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This chapter discusses the move towards national reconciliation in the Southern Cone and the disruptive effects of the legacy of human rights violations. The legacy of human violations threatened to become a course of renewed polarization and destabilization under the new democratic governments of Argentina, Chile, and Uruguay. In this context, national reconciliation policies were proposed and a series of public aftershocks emerged around the significance and implication of the past repressive governments. The debate on the socio-political transformations of the public sphere was dominated by discussion on the principles upon which to build a consolidated democracy and this had practical consequences for the realignment of social and political forces.

National reconciliation efforts include the disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration (DDR) of former combatants and others affected by the war, demining, and the rehabilitation of basic services and infrastructure. This chapter argues that governments need to carry out these efforts continuously and implacably, from the early emergency phase to the end of economic reconstruction, when the country moves back to normal development. The chapter analyzes the danger that peace agreements and UN Security Council resolutions build up unrealistic expectations; the importance of ensuring proper planning, financing, synchronization, and sustainability of all peace-related programs until their full completion; the difficulty of moving away from emergency programs and humanitarian aid to the effective utilization of reconstruction aid to rebuild infrastructure, services, and other investment; and the role of governments, donors, and public-private partnerships in rebuilding and financing infrastructure. It also analyzes the rules for national reconciliation to ensure that past violence is addressed.

This concluding chapter refers back to the original intentions outlined in the Introduction and comments on how the preceding chapters have expanded upon those intentions. It proposes that further work of a similar kind in relation to other regions is greatly desired, but outlines some of the impediments to such work. It says that the book has demonstrated the complexity of Kachin ideological systems and Kachin political culture and how the underlying causes of conflict in the Kachin region cannot be reduced to a simplistic political narrative. Burmese national politicians have yet to engage with the kind of complex history outlined in this book. However, recognising the limitations of previous analysis is an important element of any national reconciliation and political rehabilitation.

This chapter describes the inherent complexity of the transition process that follows regime change. It finds that polarization can stem from pre-regime issues, repression of the now-defunct regime, the sudden influx of political actors and activity, and revolutions themselves. The chapter argues that to transition to sustainable peace and stability, Arab Spring societies must deal with their deep rifts by engaging in an inclusive and genuine national reconciliation process. It defines national reconciliation as the process of addressing the grievances of parties to a conflict with the aim of redefining their relationships and forging a new social contract. In Libya, Yemen, and Tunisia, the national reconciliation process must include a national dialogue among primary stakeholders, seeking the truth of what really happened in the past, reparations for victims’ past injuries, holding the former regime accountable for its actions, and the reform of state institutions. The chapter also outlines the other layers of post-conflict or post-regime change transitions: transitional justice, post-conflict reconstruction, and post-conflict development.

This chapter reasserts that wide-ranging and genuine national reconciliation is needed to overcome the polarization that is afflicting Arab societies undergoing political transitions. It highlights the challenges to such a process, including selecting appropriate participants and the proper timing. It argues that the process is nonlinear and complicated, and that regional contexts and external actors must be taken into account. The chapter reiterates the importance of national dialogue, dealing with the past, uncovering the truth, addressing victims’ needs, and reforming institutions. It adds that successful national reconciliation processes must engage their societies’ powerful agents of reconciliation, including women, civil society, and tribes. The chapter proposes that the international community can contribute to successful transitions through providing political, financial, and technical support, and concludes with suggestions for areas of future research.

This chapter focuses on the national economy and transition strategies of Tajikistan. Tajikistan is the only Central Asian country whose political transition from Soviet republic to independent nation was not peaceful. Open civil war in 1992–1993 simmered on for several years before peace negotiations led to the June 1997 Agreement on Peace and National Reconciliation. Moreover, Tajikistan was the poorest republic in the Soviet Union, with the highest proportion of under-provisioned households. During the 1990s, economic progress was massively disrupted by the civil war, which completed the destruction of central planning but prevented introduction of institutions such as the rule of law and contract enforcement that are essential for a well-functioning market economy. The rapid growth that could be expected in the recovery from civil war did not begin until 2000, and Tajikistan remains the poorest country in Central Asia.

The Myanmar of today faces major political challenges as a result of disintegration under colonial rule, dissent under military-backed state socialism, and deadlock under martial law. This chapter begins by looking at the disciplined democracy brought into being in 2011. It then looks beyond the sham democracy to consider domestic political futures. It switches to a Burma redux agenda and, in a speculative context of genuine democratization, explores issues of transitional process, national reconciliation, and transitional justice. Drawing on the considerable body of work amassed by comparative political science, it seeks not to lay down a fixed route for the Myanmar people, but rather to learn from experience elsewhere about the challenges they will in all probability encounter if they embark on large-scale institutional reform.

The Aylwin government created the National Truth and Reconciliation Commission to document the worst human rights abuses committed during Chile's sixteen and a half years of military rule. The commission's work was far-reaching. The eight panel members, who received no payment for their work, were joined by a team of seventeen lawyers, eighteen law students and recent law graduates, plus another two dozen social workers, secretaries, computer specialists, and other support staff whose salaries were paid by the Chilean justice ministry. According to the commission's report, no more than 10 percent of its staff had any prior experience with human rights work, as the commission wanted a team that could “take a fresh look at the cases it was to examine and report upon.” Bit by bit the commission members pieced together a history of political repression during the regime.

This chapter examines how the Peruvian Truth and Reconciliation Commission (PTRC) turned from policy suggestions to the symbolic realm of public hearings as part of its efforts to construct and implement a new space of horizontal communication to facilitate the national reconciliation process. The PTRC public hearings aimed to build a new national narrative by giving voice to the victims/testimoniantes and educating the public on lesser-known aspects of the conflict utilizing a human rights framework. This chapter analyzes how procedural and representational issues hindered the full potential of the PTRC public hearings, including the selection of testimonies and the testimonies themselves that demonstrate the restricted qualities of both victimhood and motherhood. It also considers the politics of reception that characterizes the hearings and concludes by suggesting that careful attention to the workings of language, temporality, and gender representation could aid in overcoming the discrimination that impedes democracy and social harmony.

Rivalries and tensions in Somalia exist on several levels: within and between Federal Member States (FMS); between FMS and the Federal Government of Somalia; and in the wider region. This chapter argues that reconciliation should be incorporated into all reform and state-building efforts, including initiatives that relate to decentralization, federalism, and the constitution. A comprehensive and inclusive framework for national reconciliation should be developed. Within this framework, there should be mechanisms to hold leaders accountable, including for past crimes, for which a truth and reconciliation commission should be established. The application of xeer has helped build peace in Somaliland and could play an important role in promoting national reconciliation.

This chapter argues that a reconciliation process is key to strengthening the Somali state. Reconciliation has persistently been omitted from past peace processes, and has essentially been replaced by power-sharing arrangements, neglecting the interests and grievances of the Somali population. The continuance of violence in Somalia's regions and within the capital itself shows that there is a serious need for reconciliation. The first step in a reconciliation process would be to bring Somalis together to determine the way in which key issues are addressed, which is likely to involve forgiveness or truth and justice. Beyond this, the agenda of the reconciliation process can be derived from bottom-up, participatory action research methodologies in order to identify grievances and the principles for their resolution.

This chapter examines how the understanding of the writer's role as an agent of national reconciliation takes shape in Scott's first three poetic romances and in his first novel. It shows that Scott's poems define feudal independence in opposition to modern sensitivities, law and centralised power, and also directly addresses the contrast between feudal allegiance and state authority. The chapter furthermore determines that Waverley is situated in the modern writing scene, where readers rely on the characters' recollections in order to gain more information about the past.

This chapter finds that in Libya, Yemen, and Tunisia, the sudden removal of power structures and the changes that followed have generated profoundly polarizing issues that threaten the states’ ability to transition from dictatorship to sustainable peace and stability. While the issues vary widely and depend on the historical context and specific conditions of each country, there can be commonalities, such as the persistence of the “deep state” and the challenge of disarmament. It is critical to avoid blaming old regimes for all the problems that countries face in their transition to civil peace, a process that is not linear and can involve a lot of trial and error. The chapter argues that transitioning states must confront their challenging issues and handle them in an inclusive and transparent manner.

The leading academic literature on Rwanda tends to focus on the Hutu-Tutsi dichotomy, either directly or indirectly, thus resigning the historical narratives of the Twa to a footnote, permanently buried in history. Based on interviews and focus groups, as well as personal testimony provided by three Twa civil society leaders, this chapter explores Twa perceptions and experiences of national unity and reconciliation during the post-genocide period. As a component of this, our chapter examines popular perceptions of the Historically Marginalized Peoples (HMP) label, a quasi-legal category generally associated with the Twa, within the broader framework of the government's unity-building and reconciliation campaign. This snapshot of Twa interactions with government policy and practice shows that Twa often feel excluded from efforts to foster national pride, unity and reconciliation. Equally, the majority of Twa object to the use of the HMP label, and many emphasize the continued relevance of Twa identity and culture at a community level.

This chapter redefines the Somali conflict by refuting Somali exceptionalism and the approach based solely on clan. Instead, it argues that the genesis of hostilities is the state–society conflict that, as a consequence, has generated a violent power struggle among the political elite. In turn, this political elite power struggle has provoked political clannism and Islamism: the two indigenous ideologies. These conflicts have been generated sequentially as a result of state–society conflict, and must be addressed as part of a four-part process of reconciliation. The chapter also recommends a ten-point programme of reconciliation, which gradually realizes good governance practices and comprehensive elite and clan reconciliation. Moreover, it proposes a participatory approach and prudent synthesis of modernity and tradition.

This chapter describes the massive and continuing outflow of people as the clearest indicator of Jamaican social dissonance. The main problem is the fact of hegemonic dissolution—the breakdown of an old consensus and the failure to construct a new one. The establishment of a new Jamaican consensus requires a basis for a new political compromise which includes: (a) a process of national reconciliation; (b) a new and extensive land reform measure; and (c) a Constituent Assembly of the Jamaican People at Home and Abroad (CAJPHA). The chapter argues that any attempt to reconstruct Jamaican politics must be based on democracy and inclusion. Among the issues that need to be resolved are the relationship of Western individualism to the Jamaican and Caribbean personality, the problem of “hyper consumption,” and the question of what it means to be human in Jamaica and the Caribbean today.

Chapter 5 examines the US involvement in the Colombian Justice and Peace Process. During the negotiations of the Justice and Peace Law, Congress advocated for strengthening the provisions on accountability for paramilitary leaders who had committed serious human rights violations, while the Department of Justice pushed to maintain its ability to extradite those leaders who were also drug traffickers. A stronger law was passed in 2005, and the Justice Department and USAID provided extensive support to operationalize it. A few years into the process, Colombia extradited several paramilitary leaders to the United States on drug trafficking charges, which some observers believed undermined the justice and peace process.