabrück (1644–1648), Utrecht (1712–1715), Vienna (1814–1815), and Paris (1919–1920) and shows how a prevailing consensus on certain structural concepts — such as the balance of power or national self-determination — has influenced the evolution of the system and determined its stability or lack of stability. It argues that the structure of the international system is neither a given quantity nor determined primarily by conflict between international actors, but essentially the result of a general agreement expressed in ‘consensus principles’; these influence the identity of the international actors, their relative status, and the distribution of populations and territories between them. The book concludes with a review of the period since 1920.Less
This book looks at the four major European peace congresses: Munster and Osnabrück (1644–1648), Utrecht (1712–1715), Vienna (1814–1815), and Paris (1919–1920) and shows how a prevailing consensus on certain structural concepts — such as the balance of power or national self-determination — has influenced the evolution of the system and determined its stability or lack of stability. It argues that the structure of the international system is neither a given quantity nor determined primarily by conflict between international actors, but essentially the result of a general agreement expressed in ‘consensus principles’; these influence the identity of the international actors, their relative status, and the distribution of populations and territories between them. The book concludes with a review of the period since 1920.
Thomas Borstelmann
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691141565
- eISBN:
- 9781400839704
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691141565.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter places the United States in the 1970s in the context of world history. Because of the diversity of the Earth's societies in political and social development, all nations and peoples in ...
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This chapter places the United States in the 1970s in the context of world history. Because of the diversity of the Earth's societies in political and social development, all nations and peoples in this era did not march in lockstep with each other; as the Cold War and other conflicts revealed, trends around the globe at the time seemed to be heading in very different directions. But in retrospect, the chapter reveals the 1970s American story of moving simultaneously toward greater egalitarianism and toward greater faith in the free market fit with a similar pattern taking shape around the world, one emphasizing human rights and national self-determination, on the one hand, and the declining legitimacy of socialism and government management of economies, on the other.Less
This chapter places the United States in the 1970s in the context of world history. Because of the diversity of the Earth's societies in political and social development, all nations and peoples in this era did not march in lockstep with each other; as the Cold War and other conflicts revealed, trends around the globe at the time seemed to be heading in very different directions. But in retrospect, the chapter reveals the 1970s American story of moving simultaneously toward greater egalitarianism and toward greater faith in the free market fit with a similar pattern taking shape around the world, one emphasizing human rights and national self-determination, on the one hand, and the declining legitimacy of socialism and government management of economies, on the other.
JENNIFER JACKSON PREECE
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198294375
- eISBN:
- 9780191685033
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198294375.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The collapse of communism in the former Soviet bloc between 1989 and 1991 caused multinational Yugoslavia, Czechoslovakia, and the Soviet Union to come apart along ethnic lines and be replaced by new ...
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The collapse of communism in the former Soviet bloc between 1989 and 1991 caused multinational Yugoslavia, Czechoslovakia, and the Soviet Union to come apart along ethnic lines and be replaced by new nation-states whose boundaries were those of the previous federal divisions. This book examines the international status of national minorities in the European nation-states system with emphasis on the period from 1919 to 1995. While there have been many studies of the evolution and expansion of the nation-states system in Europe, none has explicitly illuminated this historical process from the more narrowly focused lens of national minority concerns. European developments since the end of the Cold War would seem to suggest that such an investigation could make a valuable contribution to both theoretical and policy-making debates on sovereignty, national self-determination, and ethnic conflict. This book explores the relationship between minority rights and national security within states and between minority rights and stability within the society of states.Less
The collapse of communism in the former Soviet bloc between 1989 and 1991 caused multinational Yugoslavia, Czechoslovakia, and the Soviet Union to come apart along ethnic lines and be replaced by new nation-states whose boundaries were those of the previous federal divisions. This book examines the international status of national minorities in the European nation-states system with emphasis on the period from 1919 to 1995. While there have been many studies of the evolution and expansion of the nation-states system in Europe, none has explicitly illuminated this historical process from the more narrowly focused lens of national minority concerns. European developments since the end of the Cold War would seem to suggest that such an investigation could make a valuable contribution to both theoretical and policy-making debates on sovereignty, national self-determination, and ethnic conflict. This book explores the relationship between minority rights and national security within states and between minority rights and stability within the society of states.
Kai Naielsen
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198293842
- eISBN:
- 9780191599941
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293844.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter defends the right of nations to some form of political self‐governance on the grounds that cultural‐national membership is of deep significance to individuals and justifies the ...
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This chapter defends the right of nations to some form of political self‐governance on the grounds that cultural‐national membership is of deep significance to individuals and justifies the establishment of political self‐governance for nations.Less
This chapter defends the right of nations to some form of political self‐governance on the grounds that cultural‐national membership is of deep significance to individuals and justifies the establishment of political self‐governance for nations.
Erica Benner
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198279594
- eISBN:
- 9780191598791
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198279590.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
After the defeat of the 1848 revolutions, Marx and Engels turned their attention to two developments that forced them to rethink their approach to national issues: colonial expansion outside Europe ...
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After the defeat of the 1848 revolutions, Marx and Engels turned their attention to two developments that forced them to rethink their approach to national issues: colonial expansion outside Europe and the rise of working‐class movements displaying a variety of dispositions to nationalism. In revising their policies towards national movements in Ireland, India, and China, the two men upgraded the role of national self‐determination within their internationalist strategy. At the same time, their work in the First International led them to clarify distinctions between hegemonic and defensive nationalism, enlightened patriotism, and uncritical support for national leaderships.Less
After the defeat of the 1848 revolutions, Marx and Engels turned their attention to two developments that forced them to rethink their approach to national issues: colonial expansion outside Europe and the rise of working‐class movements displaying a variety of dispositions to nationalism. In revising their policies towards national movements in Ireland, India, and China, the two men upgraded the role of national self‐determination within their internationalist strategy. At the same time, their work in the First International led them to clarify distinctions between hegemonic and defensive nationalism, enlightened patriotism, and uncritical support for national leaderships.
Richard S. Kim
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195369991
- eISBN:
- 9780199918263
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195369991.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century, Asian History
This chapter narrates the systematic efforts of nationalist leaders in the diaspora to establish a national Korean state in the aftermath of the large-scale 1919 March First uprising. Japan’s brutal ...
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This chapter narrates the systematic efforts of nationalist leaders in the diaspora to establish a national Korean state in the aftermath of the large-scale 1919 March First uprising. Japan’s brutal suppression of the national uprising in Korea made it necessary for national liberation activities to be carried out from abroad, ushering in a new phase in the nationalist movement as the locus of political activities occurred largely outside the Korean peninsula. These activities resulted in the formation of the Korean Provisional Government (KPG) in Shanghai, which developed out of multiple ideological and strategic strands within the diaspora. The globalization of American power following World War I empowered the U.S. component of the Korean diaspora to play significant roles, ideologically and organizationally, in defining the vision of a new Korean nation-state that was embodied in the KPG. For the next several years, the activities of the KPG would remain at the center of the national liberation movement.Less
This chapter narrates the systematic efforts of nationalist leaders in the diaspora to establish a national Korean state in the aftermath of the large-scale 1919 March First uprising. Japan’s brutal suppression of the national uprising in Korea made it necessary for national liberation activities to be carried out from abroad, ushering in a new phase in the nationalist movement as the locus of political activities occurred largely outside the Korean peninsula. These activities resulted in the formation of the Korean Provisional Government (KPG) in Shanghai, which developed out of multiple ideological and strategic strands within the diaspora. The globalization of American power following World War I empowered the U.S. component of the Korean diaspora to play significant roles, ideologically and organizationally, in defining the vision of a new Korean nation-state that was embodied in the KPG. For the next several years, the activities of the KPG would remain at the center of the national liberation movement.
