Norrin M. Ripsman and T. V. Paul
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195393903
- eISBN:
- 9780199776832
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195393903.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter explores the globalization school's predictions for the pursuit of security. First, it examines the various strands of the demise of the state argument, including those of hard ...
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This chapter explores the globalization school's predictions for the pursuit of security. First, it examines the various strands of the demise of the state argument, including those of hard globalization proponents, soft globalization proponents, and commercial liberals, as well as two other groups with claims that are compatible with our definition of globalization, democratic peace theory, and constructivist arguments about the spread of globalized political norms. It then culls out of these positions a set of common propositions about the effect globalization is likely to have on the way states pursue security. It identifies macro-level propositions about the level of interstate war, aggregate defense spending, the prominence of transnational terrorism, and the role of multilateral institutions at the international system level. It then identifies state- and region-specific propositions about the national security strategies and architectures of individual states.Less
This chapter explores the globalization school's predictions for the pursuit of security. First, it examines the various strands of the demise of the state argument, including those of hard globalization proponents, soft globalization proponents, and commercial liberals, as well as two other groups with claims that are compatible with our definition of globalization, democratic peace theory, and constructivist arguments about the spread of globalized political norms. It then culls out of these positions a set of common propositions about the effect globalization is likely to have on the way states pursue security. It identifies macro-level propositions about the level of interstate war, aggregate defense spending, the prominence of transnational terrorism, and the role of multilateral institutions at the international system level. It then identifies state- and region-specific propositions about the national security strategies and architectures of individual states.
John Krige
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- September 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780226605852
- eISBN:
- 9780226606040
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226606040.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, History of Science, Technology, and Medicine
Export controls do not only regulate international trade. They also regulate the transfer of information, knowledge, and know-how (intangible technology) to foreign nationals, both abroad and in the ...
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Export controls do not only regulate international trade. They also regulate the transfer of information, knowledge, and know-how (intangible technology) to foreign nationals, both abroad and in the US (a so-called deemed export). They have become increasingly wide in scope, invasive, and nationalistic in the global space of knowledge production and circulation. The reach of the regulatory National Security State has expanded to embrace the education and training of scientists, engineers, and project managers in face-to-face interactions at both academic and corporate sites. Heavy fines and imprisonment have been imposed on US entities and individuals who violate the law, which is subject to constant (re)negotiation between diverse stakeholders who strive to balance academic freedom and access to markets with threats to American national economic and military security. This paper traces the historical arc of these developments from the late 1970s to the early 2000s. It highlights key moments when the sharing of sensitive but unclassified knowledge and know-how with foreign nationals was a major preoccupation of the National Security State. An increasingly restrictive export control regime was put in place to deal with threats from first the Soviet Union and then the People's Republic of China.Less
Export controls do not only regulate international trade. They also regulate the transfer of information, knowledge, and know-how (intangible technology) to foreign nationals, both abroad and in the US (a so-called deemed export). They have become increasingly wide in scope, invasive, and nationalistic in the global space of knowledge production and circulation. The reach of the regulatory National Security State has expanded to embrace the education and training of scientists, engineers, and project managers in face-to-face interactions at both academic and corporate sites. Heavy fines and imprisonment have been imposed on US entities and individuals who violate the law, which is subject to constant (re)negotiation between diverse stakeholders who strive to balance academic freedom and access to markets with threats to American national economic and military security. This paper traces the historical arc of these developments from the late 1970s to the early 2000s. It highlights key moments when the sharing of sensitive but unclassified knowledge and know-how with foreign nationals was a major preoccupation of the National Security State. An increasingly restrictive export control regime was put in place to deal with threats from first the Soviet Union and then the People's Republic of China.
Timothy Melley
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801451232
- eISBN:
- 9780801465918
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801451232.001.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, American, 20th Century Literature
In 2010 the U.S. Embassy in Kabul acknowledged that it was providing major funding for thirteen episodes of Eagle Four—a new Afghani television melodrama based loosely on the blockbuster U.S. series ...
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In 2010 the U.S. Embassy in Kabul acknowledged that it was providing major funding for thirteen episodes of Eagle Four—a new Afghani television melodrama based loosely on the blockbuster U.S. series 24. Eagle Four was part of a strategy aimed at transforming public suspicion of security forces into respect. Why would a wartime government spend resources on a melodrama of covert operations? The answer is not simply that fiction has real political effects but that, since the Cold War, fiction has become integral to the growth of national security as a concept and a transformation of democracy. This book links this cultural shift to the birth of the national security state in 1947. As the United States developed a vast infrastructure of clandestine organizations, it shielded policy from the public sphere and gave rise to a new cultural imaginary, “the covert sphere.” One of the surprising consequences of state secrecy is that citizens must rely substantially on fiction to “know,” or imagine, their nation's foreign policy. The potent combination of institutional secrecy and public fascination with the secret work of the state was instrumental in fostering the culture of suspicion and uncertainty that has plagued American society ever since—and, the book argues, that would eventually find its fullest expression in postmodernism. The book traces these consequences from the Korean War through the War on Terror, examining how a regime of psychological operations and covert action has made the conflation of reality and fiction a central feature of both U.S. foreign policy and American culture.Less
In 2010 the U.S. Embassy in Kabul acknowledged that it was providing major funding for thirteen episodes of Eagle Four—a new Afghani television melodrama based loosely on the blockbuster U.S. series 24. Eagle Four was part of a strategy aimed at transforming public suspicion of security forces into respect. Why would a wartime government spend resources on a melodrama of covert operations? The answer is not simply that fiction has real political effects but that, since the Cold War, fiction has become integral to the growth of national security as a concept and a transformation of democracy. This book links this cultural shift to the birth of the national security state in 1947. As the United States developed a vast infrastructure of clandestine organizations, it shielded policy from the public sphere and gave rise to a new cultural imaginary, “the covert sphere.” One of the surprising consequences of state secrecy is that citizens must rely substantially on fiction to “know,” or imagine, their nation's foreign policy. The potent combination of institutional secrecy and public fascination with the secret work of the state was instrumental in fostering the culture of suspicion and uncertainty that has plagued American society ever since—and, the book argues, that would eventually find its fullest expression in postmodernism. The book traces these consequences from the Korean War through the War on Terror, examining how a regime of psychological operations and covert action has made the conflation of reality and fiction a central feature of both U.S. foreign policy and American culture.
Timothy Melley
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801451232
- eISBN:
- 9780801465918
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801451232.003.0003
- Subject:
- Literature, American, 20th Century Literature
This chapter examines the Rosenberg trial's place in postmodern historiographic fiction. Relying on simulated evidence and staged testimony revealing covert activity, the trial possessed a fictional ...
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This chapter examines the Rosenberg trial's place in postmodern historiographic fiction. Relying on simulated evidence and staged testimony revealing covert activity, the trial possessed a fictional quality. The chapter then analyzes Robert Coover's satire of the Rosenberg case, The Public Burning (1977). Among the most important examples of postmodern U.S. fiction, this novel repeatedly associates its own narrative experimentation with the confusion of the Rosenberg trial and the ideological system that supports the National Security State. By doing so, it illustrates a common inconsistency of much Cold War avant-garde writing—because writers cannot know state secrets, they must limit themselves to representing the radical unknowing produced by the security state.Less
This chapter examines the Rosenberg trial's place in postmodern historiographic fiction. Relying on simulated evidence and staged testimony revealing covert activity, the trial possessed a fictional quality. The chapter then analyzes Robert Coover's satire of the Rosenberg case, The Public Burning (1977). Among the most important examples of postmodern U.S. fiction, this novel repeatedly associates its own narrative experimentation with the confusion of the Rosenberg trial and the ideological system that supports the National Security State. By doing so, it illustrates a common inconsistency of much Cold War avant-garde writing—because writers cannot know state secrets, they must limit themselves to representing the radical unknowing produced by the security state.
Peter Mandler
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780300187854
- eISBN:
- 9780300189704
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300187854.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, Social History
This chapter explains that Margaret Mead's tools and techniques in national character studies were meant to be useful in times of peace, despite being made during the Second World War. Mead made sure ...
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This chapter explains that Margaret Mead's tools and techniques in national character studies were meant to be useful in times of peace, despite being made during the Second World War. Mead made sure of this by keeping her work safe from the hands of what she called “bastards,” so it would remain applicable in making a peaceful world rather than making a world of hate and hostilities. But the subsequent generations were sceptical of her claims. They argued that social science had become entangled with the so-called “National Security State” during the war and that it would become impossible for them to disengage, if they actually tried to disengage. They even pressed that neither side actually tried to disengage.Less
This chapter explains that Margaret Mead's tools and techniques in national character studies were meant to be useful in times of peace, despite being made during the Second World War. Mead made sure of this by keeping her work safe from the hands of what she called “bastards,” so it would remain applicable in making a peaceful world rather than making a world of hate and hostilities. But the subsequent generations were sceptical of her claims. They argued that social science had become entangled with the so-called “National Security State” during the war and that it would become impossible for them to disengage, if they actually tried to disengage. They even pressed that neither side actually tried to disengage.
Nikhil Singh
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780520273436
- eISBN:
- 9780520953765
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520273436.003.0013
- Subject:
- Sociology, Race and Ethnicity
This chapter examines how sovereign violence defines the meanings and effects attached to race by bringing W. E. B. DuBois into conversation with Michael Omi and Howard Winant. It deploys racial ...
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This chapter examines how sovereign violence defines the meanings and effects attached to race by bringing W. E. B. DuBois into conversation with Michael Omi and Howard Winant. It deploys racial formation theory alongside DuBois to conceptualize race as less “precipitated out of social relations” than “remade as social relation,” in order to expose race as reconstituted in the practices of permanent war and as deeply embedded in “the uniquely violent foundations of Western modernity.” It also deconstructs racist depictions of Barack Obama and highlights the complex and troubling contradictions that his presidency engenders, not only for a white hegemony founded on “post-racial” politics but also for sovereign violence legitimized under the global umbrella of the expanded U.S. national security state.Less
This chapter examines how sovereign violence defines the meanings and effects attached to race by bringing W. E. B. DuBois into conversation with Michael Omi and Howard Winant. It deploys racial formation theory alongside DuBois to conceptualize race as less “precipitated out of social relations” than “remade as social relation,” in order to expose race as reconstituted in the practices of permanent war and as deeply embedded in “the uniquely violent foundations of Western modernity.” It also deconstructs racist depictions of Barack Obama and highlights the complex and troubling contradictions that his presidency engenders, not only for a white hegemony founded on “post-racial” politics but also for sovereign violence legitimized under the global umbrella of the expanded U.S. national security state.
Daniel Deudney
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- November 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780198828945
- eISBN:
- 9780191867422
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198828945.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The end of the Cold War left the USA as uncontested hegemon and shaper of the globalization and international order. Yet the international order has been unintentionally but repeatedly shaken by ...
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The end of the Cold War left the USA as uncontested hegemon and shaper of the globalization and international order. Yet the international order has been unintentionally but repeatedly shaken by American interventionism and affronts to both allies and rivals. This is particularly the case in the Middle East as the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq as well as the nuclear negotiations with Iran show. Therefore, the once unquestioned authority and power of the USA have been challenged at home as well as abroad. By bringing disorder rather than order to the world, US behavior in these conflicts has also caused domestic exhaustion and division. This, in turn, has led to a more restrained and as of late isolationist foreign policy from the USA, leaving the role as shaper of the international order increasingly to others.Less
The end of the Cold War left the USA as uncontested hegemon and shaper of the globalization and international order. Yet the international order has been unintentionally but repeatedly shaken by American interventionism and affronts to both allies and rivals. This is particularly the case in the Middle East as the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq as well as the nuclear negotiations with Iran show. Therefore, the once unquestioned authority and power of the USA have been challenged at home as well as abroad. By bringing disorder rather than order to the world, US behavior in these conflicts has also caused domestic exhaustion and division. This, in turn, has led to a more restrained and as of late isolationist foreign policy from the USA, leaving the role as shaper of the international order increasingly to others.
Joshua Takano Chambers-Letson
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780814738399
- eISBN:
- 9780814745250
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9780814738399.003.0006
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Asian Studies
This concluding chapter discusses Tracking Transience, a performance both of the law and for the law. It stages the surveillance techniques of the national security state as they concentrate on the ...
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This concluding chapter discusses Tracking Transience, a performance both of the law and for the law. It stages the surveillance techniques of the national security state as they concentrate on the artist's racialized body. In addition, the play demonstrates the links between law and performance in the process of racialization. To do so, it draws on the tradition of body artists, such as Hanna Wilke, Yoko Ono, Chris Burden, and Karen Finley, who use the body in performance to stage, a “dislocation of normative subjectivity, reconfiguring identity politics (the way in which the subject comes to meaning in the social) and the very parameters of subjectivity itself.”Less
This concluding chapter discusses Tracking Transience, a performance both of the law and for the law. It stages the surveillance techniques of the national security state as they concentrate on the artist's racialized body. In addition, the play demonstrates the links between law and performance in the process of racialization. To do so, it draws on the tradition of body artists, such as Hanna Wilke, Yoko Ono, Chris Burden, and Karen Finley, who use the body in performance to stage, a “dislocation of normative subjectivity, reconfiguring identity politics (the way in which the subject comes to meaning in the social) and the very parameters of subjectivity itself.”
Matthew Dallek
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780199743124
- eISBN:
- 9780190469559
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199743124.003.0015
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
During World War II, the choices made by liberals had immediate consequences for liberalism and the country. Social defense was ultimately subordinated to the needs of national security. As home ...
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During World War II, the choices made by liberals had immediate consequences for liberalism and the country. Social defense was ultimately subordinated to the needs of national security. As home defense evolved, what “defense” and “security” even meant narrowed in wartime society to connote military preparedness rather than “human security.” Eleanor Roosevelt became a principal architect of liberalism as “a fighting faith.” She insisted that social and economic problems had to remain at the center of the debate about democracy in wartime. She helped forge the liberal tradition of projecting America’s values to the world while also pushing Americans to live up to their founding principles. Fiorello La Guardia’s vision for home defense found arguably even more resonance in the culture of 1950s America than ER’s. His idea to prioritize militarism ahead of other national concerns gained traction among some liberals during the Cold War.Less
During World War II, the choices made by liberals had immediate consequences for liberalism and the country. Social defense was ultimately subordinated to the needs of national security. As home defense evolved, what “defense” and “security” even meant narrowed in wartime society to connote military preparedness rather than “human security.” Eleanor Roosevelt became a principal architect of liberalism as “a fighting faith.” She insisted that social and economic problems had to remain at the center of the debate about democracy in wartime. She helped forge the liberal tradition of projecting America’s values to the world while also pushing Americans to live up to their founding principles. Fiorello La Guardia’s vision for home defense found arguably even more resonance in the culture of 1950s America than ER’s. His idea to prioritize militarism ahead of other national concerns gained traction among some liberals during the Cold War.
Jason W. Smith
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- January 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781469640440
- eISBN:
- 9781469640464
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469640440.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, Environmental History
The epilogue tracks the evolution of naval science and its relationship to the broader scientific world into the Twentieth and Twenty-First centuries with attention to the growing strategic role of ...
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The epilogue tracks the evolution of naval science and its relationship to the broader scientific world into the Twentieth and Twenty-First centuries with attention to the growing strategic role of cartography, oceanography, and marine science within the Cold War national security state, the emergence of submarine warfare, and the militarization of science in weaponizing nature itself. The epilogue argues that while science became even more central to strategic discourse and naval warfare more generally, it continued to have a fraught place within the Navy’s ranks and its significance was not continuously appreciated among naval leaders even as the U.S. Marine Corps in the interwar period placed strategic knowledge of the natural world at the foundation of its emerging amphibious assault doctrine. Finally, the epilogue makes some general claims about the significance of the marine environment to naval affairs in the present day by linking the Navy’s strategic visions to a marine environment made more violent and dynamic by the influence of climate change as well as the renewed importance of hydrographers historic methods and data as baselines from which to understand the degree of change in the world’s oceans.Less
The epilogue tracks the evolution of naval science and its relationship to the broader scientific world into the Twentieth and Twenty-First centuries with attention to the growing strategic role of cartography, oceanography, and marine science within the Cold War national security state, the emergence of submarine warfare, and the militarization of science in weaponizing nature itself. The epilogue argues that while science became even more central to strategic discourse and naval warfare more generally, it continued to have a fraught place within the Navy’s ranks and its significance was not continuously appreciated among naval leaders even as the U.S. Marine Corps in the interwar period placed strategic knowledge of the natural world at the foundation of its emerging amphibious assault doctrine. Finally, the epilogue makes some general claims about the significance of the marine environment to naval affairs in the present day by linking the Navy’s strategic visions to a marine environment made more violent and dynamic by the influence of climate change as well as the renewed importance of hydrographers historic methods and data as baselines from which to understand the degree of change in the world’s oceans.
Charles S. Young
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- April 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780195183481
- eISBN:
- 9780199344796
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195183481.003.0015
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century, Military History
Basic features of the Korean War were not revealed to the public, particularly how voluntary repatriation froze peace talks. Washington did not believe the nation would continue supporting a war to ...
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Basic features of the Korean War were not revealed to the public, particularly how voluntary repatriation froze peace talks. Washington did not believe the nation would continue supporting a war to attain asylum for former communist prisoners. Officials obscured armistice issues and even waited until after the war to accuse the communists of massive brutality against POWs. Chinese accusations of germ warfare were inexplicably comical to many people since they did not know that voluntary repatriation had prolonged the war and turned it into a propaganda match. Secrecy about the war prevented participation in democratic process. The Korean War was also important in creating the military-industrial complex. POWs sacrificed an extra measure for this since their freedom was delayed over the contrived issue of voluntary repatriation.Less
Basic features of the Korean War were not revealed to the public, particularly how voluntary repatriation froze peace talks. Washington did not believe the nation would continue supporting a war to attain asylum for former communist prisoners. Officials obscured armistice issues and even waited until after the war to accuse the communists of massive brutality against POWs. Chinese accusations of germ warfare were inexplicably comical to many people since they did not know that voluntary repatriation had prolonged the war and turned it into a propaganda match. Secrecy about the war prevented participation in democratic process. The Korean War was also important in creating the military-industrial complex. POWs sacrificed an extra measure for this since their freedom was delayed over the contrived issue of voluntary repatriation.
Paul Apostolidis
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- October 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780190600181
- eISBN:
- 9780190600211
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190600181.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory, Comparative Politics
This chapter extends and revises Jacques Rancière’s reading of von Trier’s Dogville (2003) as a cinematic expression of the contemporary “ethical turn.” For Rancière, Dogville expresses how, within ...
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This chapter extends and revises Jacques Rancière’s reading of von Trier’s Dogville (2003) as a cinematic expression of the contemporary “ethical turn.” For Rancière, Dogville expresses how, within the post–September 11 power formation, programs of ethical commitment, which oscillate incoherently between universalist devotion to humanity and defensive/vengeful loyalty to the nation, overshadow collective projects of political contestation. Hence, through many narrative, visual, and aural elements, the film records and threatens to reinforce this hegemonic formation that merges humanitarianism with the military aggressions and control technologies of the national security state. Yet as the closing track (“Young Americans”) by David Bowie suggests, Dogville also evokes a counterhegemonic politics of style that Rancière neglects but still helps theorize. Such a politics involves reconfiguring distributions of the sensible, interrogating claims to authentic knowledge of justice, and subversively manipulating commodities.Less
This chapter extends and revises Jacques Rancière’s reading of von Trier’s Dogville (2003) as a cinematic expression of the contemporary “ethical turn.” For Rancière, Dogville expresses how, within the post–September 11 power formation, programs of ethical commitment, which oscillate incoherently between universalist devotion to humanity and defensive/vengeful loyalty to the nation, overshadow collective projects of political contestation. Hence, through many narrative, visual, and aural elements, the film records and threatens to reinforce this hegemonic formation that merges humanitarianism with the military aggressions and control technologies of the national security state. Yet as the closing track (“Young Americans”) by David Bowie suggests, Dogville also evokes a counterhegemonic politics of style that Rancière neglects but still helps theorize. Such a politics involves reconfiguring distributions of the sensible, interrogating claims to authentic knowledge of justice, and subversively manipulating commodities.
