David Miller
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198293569
- eISBN:
- 9780191599910
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293569.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Nationalism is often dismissed today as an irrational political creed with disastrous consequences. Yet most people regard their national identity as a significant aspect of themselves, see ...
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Nationalism is often dismissed today as an irrational political creed with disastrous consequences. Yet most people regard their national identity as a significant aspect of themselves, see themselves as having special obligations to their compatriots, and value their nation's political independence. This book defends these beliefs, and shows that nationality, defined in these terms, serves valuable goals, including social justice, democracy, and the protection of culture. National identities need not be illiberal, and they do not exclude other sources of personal identity, such as ethnicity or religion. An ethics that gives weight to special relationships is more effective in motivating people to pursue justice and other values because it connects peoples’ duties to their identity; but this is consistent with recognizing some universal values, such as human rights. There are strong reasons for making the boundaries of states and nations coincide wherever possible, but in other cases, nations can achieve forms of self‐determination that fall short of full sovereignty. Multicultural arguments in favour of identity politics and special rights for minority groups ignore the benefits that such groups derive from participating in a shared national identity and the kind of democratic politics that such an identity makes possible. Although national identities are often said to be in decline in an increasingly globalized world, they serve such important purposes that our aim should be to rebuild them in a form that makes them more accessible to excluded cultural minorities.Less
Nationalism is often dismissed today as an irrational political creed with disastrous consequences. Yet most people regard their national identity as a significant aspect of themselves, see themselves as having special obligations to their compatriots, and value their nation's political independence. This book defends these beliefs, and shows that nationality, defined in these terms, serves valuable goals, including social justice, democracy, and the protection of culture. National identities need not be illiberal, and they do not exclude other sources of personal identity, such as ethnicity or religion. An ethics that gives weight to special relationships is more effective in motivating people to pursue justice and other values because it connects peoples’ duties to their identity; but this is consistent with recognizing some universal values, such as human rights. There are strong reasons for making the boundaries of states and nations coincide wherever possible, but in other cases, nations can achieve forms of self‐determination that fall short of full sovereignty. Multicultural arguments in favour of identity politics and special rights for minority groups ignore the benefits that such groups derive from participating in a shared national identity and the kind of democratic politics that such an identity makes possible. Although national identities are often said to be in decline in an increasingly globalized world, they serve such important purposes that our aim should be to rebuild them in a form that makes them more accessible to excluded cultural minorities.
Wayne Norman
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780198293354
- eISBN:
- 9780191604126
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293356.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
What should political actors and state institutions be permitted, encouraged, required, or forbidden to do in the attempt to shape people’s national identities? This is the central question in the ...
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What should political actors and state institutions be permitted, encouraged, required, or forbidden to do in the attempt to shape people’s national identities? This is the central question in the ethics of nation-building, and has been vastly understudied in recent normative political theories of nationalism. This chapter answers this question by discussing more than a dozen components of an individual’s national identity. It considers the many legitimate and illegitimate ways in which political actors and the state can shape or alter these components, and the content of the identity itself. It also considers the soundness and relevance of the seemly age-old distinction between so-called ethnic and civic national identities.Less
What should political actors and state institutions be permitted, encouraged, required, or forbidden to do in the attempt to shape people’s national identities? This is the central question in the ethics of nation-building, and has been vastly understudied in recent normative political theories of nationalism. This chapter answers this question by discussing more than a dozen components of an individual’s national identity. It considers the many legitimate and illegitimate ways in which political actors and the state can shape or alter these components, and the content of the identity itself. It also considers the soundness and relevance of the seemly age-old distinction between so-called ethnic and civic national identities.
Wayne Norman
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780198293354
- eISBN:
- 9780191604126
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293356.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This book addresses some of the special challenges that arise when two or more national communities share the same (multinational) state. As a work in normative political philosophy, its principal ...
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This book addresses some of the special challenges that arise when two or more national communities share the same (multinational) state. As a work in normative political philosophy, its principal aim is to evaluate the political and institutional choices of citizens and governments in states with rival nationalist discourses and nation-building projects. The first chapter takes stock of a decade of intense philosophical and sociological debates about the nature of nations and nationalism. The remainder of the book focuses on the three major political and institutional choices in multinational states. First, what can political actors and governments legitimately do to shape citizens’ national identity or identities? This is the core question in the ethics of nation-building. Second, how can minority and majority national communities each be given an adequate degree of self-determination, including equal rights to carry out nation-building projects, within a democratic federal state? Finally, even in a world where most national minorities cannot have their own state, how should the constitutions of multinational federations regulate secessionist politics within the rule of law and the ideals of democracy?Less
This book addresses some of the special challenges that arise when two or more national communities share the same (multinational) state. As a work in normative political philosophy, its principal aim is to evaluate the political and institutional choices of citizens and governments in states with rival nationalist discourses and nation-building projects. The first chapter takes stock of a decade of intense philosophical and sociological debates about the nature of nations and nationalism. The remainder of the book focuses on the three major political and institutional choices in multinational states. First, what can political actors and governments legitimately do to shape citizens’ national identity or identities? This is the core question in the ethics of nation-building. Second, how can minority and majority national communities each be given an adequate degree of self-determination, including equal rights to carry out nation-building projects, within a democratic federal state? Finally, even in a world where most national minorities cannot have their own state, how should the constitutions of multinational federations regulate secessionist politics within the rule of law and the ideals of democracy?
Carl-Ulrik Schierup
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780198280521
- eISBN:
- 9780191603730
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198280521.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter introduces the book’s central questions, themes, and theoretical concepts, and elaborates on the moral-political premises of the study. It starts with a discussion of the contemporary ...
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This chapter introduces the book’s central questions, themes, and theoretical concepts, and elaborates on the moral-political premises of the study. It starts with a discussion of the contemporary dual crisis of the welfare state and the nation. This complex crisis presents the European Union with a dilemma centered on changing frameworks of citizenship, social exclusion, and the racialization of social relations. It has important historical similarities with the American dilemma of race, class, and democracy described by the Swedish economist Gunnar Myrdal. This emerging ‘European dilemma’ can no longer be dealt with through the defensive strategies through which European governments and EU institutions have endeavored to appease anti-immigrant populist parties in the past: by adopting restrictive immigration and asylum regimes, shifting from multiculturalism towards revamped assimilationist policies, or devising new ‘guest worker’ systems designed to keep the ‘problem’ away from the core institutions of society altogether. On the one hand, the very future of the European project of integration is dependent on the successful framing of new inclusive modes of citizenship and broad forms of social solidarity. On the other hand, taking this task seriously means confronting powerful political and economic interests. Thus, a central question of the book is whether current national and EU-level anti-discrimination and equal opportunities policies can succeed in the absence of some form of broad social compact on citizenship and social welfare in terms of normative political consensus, and strong institutions beyond and complementary to the market.Less
This chapter introduces the book’s central questions, themes, and theoretical concepts, and elaborates on the moral-political premises of the study. It starts with a discussion of the contemporary dual crisis of the welfare state and the nation. This complex crisis presents the European Union with a dilemma centered on changing frameworks of citizenship, social exclusion, and the racialization of social relations. It has important historical similarities with the American dilemma of race, class, and democracy described by the Swedish economist Gunnar Myrdal. This emerging ‘European dilemma’ can no longer be dealt with through the defensive strategies through which European governments and EU institutions have endeavored to appease anti-immigrant populist parties in the past: by adopting restrictive immigration and asylum regimes, shifting from multiculturalism towards revamped assimilationist policies, or devising new ‘guest worker’ systems designed to keep the ‘problem’ away from the core institutions of society altogether. On the one hand, the very future of the European project of integration is dependent on the successful framing of new inclusive modes of citizenship and broad forms of social solidarity. On the other hand, taking this task seriously means confronting powerful political and economic interests. Thus, a central question of the book is whether current national and EU-level anti-discrimination and equal opportunities policies can succeed in the absence of some form of broad social compact on citizenship and social welfare in terms of normative political consensus, and strong institutions beyond and complementary to the market.
Margaret Moore
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198297468
- eISBN:
- 9780191599958
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198297467.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter defines ‘nationalism’ and its related terms, and examines various accounts of the origin and persistence of national identities, and their relevance to developing an ethics of ...
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This chapter defines ‘nationalism’ and its related terms, and examines various accounts of the origin and persistence of national identities, and their relevance to developing an ethics of nationalism. It distinguishes between three types of constructivist arguments, and argues that only one type seems adequate in explaining how national identities originate and maintain themselves.Less
This chapter defines ‘nationalism’ and its related terms, and examines various accounts of the origin and persistence of national identities, and their relevance to developing an ethics of nationalism. It distinguishes between three types of constructivist arguments, and argues that only one type seems adequate in explaining how national identities originate and maintain themselves.
David Miller
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198293569
- eISBN:
- 9780191599910
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293569.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
The principle of nationality defended in this book is contrasted with conservative nationalism on one side and radical multiculturalism on the other. Conservative nationalists treat national ...
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The principle of nationality defended in this book is contrasted with conservative nationalism on one side and radical multiculturalism on the other. Conservative nationalists treat national identities as rigid and authoritative, and therefore resist the changes in identity that immigration, for example, requires. Radical multiculturalists support the political expression of group identity, but fail to see how a secure sense of national identity can benefit minority groups. It is a defensible aim of public policy to integrate groups into such an identity, in particular, through the education system. Cultural minorities can legitimately demand equal treatment, but special rights for such groups are in general unjustified.Less
The principle of nationality defended in this book is contrasted with conservative nationalism on one side and radical multiculturalism on the other. Conservative nationalists treat national identities as rigid and authoritative, and therefore resist the changes in identity that immigration, for example, requires. Radical multiculturalists support the political expression of group identity, but fail to see how a secure sense of national identity can benefit minority groups. It is a defensible aim of public policy to integrate groups into such an identity, in particular, through the education system. Cultural minorities can legitimately demand equal treatment, but special rights for such groups are in general unjustified.
David Miller
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198293569
- eISBN:
- 9780191599910
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293569.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
It is often claimed that national identities are weakening as a result of changes at global level in culture and politics. In fact, public cultures still differ significantly cross‐nationally, and ...
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It is often claimed that national identities are weakening as a result of changes at global level in culture and politics. In fact, public cultures still differ significantly cross‐nationally, and national identities continue to matter to most people. Popular attachment to Europe, for example, is largely instrumental in character. The evolution of British national identity shows how historical beliefs in national superiority and uniqueness have had to be abandoned, and how nation‐building projects today must recognize the religious and ethnic pluralism of contemporary societies.Less
It is often claimed that national identities are weakening as a result of changes at global level in culture and politics. In fact, public cultures still differ significantly cross‐nationally, and national identities continue to matter to most people. Popular attachment to Europe, for example, is largely instrumental in character. The evolution of British national identity shows how historical beliefs in national superiority and uniqueness have had to be abandoned, and how nation‐building projects today must recognize the religious and ethnic pluralism of contemporary societies.
Margaret Moore
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198297468
- eISBN:
- 9780191599958
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198297467.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter is concerned with moral arguments about membership in a national community, focusing on David Miller's On Nationality and Tom Hurka's article ‘The Justification of National Partiality’. ...
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This chapter is concerned with moral arguments about membership in a national community, focusing on David Miller's On Nationality and Tom Hurka's article ‘The Justification of National Partiality’. It examines the bonds of attachment that co‐nationals feel towards those who share the same national identity, and the moral importance that should be placed on that.Less
This chapter is concerned with moral arguments about membership in a national community, focusing on David Miller's On Nationality and Tom Hurka's article ‘The Justification of National Partiality’. It examines the bonds of attachment that co‐nationals feel towards those who share the same national identity, and the moral importance that should be placed on that.
Carl-Ulrik Schierup
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780198280521
- eISBN:
- 9780191603730
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198280521.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
Germany has had the largest immigration of any European country: a mixture of ‘return’ of ethnic Germans and systematic recruitment of ‘temporary guestworkers’. The migrants stayed on and formed new ...
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Germany has had the largest immigration of any European country: a mixture of ‘return’ of ethnic Germans and systematic recruitment of ‘temporary guestworkers’. The migrants stayed on and formed new ethnic minorities after recruitment was stopped in 1973. Yet the official line until the 1990s was that Germany was ‘not a country of immigration’. The resulting processes of ethnic segmentation and social exclusion coincided with a crisis of Germany’s strong ‘social state’, based on a regulated labour market, comprehensive social insurance, collective wage bargaining, and full employment. Exposure to global competition caused chronic unemployment, undermining the financial basis for the welfare state. The result has been a simultaneous crisis of national identity and the welfare state, with the pluralistic federal system apparently incapable of making the reforms needed to restart the economy and prevent the growth of inequality.Less
Germany has had the largest immigration of any European country: a mixture of ‘return’ of ethnic Germans and systematic recruitment of ‘temporary guestworkers’. The migrants stayed on and formed new ethnic minorities after recruitment was stopped in 1973. Yet the official line until the 1990s was that Germany was ‘not a country of immigration’. The resulting processes of ethnic segmentation and social exclusion coincided with a crisis of Germany’s strong ‘social state’, based on a regulated labour market, comprehensive social insurance, collective wage bargaining, and full employment. Exposure to global competition caused chronic unemployment, undermining the financial basis for the welfare state. The result has been a simultaneous crisis of national identity and the welfare state, with the pluralistic federal system apparently incapable of making the reforms needed to restart the economy and prevent the growth of inequality.
Margaret Moore
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198297468
- eISBN:
- 9780191599958
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198297467.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter examines arguments that link national community with a particular type of culture, and then links culture with something that is valued (autonomy, well‐being). Versions of this argument ...
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This chapter examines arguments that link national community with a particular type of culture, and then links culture with something that is valued (autonomy, well‐being). Versions of this argument have been put forward by Tamir, Miller, Kymlicka, MacCormick, Margalit, and Raz. This chapter argues that it is important to distinguish between a culture and national identity.Less
This chapter examines arguments that link national community with a particular type of culture, and then links culture with something that is valued (autonomy, well‐being). Versions of this argument have been put forward by Tamir, Miller, Kymlicka, MacCormick, Margalit, and Raz. This chapter argues that it is important to distinguish between a culture and national identity.
Margaret Moore
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198297468
- eISBN:
- 9780191599958
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198297467.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter examines arguments that link national identity with other goods (democracy, social justice). This analysis of this chapter does not reject the instrumental arguments of Rousseau, Mill, ...
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This chapter examines arguments that link national identity with other goods (democracy, social justice). This analysis of this chapter does not reject the instrumental arguments of Rousseau, Mill, Gellner, O’Leary, Galston, and Miller, but it examines the limits of this type of argument and the empirical evidence.Less
This chapter examines arguments that link national identity with other goods (democracy, social justice). This analysis of this chapter does not reject the instrumental arguments of Rousseau, Mill, Gellner, O’Leary, Galston, and Miller, but it examines the limits of this type of argument and the empirical evidence.
Margaret Moore
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198297468
- eISBN:
- 9780191599958
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198297467.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
The Ethics of Nationalism is about the normative limits of nationalism. It assesses three justificatory arguments for the institutional recognition of national identity and argues that ...
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The Ethics of Nationalism is about the normative limits of nationalism. It assesses three justificatory arguments for the institutional recognition of national identity and argues that they suggest the appropriate limits of national accommodation. There are two kinds of projects associated with nationalism—nation‐building projects and national self‐determination projects—and these are often in tension with one another, at least in practice. The book discusses guidelines for determining when one is more appropriate than the other and the extent to which states can legitimately engage in nation‐building. The discussion of national self‐determination draws not only on the normative arguments for institutional recognition of national identity but also on claims to particular pieces of territory.Less
The Ethics of Nationalism is about the normative limits of nationalism. It assesses three justificatory arguments for the institutional recognition of national identity and argues that they suggest the appropriate limits of national accommodation. There are two kinds of projects associated with nationalism—nation‐building projects and national self‐determination projects—and these are often in tension with one another, at least in practice. The book discusses guidelines for determining when one is more appropriate than the other and the extent to which states can legitimately engage in nation‐building. The discussion of national self‐determination draws not only on the normative arguments for institutional recognition of national identity but also on claims to particular pieces of territory.
Sophie Duchesne and André‐Paul Frognier
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294764
- eISBN:
- 9780191600005
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019829476X.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter focuses on how far citizens of member‐states of the European Community consider themselves as belonging to a distinct political entity. Specifically, it focuses on the relationship ...
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This chapter focuses on how far citizens of member‐states of the European Community consider themselves as belonging to a distinct political entity. Specifically, it focuses on the relationship between different levels of ‘belonging’, from the local to the European, and even the world level, and on the feeling of being a ‘European citizen’ or a ‘European’. The empirical evidence provided by ‘Eurobarometer’ public opinion survey data indicates clearly that it is too early to speak of the internationalization of identities. For the present, a ‘European identity’ is a vanguard phenomenon.Less
This chapter focuses on how far citizens of member‐states of the European Community consider themselves as belonging to a distinct political entity. Specifically, it focuses on the relationship between different levels of ‘belonging’, from the local to the European, and even the world level, and on the feeling of being a ‘European citizen’ or a ‘European’. The empirical evidence provided by ‘Eurobarometer’ public opinion survey data indicates clearly that it is too early to speak of the internationalization of identities. For the present, a ‘European identity’ is a vanguard phenomenon.
David Miller
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198293569
- eISBN:
- 9780191599910
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293569.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Nations must be clearly distinguished from states on the one hand and ethnic groups on the other. A nation is a community (1) constituted by shared belief and mutual commitment, (2) extended in ...
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Nations must be clearly distinguished from states on the one hand and ethnic groups on the other. A nation is a community (1) constituted by shared belief and mutual commitment, (2) extended in history, (3) active in character, (4) connected to a particular territory, and (5) marked off from other communities by its distinct public culture. The modern idea of nationality is distinguished from older beliefs about cultural differences between peoples by its emphasis on collective self‐determination. Although national identities involve elements of myth, this does not show that it is irrational to embrace them. Nor do they prevent individuals making their own choices about how to live.Less
Nations must be clearly distinguished from states on the one hand and ethnic groups on the other. A nation is a community (1) constituted by shared belief and mutual commitment, (2) extended in history, (3) active in character, (4) connected to a particular territory, and (5) marked off from other communities by its distinct public culture. The modern idea of nationality is distinguished from older beliefs about cultural differences between peoples by its emphasis on collective self‐determination. Although national identities involve elements of myth, this does not show that it is irrational to embrace them. Nor do they prevent individuals making their own choices about how to live.
Jay P. Dolan
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195069266
- eISBN:
- 9780199834143
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195069269.003.0006
- Subject:
- Religion, History of Christianity
The five themes presented in Ch. 3 (democracy, American national identity, gender equality, devotional Catholicism, and the Americanization of Catholic doctrine) are further examined here in the ...
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The five themes presented in Ch. 3 (democracy, American national identity, gender equality, devotional Catholicism, and the Americanization of Catholic doctrine) are further examined here in the context of seeking to show how American culture shaped Catholicism in the period 1960–2001. The chapter starts by examining the role of President Kennedy in enabling Catholics to stand taller, and the changes initiated by Pope John XXIII's election in 1958, which led to the Second Vatican Council reforms (1962–65). It then examines the further emergence of a public Catholicism that sought to influence the shape and values of American society. The chapter also touches on some issues that have generated considerable controversy among Catholics in recent years – the ethical issues of abortion and birth control, the desire for more democracy in the management of parish life, the role of women in the church, the increased ethnic diversity of Catholicism, and the new rituals of prayer and worship that have emerged in the past 40 years.Less
The five themes presented in Ch. 3 (democracy, American national identity, gender equality, devotional Catholicism, and the Americanization of Catholic doctrine) are further examined here in the context of seeking to show how American culture shaped Catholicism in the period 1960–2001. The chapter starts by examining the role of President Kennedy in enabling Catholics to stand taller, and the changes initiated by Pope John XXIII's election in 1958, which led to the Second Vatican Council reforms (1962–65). It then examines the further emergence of a public Catholicism that sought to influence the shape and values of American society. The chapter also touches on some issues that have generated considerable controversy among Catholics in recent years – the ethical issues of abortion and birth control, the desire for more democracy in the management of parish life, the role of women in the church, the increased ethnic diversity of Catholicism, and the new rituals of prayer and worship that have emerged in the past 40 years.
Michael Hechter
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199247516
- eISBN:
- 9780191599460
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019924751X.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
One important source of national identity lies in hierarchical and segmental cultural divisions of labour. These provide a social base for nationalism among territorially concentrated groups. Some ...
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One important source of national identity lies in hierarchical and segmental cultural divisions of labour. These provide a social base for nationalism among territorially concentrated groups. Some sources of cultural divisions of labour are enumerated. Whereas it was once thought that such divisions would attenuate in the face of industrialization and efficient labour markets, this often does not happen.Less
One important source of national identity lies in hierarchical and segmental cultural divisions of labour. These provide a social base for nationalism among territorially concentrated groups. Some sources of cultural divisions of labour are enumerated. Whereas it was once thought that such divisions would attenuate in the face of industrialization and efficient labour markets, this often does not happen.
David Miller
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198293569
- eISBN:
- 9780191599910
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293569.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Nationalism is a powerful force in contemporary societies, and poses unavoidable questions about state boundaries, political self‐determination, cultural pluralism, and our duties to people inside ...
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Nationalism is a powerful force in contemporary societies, and poses unavoidable questions about state boundaries, political self‐determination, cultural pluralism, and our duties to people inside and outside the nation. It should not be dismissed as an irrational force outside our control. The book defends ‘the principle of nationality’ which can be summed up in three propositions: that national identities are genuine forms of personal identity, that we have special duties to fellow‐nationals and that nations have a good claim to be politically self‐determining.Less
Nationalism is a powerful force in contemporary societies, and poses unavoidable questions about state boundaries, political self‐determination, cultural pluralism, and our duties to people inside and outside the nation. It should not be dismissed as an irrational force outside our control. The book defends ‘the principle of nationality’ which can be summed up in three propositions: that national identities are genuine forms of personal identity, that we have special duties to fellow‐nationals and that nations have a good claim to be politically self‐determining.
Daniel Béland and André Lecours
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199546848
- eISBN:
- 9780191720468
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199546848.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Political Theory
Despite the recent proliferation of literature on nationalism and on social policy, relatively little has been written to analyse the possible interaction between the two. Scholars interested in ...
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Despite the recent proliferation of literature on nationalism and on social policy, relatively little has been written to analyse the possible interaction between the two. Scholars interested in social citizenship have indirectly dealt with the interaction between national identity and social programmes such as the British NHS, but they have seldom examined this connection in reference to nationalism. Specialists of nationalism rarely mention social policy, focusing instead on language, culture, ethnicity, and religion. The main objective of this book is to explore the nature of the connection between nationalism and social policy from a comparative and historical perspective. At the theoretical level, this analysis will shed new light on a more general issue: the relationships between identity formation, territorial politics, and social policy. Although this book refers to the experience of many different countries, the main cases are three multinational states, that is, states featuring strong nationalist movements: Canada (Quebec), the United Kingdom (Scotland), and Belgium (Flanders). The book looks at the interplay between nationalism and social policy at both the state and sub-state levels through a detailed comparison between these three cases. The concluding chapter brings in cases of mono-national states (i.e. France, Germany, Sweden, and the United States) to provide broader comparative insight on the meshing of nationalism and social policy. The original theoretical framework for this research is built using insight from selected scholarship on nationalism and on the welfare state.Less
Despite the recent proliferation of literature on nationalism and on social policy, relatively little has been written to analyse the possible interaction between the two. Scholars interested in social citizenship have indirectly dealt with the interaction between national identity and social programmes such as the British NHS, but they have seldom examined this connection in reference to nationalism. Specialists of nationalism rarely mention social policy, focusing instead on language, culture, ethnicity, and religion. The main objective of this book is to explore the nature of the connection between nationalism and social policy from a comparative and historical perspective. At the theoretical level, this analysis will shed new light on a more general issue: the relationships between identity formation, territorial politics, and social policy. Although this book refers to the experience of many different countries, the main cases are three multinational states, that is, states featuring strong nationalist movements: Canada (Quebec), the United Kingdom (Scotland), and Belgium (Flanders). The book looks at the interplay between nationalism and social policy at both the state and sub-state levels through a detailed comparison between these three cases. The concluding chapter brings in cases of mono-national states (i.e. France, Germany, Sweden, and the United States) to provide broader comparative insight on the meshing of nationalism and social policy. The original theoretical framework for this research is built using insight from selected scholarship on nationalism and on the welfare state.
Jay P. Dolan
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195069266
- eISBN:
- 9780199834143
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195069269.003.0005
- Subject:
- Religion, History of Christianity
The five themes presented in Ch. 3 (American national identity, Americanization of Catholic doctrine, democracy, devotional Catholicism, and gender equality) are further examined here in the context ...
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The five themes presented in Ch. 3 (American national identity, Americanization of Catholic doctrine, democracy, devotional Catholicism, and gender equality) are further examined here in the context of seeking to show how American culture shaped Catholicism in the era 1920–60 . It is shown that during these years, Catholics were beginning to think in a less parochial manner, and emerge from the neighbourhood/parish ghettos that had formed their life previously, and had been subject to attack by nativist revivals of Anglo‐Saxonism and anti‐Catholicism (in the shape of a revived Ku Klux Klan). Such a reorientation gave rise to the emergence of a public Catholicism that sought to influence the shape and values of American society.Less
The five themes presented in Ch. 3 (American national identity, Americanization of Catholic doctrine, democracy, devotional Catholicism, and gender equality) are further examined here in the context of seeking to show how American culture shaped Catholicism in the era 1920–60 . It is shown that during these years, Catholics were beginning to think in a less parochial manner, and emerge from the neighbourhood/parish ghettos that had formed their life previously, and had been subject to attack by nativist revivals of Anglo‐Saxonism and anti‐Catholicism (in the shape of a revived Ku Klux Klan). Such a reorientation gave rise to the emergence of a public Catholicism that sought to influence the shape and values of American society.
Matthew Grimley
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199270897
- eISBN:
- 9780191709494
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199270897.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Social History
This book traces the influence of Anglican writers on the political thought of inter-war Britain, and argues that religion continued to exert a powerful influence on political ideas and allegiances ...
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This book traces the influence of Anglican writers on the political thought of inter-war Britain, and argues that religion continued to exert a powerful influence on political ideas and allegiances in the 1920s and 1930s. It counters the prevailing assumption of historians that inter-war political thought was primarily secular in content, by showing how Anglicans like Archbishop William Temple made an active contribution to ideas of community and the welfare state (a term which Temple himself invented). Liberal Anglican ideas of citizenship, community, and the nation continued to be central to political thought and debate in the first half of the 20th century. The author traces how Temple and his colleagues developed and changed their ideas on community and the state in response to events like the First World War, the General Strike and the Great Depression. For Temple, and political philosophers like A. D. Lindsay and Ernest Barker, the priority was to find a rhetoric of community which could unite the nation against class consciousness, poverty, and the threat of Hitler. Their idea of a Christian national community was central to the articulation of ideas of ‘Englishness’ in inter-war Britain, but this Anglican contribution has been almost completely overlooked in recent debate on 20th-century national identity. The author also looks at rival Anglican political theories put forward by conservatives such as Bishop Hensley Henson and Ralph Inge, dean of St Paul's. Drawing extensively on Henson's private diaries, it uncovers the debates which went on within the Church at the time of the General Strike and the 1927–28 Prayer Book crisis. The book uncovers an important and neglected seam of popular political thought, and offers a new evaluation of the religious, political, and cultural identity of Britain before the Second World War.Less
This book traces the influence of Anglican writers on the political thought of inter-war Britain, and argues that religion continued to exert a powerful influence on political ideas and allegiances in the 1920s and 1930s. It counters the prevailing assumption of historians that inter-war political thought was primarily secular in content, by showing how Anglicans like Archbishop William Temple made an active contribution to ideas of community and the welfare state (a term which Temple himself invented). Liberal Anglican ideas of citizenship, community, and the nation continued to be central to political thought and debate in the first half of the 20th century. The author traces how Temple and his colleagues developed and changed their ideas on community and the state in response to events like the First World War, the General Strike and the Great Depression. For Temple, and political philosophers like A. D. Lindsay and Ernest Barker, the priority was to find a rhetoric of community which could unite the nation against class consciousness, poverty, and the threat of Hitler. Their idea of a Christian national community was central to the articulation of ideas of ‘Englishness’ in inter-war Britain, but this Anglican contribution has been almost completely overlooked in recent debate on 20th-century national identity. The author also looks at rival Anglican political theories put forward by conservatives such as Bishop Hensley Henson and Ralph Inge, dean of St Paul's. Drawing extensively on Henson's private diaries, it uncovers the debates which went on within the Church at the time of the General Strike and the 1927–28 Prayer Book crisis. The book uncovers an important and neglected seam of popular political thought, and offers a new evaluation of the religious, political, and cultural identity of Britain before the Second World War.
