John McGarry
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199244348
- eISBN:
- 9780191599866
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199244340.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter takes issue with what has been described as the integrationist, nation‐building, or civic nationalist approach to the Northern Ireland conflict. It shows that the problem with this ...
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This chapter takes issue with what has been described as the integrationist, nation‐building, or civic nationalist approach to the Northern Ireland conflict. It shows that the problem with this approach is that there are two national communities in Northern Ireland, and no sign that either of them is prepared to accept the other's identity or state. The chapter argues that what Northern Ireland needs are political institutions, like those in the Agreement, that cater to the bi‐national nature of Northern Ireland's society.Less
This chapter takes issue with what has been described as the integrationist, nation‐building, or civic nationalist approach to the Northern Ireland conflict. It shows that the problem with this approach is that there are two national communities in Northern Ireland, and no sign that either of them is prepared to accept the other's identity or state. The chapter argues that what Northern Ireland needs are political institutions, like those in the Agreement, that cater to the bi‐national nature of Northern Ireland's society.
Margaret Moore
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198297468
- eISBN:
- 9780191599958
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198297467.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter examines the appropriate view of the relationship between territory, national communities, and self‐determination. It examines various (historical, indigenous, efficiency, divine) ...
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This chapter examines the appropriate view of the relationship between territory, national communities, and self‐determination. It examines various (historical, indigenous, efficiency, divine) arguments for territorial rights.Less
This chapter examines the appropriate view of the relationship between territory, national communities, and self‐determination. It examines various (historical, indigenous, efficiency, divine) arguments for territorial rights.
Anthony Kauders
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198206316
- eISBN:
- 9780191677076
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198206316.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This book is a scholarly reassessment of the ‘Jewish Question’ in Germany (1910–1933). It challenges the view that, following Hitler's rise to power, anti-Semitism radically increased among the ...
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This book is a scholarly reassessment of the ‘Jewish Question’ in Germany (1910–1933). It challenges the view that, following Hitler's rise to power, anti-Semitism radically increased among the majority of Germans. It argues that the Weimar Republic was also very influential in changing people's attitudes towards the Jews and their place in German society. Through a study of Düsseldorf and Nuremberg, two German cities of comparable size but disparate regional, religious, and economic characteristics, it explores the attitudes of journalists, politicians, clerics, and ordinary people. Using local and national archival material, the book is able to show that, whereas before the First World War most Germans would distance themselves from racial anti-Semitism, after 1918 many Germans agreed with völkisch agitators that Jews were, in a variety of ways, alien to the national community.Less
This book is a scholarly reassessment of the ‘Jewish Question’ in Germany (1910–1933). It challenges the view that, following Hitler's rise to power, anti-Semitism radically increased among the majority of Germans. It argues that the Weimar Republic was also very influential in changing people's attitudes towards the Jews and their place in German society. Through a study of Düsseldorf and Nuremberg, two German cities of comparable size but disparate regional, religious, and economic characteristics, it explores the attitudes of journalists, politicians, clerics, and ordinary people. Using local and national archival material, the book is able to show that, whereas before the First World War most Germans would distance themselves from racial anti-Semitism, after 1918 many Germans agreed with völkisch agitators that Jews were, in a variety of ways, alien to the national community.
Matthew Grimley
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199270897
- eISBN:
- 9780191709494
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199270897.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Social History
This book traces the influence of Anglican writers on the political thought of inter-war Britain, and argues that religion continued to exert a powerful influence on political ideas and allegiances ...
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This book traces the influence of Anglican writers on the political thought of inter-war Britain, and argues that religion continued to exert a powerful influence on political ideas and allegiances in the 1920s and 1930s. It counters the prevailing assumption of historians that inter-war political thought was primarily secular in content, by showing how Anglicans like Archbishop William Temple made an active contribution to ideas of community and the welfare state (a term which Temple himself invented). Liberal Anglican ideas of citizenship, community, and the nation continued to be central to political thought and debate in the first half of the 20th century. The author traces how Temple and his colleagues developed and changed their ideas on community and the state in response to events like the First World War, the General Strike and the Great Depression. For Temple, and political philosophers like A. D. Lindsay and Ernest Barker, the priority was to find a rhetoric of community which could unite the nation against class consciousness, poverty, and the threat of Hitler. Their idea of a Christian national community was central to the articulation of ideas of ‘Englishness’ in inter-war Britain, but this Anglican contribution has been almost completely overlooked in recent debate on 20th-century national identity. The author also looks at rival Anglican political theories put forward by conservatives such as Bishop Hensley Henson and Ralph Inge, dean of St Paul's. Drawing extensively on Henson's private diaries, it uncovers the debates which went on within the Church at the time of the General Strike and the 1927–28 Prayer Book crisis. The book uncovers an important and neglected seam of popular political thought, and offers a new evaluation of the religious, political, and cultural identity of Britain before the Second World War.Less
This book traces the influence of Anglican writers on the political thought of inter-war Britain, and argues that religion continued to exert a powerful influence on political ideas and allegiances in the 1920s and 1930s. It counters the prevailing assumption of historians that inter-war political thought was primarily secular in content, by showing how Anglicans like Archbishop William Temple made an active contribution to ideas of community and the welfare state (a term which Temple himself invented). Liberal Anglican ideas of citizenship, community, and the nation continued to be central to political thought and debate in the first half of the 20th century. The author traces how Temple and his colleagues developed and changed their ideas on community and the state in response to events like the First World War, the General Strike and the Great Depression. For Temple, and political philosophers like A. D. Lindsay and Ernest Barker, the priority was to find a rhetoric of community which could unite the nation against class consciousness, poverty, and the threat of Hitler. Their idea of a Christian national community was central to the articulation of ideas of ‘Englishness’ in inter-war Britain, but this Anglican contribution has been almost completely overlooked in recent debate on 20th-century national identity. The author also looks at rival Anglican political theories put forward by conservatives such as Bishop Hensley Henson and Ralph Inge, dean of St Paul's. Drawing extensively on Henson's private diaries, it uncovers the debates which went on within the Church at the time of the General Strike and the 1927–28 Prayer Book crisis. The book uncovers an important and neglected seam of popular political thought, and offers a new evaluation of the religious, political, and cultural identity of Britain before the Second World War.
MATTHEW GRIMLEY
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199270897
- eISBN:
- 9780191709494
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199270897.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, Social History
This chapter considers how the General Strike (and wider coal strike) was instrumental in the development of William Temple's ideas on national community, and his rejection of pluralism. It examines ...
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This chapter considers how the General Strike (and wider coal strike) was instrumental in the development of William Temple's ideas on national community, and his rejection of pluralism. It examines why Temple became disillusioned with the Labour Party during the General Strike, and what made him abandon the party while his friend R. H. Tawney, also brought up in the Christian socialist and Idealist traditions, remained within the fold. It compares Temple's rhetoric after the strike with that of another national leader, Stanley Baldwin. It argues that Baldwin and Temple shared a fear that democracy would be destroyed by class selfishness. Like Temple, Baldwin sought to avert this by projecting an idea of a cohesive national community based on common culture and civic duty, and underpinned by religion, and like Temple, Baldwin drew on the language of T. H. Green. Finally, the chapter compares Temple's irenic response to the class politics of the late 1920s with the vitriolic reactions of Hensley Henson and Ralph Inge, men who repudiated the language of community and common values.Less
This chapter considers how the General Strike (and wider coal strike) was instrumental in the development of William Temple's ideas on national community, and his rejection of pluralism. It examines why Temple became disillusioned with the Labour Party during the General Strike, and what made him abandon the party while his friend R. H. Tawney, also brought up in the Christian socialist and Idealist traditions, remained within the fold. It compares Temple's rhetoric after the strike with that of another national leader, Stanley Baldwin. It argues that Baldwin and Temple shared a fear that democracy would be destroyed by class selfishness. Like Temple, Baldwin sought to avert this by projecting an idea of a cohesive national community based on common culture and civic duty, and underpinned by religion, and like Temple, Baldwin drew on the language of T. H. Green. Finally, the chapter compares Temple's irenic response to the class politics of the late 1920s with the vitriolic reactions of Hensley Henson and Ralph Inge, men who repudiated the language of community and common values.
Rita Krueger
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195323450
- eISBN:
- 9780199869138
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195323450.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
The epilogue returns to the main arguments of the book, that the aristocracy absorbed new notions of the national community and applied them to the creation of national institutions that changed the ...
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The epilogue returns to the main arguments of the book, that the aristocracy absorbed new notions of the national community and applied them to the creation of national institutions that changed the institutional landscape of the public sphere, but that the revolution in 1848 also profoundly changed the political landscape, making the reconciliation of class and nation problematic in the latter half of the nineteenth century.Less
The epilogue returns to the main arguments of the book, that the aristocracy absorbed new notions of the national community and applied them to the creation of national institutions that changed the institutional landscape of the public sphere, but that the revolution in 1848 also profoundly changed the political landscape, making the reconciliation of class and nation problematic in the latter half of the nineteenth century.
Michelle O'Callaghan
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198186380
- eISBN:
- 9780191674549
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198186380.003.0004
- Subject:
- Literature, 17th-century and Restoration Literature, Poetry
Because attempting to provide a representation of England in the early Stuart period would entail a close examination of debates regarding the identity of a particular nation, Britannia's Pastorals ...
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Because attempting to provide a representation of England in the early Stuart period would entail a close examination of debates regarding the identity of a particular nation, Britannia's Pastorals was described by Greg as the most ambitious and longest pastoral poem ever made. Britain, at that time, experienced how several various communities competed for the authority to represent the land and the land's history. The debates that involved issues of attaining sovereignty indicated amplified self-consciousness regarding national concerns. Despite the attempts that involved James and the revival of a Virgilian Augustanism, Book I attempts to bring James together with the Protestant vision of the empire while Book II portrays Browne's attempt at searching for alternative sources of authority, the poetic self, and national communities.Less
Because attempting to provide a representation of England in the early Stuart period would entail a close examination of debates regarding the identity of a particular nation, Britannia's Pastorals was described by Greg as the most ambitious and longest pastoral poem ever made. Britain, at that time, experienced how several various communities competed for the authority to represent the land and the land's history. The debates that involved issues of attaining sovereignty indicated amplified self-consciousness regarding national concerns. Despite the attempts that involved James and the revival of a Virgilian Augustanism, Book I attempts to bring James together with the Protestant vision of the empire while Book II portrays Browne's attempt at searching for alternative sources of authority, the poetic self, and national communities.
Claudio Lomnitz-Adler
- Published in print:
- 1993
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520077881
- eISBN:
- 9780520912472
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520077881.003.0001
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Latin American Cultural Anthropology
This book reviews the study of national culture. The problem covered is both political and conceptual. Its political dimension is associated to the formulation and discussion of alternate national ...
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This book reviews the study of national culture. The problem covered is both political and conceptual. Its political dimension is associated to the formulation and discussion of alternate national ideologies (or of an antinational ideology). Intellectually, the issue is how to analyze culture in the national space, and how to understand the dynamic relationship between any attempt to describe national culture and the formulation of nationalist ideologies. The first part of this book is a study of cultural production and ideology in Morelos and Huasteca Potosina. The second part develops an interpretation of a few aspects of Mexican national culture and of Mexican ideology. It concentrates on the history of legitimacy and charisma in Mexican politics, and the relationship between the national community and racial ideology. It is hoped that this book could open doors to a critique of cultural practices in Mexico.Less
This book reviews the study of national culture. The problem covered is both political and conceptual. Its political dimension is associated to the formulation and discussion of alternate national ideologies (or of an antinational ideology). Intellectually, the issue is how to analyze culture in the national space, and how to understand the dynamic relationship between any attempt to describe national culture and the formulation of nationalist ideologies. The first part of this book is a study of cultural production and ideology in Morelos and Huasteca Potosina. The second part develops an interpretation of a few aspects of Mexican national culture and of Mexican ideology. It concentrates on the history of legitimacy and charisma in Mexican politics, and the relationship between the national community and racial ideology. It is hoped that this book could open doors to a critique of cultural practices in Mexico.
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804758642
- eISBN:
- 9780804763158
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804758642.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter examines how the Nationalist Action Party, the National View Party, and the Justice and Development Party in Turkey approach the hegemonic secular nationalism. It explains that these ...
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This chapter examines how the Nationalist Action Party, the National View Party, and the Justice and Development Party in Turkey approach the hegemonic secular nationalism. It explains that these religious political parties paint their ideal polities in different shades of Islam as they try to question and complement Kemalism, and highlights the differences in their treatment of the state and the unity of the national community. The chapter also argues that the sacralization of the state and the nation has made it initially easier for sacralizer religious parties to accept a hegemonic ideology.Less
This chapter examines how the Nationalist Action Party, the National View Party, and the Justice and Development Party in Turkey approach the hegemonic secular nationalism. It explains that these religious political parties paint their ideal polities in different shades of Islam as they try to question and complement Kemalism, and highlights the differences in their treatment of the state and the unity of the national community. The chapter also argues that the sacralization of the state and the nation has made it initially easier for sacralizer religious parties to accept a hegemonic ideology.
Daniel Philpott
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198293842
- eISBN:
- 9780191599941
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293844.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter defends the moral right of national communities to self‐determination, but examines the problems involved in institutionalizing such a right, and the problem of perverse consequences in ...
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This chapter defends the moral right of national communities to self‐determination, but examines the problems involved in institutionalizing such a right, and the problem of perverse consequences in exercising the right.Less
This chapter defends the moral right of national communities to self‐determination, but examines the problems involved in institutionalizing such a right, and the problem of perverse consequences in exercising the right.
Liora R. Halperin
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- May 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780300197488
- eISBN:
- 9780300210200
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300197488.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Jewish Studies
The promotion and vernacularization of Hebrew, traditionally a language of Jewish liturgy and study, was a central accomplishment of the Zionist movement in Palestine in the years following World War ...
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The promotion and vernacularization of Hebrew, traditionally a language of Jewish liturgy and study, was a central accomplishment of the Zionist movement in Palestine in the years following World War I. Viewing twentieth-century history through the lens of language, this book questions the accepted scholarly narrative of a Zionist move away from multilingualism, demonstrating how Jews in Palestine remained connected linguistically by both preference and necessity to a world outside the boundaries of the pro-Hebrew community even as it promoted Hebrew and achieved that language's dominance. The story of language encounters in Jewish Palestine is a fascinating tale of shifting power relationships, both locally and globally. The book's study explores how a young national community was compelled to modify the dictates of Hebrew exclusivity as it negotiated its relationships with its Jewish population, Palestinian Arabs, the British, and others outside the margins of the national project and ultimately came to terms with the limitations of its hegemony in an interconnected world.Less
The promotion and vernacularization of Hebrew, traditionally a language of Jewish liturgy and study, was a central accomplishment of the Zionist movement in Palestine in the years following World War I. Viewing twentieth-century history through the lens of language, this book questions the accepted scholarly narrative of a Zionist move away from multilingualism, demonstrating how Jews in Palestine remained connected linguistically by both preference and necessity to a world outside the boundaries of the pro-Hebrew community even as it promoted Hebrew and achieved that language's dominance. The story of language encounters in Jewish Palestine is a fascinating tale of shifting power relationships, both locally and globally. The book's study explores how a young national community was compelled to modify the dictates of Hebrew exclusivity as it negotiated its relationships with its Jewish population, Palestinian Arabs, the British, and others outside the margins of the national project and ultimately came to terms with the limitations of its hegemony in an interconnected world.
Gillian Mayfield and Andy Mills
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9781847420282
- eISBN:
- 9781447301493
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781847420282.003.0004
- Subject:
- Social Work, Crime and Justice
This chapter approaches the issue of addressing anti-social behaviour (ASB) in the United Kingdom from the perspective of practitioners and policy makers operating at a local level. It focuses on ...
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This chapter approaches the issue of addressing anti-social behaviour (ASB) in the United Kingdom from the perspective of practitioners and policy makers operating at a local level. It focuses on three aspects: practice and policy as applied in one local authority area (Leeds); the key issues for practitioners around the country (as identified by research undertaken by the National Community Safety Network); and new moves to address the causes, as well as the symptoms, of ASB (the government's Respect Agenda and the Positive Approaches group). The first section examines the strategic approach to ASB adopted in Leeds and the establishment and operation of policies and interventions to address ASB through a dedicated unit and multi-agency problem-solving panels. It describes the experiment in multiple Anti-Social Behaviour Orders (ASBOs) of Operation Cape and its mutation into smaller, rolling multi-agency programmes. The second section examines the findings of the National Community Safety Network's research. The third section looks at the proposals coming out of the Positive Approaches alliance.Less
This chapter approaches the issue of addressing anti-social behaviour (ASB) in the United Kingdom from the perspective of practitioners and policy makers operating at a local level. It focuses on three aspects: practice and policy as applied in one local authority area (Leeds); the key issues for practitioners around the country (as identified by research undertaken by the National Community Safety Network); and new moves to address the causes, as well as the symptoms, of ASB (the government's Respect Agenda and the Positive Approaches group). The first section examines the strategic approach to ASB adopted in Leeds and the establishment and operation of policies and interventions to address ASB through a dedicated unit and multi-agency problem-solving panels. It describes the experiment in multiple Anti-Social Behaviour Orders (ASBOs) of Operation Cape and its mutation into smaller, rolling multi-agency programmes. The second section examines the findings of the National Community Safety Network's research. The third section looks at the proposals coming out of the Positive Approaches alliance.
Joan C. Tonn
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- October 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780300096217
- eISBN:
- 9780300128024
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300096217.003.0015
- Subject:
- History, Political History
On February 10, 1917, Pauline Agassiz Shaw died at the age of seventy-six. Shaw's death brought sorrow and anxiety to Mary P. Follett and her partner Isabella Louisa Briggs. Shaw had provided seed ...
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On February 10, 1917, Pauline Agassiz Shaw died at the age of seventy-six. Shaw's death brought sorrow and anxiety to Mary P. Follett and her partner Isabella Louisa Briggs. Shaw had provided seed money for many of Follett's social and civic projects, and her loss came at a time when Follett was trying to raise funds for the new National Community Centers Association (NCCA). In the spring of 1917, Follett decided to write a chronicle of the community centers movement and raised funds to support the NCCA's contributions to the war effort. The NCCA was one of many social and civic groups enthusiastically supporting the United States's mobilization for World War I, such as assisting the Council of National Defense in gaining direct access to the nation's educators. Meanwhile, after an initial misunderstanding with Follett, Roscoe Pound, dean of the Harvard Law School, helped her finish her book The New State, published in 1918.Less
On February 10, 1917, Pauline Agassiz Shaw died at the age of seventy-six. Shaw's death brought sorrow and anxiety to Mary P. Follett and her partner Isabella Louisa Briggs. Shaw had provided seed money for many of Follett's social and civic projects, and her loss came at a time when Follett was trying to raise funds for the new National Community Centers Association (NCCA). In the spring of 1917, Follett decided to write a chronicle of the community centers movement and raised funds to support the NCCA's contributions to the war effort. The NCCA was one of many social and civic groups enthusiastically supporting the United States's mobilization for World War I, such as assisting the Council of National Defense in gaining direct access to the nation's educators. Meanwhile, after an initial misunderstanding with Follett, Roscoe Pound, dean of the Harvard Law School, helped her finish her book The New State, published in 1918.
Lucie Ryzova
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9789774249006
- eISBN:
- 9781617971006
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- American University in Cairo Press
- DOI:
- 10.5743/cairo/9789774249006.003.0006
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Middle Eastern Studies
This chapter begins with the investigation of the 1930s–40s new effendiya phenomenon, often portrayed as a newly urbanized and educated middle class, with more traditional approaches to religion and ...
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This chapter begins with the investigation of the 1930s–40s new effendiya phenomenon, often portrayed as a newly urbanized and educated middle class, with more traditional approaches to religion and cultural identity. Shedding empirical light on this rising group, this chapter demonstrates that while not an economic middle class, the new effendiya comprised an emerging public of educated young men from modest backgrounds, who viewed modernity through a Muslim and Arab lens. Just as important, however, they saw themselves as distinct from both the traditionalists and the westernized upper classes. In defining themselves in this way, they promoted new understandings of Egypt as a national community. Highlighting a specifically Egyptian modernity “from below,” this chapter puts into sharp relief the social foundations of post-revolutionary Egypt. It thus engages in a fruitful critical dialogue with other emergent literature of the past decade.Less
This chapter begins with the investigation of the 1930s–40s new effendiya phenomenon, often portrayed as a newly urbanized and educated middle class, with more traditional approaches to religion and cultural identity. Shedding empirical light on this rising group, this chapter demonstrates that while not an economic middle class, the new effendiya comprised an emerging public of educated young men from modest backgrounds, who viewed modernity through a Muslim and Arab lens. Just as important, however, they saw themselves as distinct from both the traditionalists and the westernized upper classes. In defining themselves in this way, they promoted new understandings of Egypt as a national community. Highlighting a specifically Egyptian modernity “from below,” this chapter puts into sharp relief the social foundations of post-revolutionary Egypt. It thus engages in a fruitful critical dialogue with other emergent literature of the past decade.
Daniel Hack
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780691196930
- eISBN:
- 9781400883745
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691196930.003.0002
- Subject:
- Literature, African-American Literature
This chapter illustrates how the African Americanization of Charles Dickens' Bleak House makes newly visible and meaningful certain aspects of the novel even as it calls into question the power of ...
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This chapter illustrates how the African Americanization of Charles Dickens' Bleak House makes newly visible and meaningful certain aspects of the novel even as it calls into question the power of such features to determine the cultural work the novel—and, by extension, any text—performs. This doubly estranging dynamic will be particularly clear with regard to a cultural task that has come to be seen as one of the novel-form's most important: the cultivation of national identity. As the chapter shows, Bleak House does not merely fail to imagine a community that includes Africans, African Americans, slaves, and people of color in general. Rather, it consolidates the national community it does imagine by means of their exclusion. Paradoxically, however, this strategy becomes most conspicuous when it is least efficacious: engaging in their own forms of close reading at a distance, members of these groups and their advocates find in Dickens's novel a material and imaginative resource for their own efforts to tell the stories they want to tell and build the communities they seek to build.Less
This chapter illustrates how the African Americanization of Charles Dickens' Bleak House makes newly visible and meaningful certain aspects of the novel even as it calls into question the power of such features to determine the cultural work the novel—and, by extension, any text—performs. This doubly estranging dynamic will be particularly clear with regard to a cultural task that has come to be seen as one of the novel-form's most important: the cultivation of national identity. As the chapter shows, Bleak House does not merely fail to imagine a community that includes Africans, African Americans, slaves, and people of color in general. Rather, it consolidates the national community it does imagine by means of their exclusion. Paradoxically, however, this strategy becomes most conspicuous when it is least efficacious: engaging in their own forms of close reading at a distance, members of these groups and their advocates find in Dickens's novel a material and imaginative resource for their own efforts to tell the stories they want to tell and build the communities they seek to build.
Walter Armbrust
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780691162645
- eISBN:
- 9780691197517
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691162645.003.0009
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Social and Cultural Anthropology
This chapter explains that it is not entirely wrong to partially attribute the coup, the massacre, and the certainty of those who backed these actions to the notion that revolutionary politics left ...
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This chapter explains that it is not entirely wrong to partially attribute the coup, the massacre, and the certainty of those who backed these actions to the notion that revolutionary politics left no alternative to violence, which manifested in the Rabʻa Massacre. But it is entirely wrong to neglect the long-standing discursive apparatus of excommunicating the Muslim Brotherhood from the national community that was operational during the period of revolutionary liminality and before it. Resorting to such concepts as imitation and crisis in no way obviates the need to delve into the production, meaning, and circulation of this discourse. If anything, the need to document and interpret the means of excommunication are heightened by one's attention to the form of crisis: the creation or occurrence of a threshold in the present; a plunge into liminality, and then a reckoning. The revolution created a series of thresholds, not just the initial threshold of the plunge into the void when the label “revolution” was applied to events on January 25, 2011. The Maspero Massacre was a threshold; the Battle of Muhammad Mahmud Street was too, and so were a number of other crisis events, including the Tamarrud demonstration against Muhammad Morsy in 2013 and the coup that followed shortly thereafter.Less
This chapter explains that it is not entirely wrong to partially attribute the coup, the massacre, and the certainty of those who backed these actions to the notion that revolutionary politics left no alternative to violence, which manifested in the Rabʻa Massacre. But it is entirely wrong to neglect the long-standing discursive apparatus of excommunicating the Muslim Brotherhood from the national community that was operational during the period of revolutionary liminality and before it. Resorting to such concepts as imitation and crisis in no way obviates the need to delve into the production, meaning, and circulation of this discourse. If anything, the need to document and interpret the means of excommunication are heightened by one's attention to the form of crisis: the creation or occurrence of a threshold in the present; a plunge into liminality, and then a reckoning. The revolution created a series of thresholds, not just the initial threshold of the plunge into the void when the label “revolution” was applied to events on January 25, 2011. The Maspero Massacre was a threshold; the Battle of Muhammad Mahmud Street was too, and so were a number of other crisis events, including the Tamarrud demonstration against Muhammad Morsy in 2013 and the coup that followed shortly thereafter.
Liora R. Halperin
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- May 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780300197488
- eISBN:
- 9780300210200
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300197488.003.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Jewish Studies
This book concentrates on the years between 1920, when the British, then the military occupiers of Palestine, first declared Hebrew an official language of that country, and 1948, when Israel ...
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This book concentrates on the years between 1920, when the British, then the military occupiers of Palestine, first declared Hebrew an official language of that country, and 1948, when Israel declared independence and started to formalize language policies in the context of statehood. It discusses the specific ways that Zionist language ideologies developed in a particular set of circumstances, and draws transnational comparisons, where relevant, both with other national communities and with Jews in other settings. It also describes Jewish anxieties about the dominance of Hebrew and awareness of the multilingualism of Hebrew across several overlapping institutional, geographic, and social areas. An overview of the chapters included in this book is then provided.Less
This book concentrates on the years between 1920, when the British, then the military occupiers of Palestine, first declared Hebrew an official language of that country, and 1948, when Israel declared independence and started to formalize language policies in the context of statehood. It discusses the specific ways that Zionist language ideologies developed in a particular set of circumstances, and draws transnational comparisons, where relevant, both with other national communities and with Jews in other settings. It also describes Jewish anxieties about the dominance of Hebrew and awareness of the multilingualism of Hebrew across several overlapping institutional, geographic, and social areas. An overview of the chapters included in this book is then provided.
Peter Hoffenberg
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520218918
- eISBN:
- 9780520922969
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520218918.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History
The grand exhibitions of the Victorian and Edwardian eras are the lens through which this book examines the economic, cultural, and social forces that helped define Britain and the British Empire. ...
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The grand exhibitions of the Victorian and Edwardian eras are the lens through which this book examines the economic, cultural, and social forces that helped define Britain and the British Empire. The author focuses on major exhibitions in England, Australia, and India between the Great Exhibition of 1851 and the Festival of Empire sixty years later, taking special interest in the interactive nature of the exhibition experience, the long-term consequences for the participants and host societies, and the ways in which such popular gatherings revealed dissent as well as celebration. He shows how exhibitions shaped culture and society within and across borders in the transnational working of the British Empire. The exhibitions were central to establishing and developing a participatory imperial world in which each polity provided distinctive information, visitors, and exhibits. Among the displays were commercial goods, working machines, and ethnographic scenes. Exhibits were intended to promote external commonwealth and internal nationalism. The imperial overlay did not erase significant differences, but explained and used them in economic and cultural terms. The exhibitions in cities such as London, Sydney, and Calcutta were living and active public inventories of the Empire and its national political communities. The process of building and consuming such inventories persists today in the cultural bureaucracies, museums, and festivals of modern nation-states; the appeal to tradition and social order; and the actions of transnational bodies.Less
The grand exhibitions of the Victorian and Edwardian eras are the lens through which this book examines the economic, cultural, and social forces that helped define Britain and the British Empire. The author focuses on major exhibitions in England, Australia, and India between the Great Exhibition of 1851 and the Festival of Empire sixty years later, taking special interest in the interactive nature of the exhibition experience, the long-term consequences for the participants and host societies, and the ways in which such popular gatherings revealed dissent as well as celebration. He shows how exhibitions shaped culture and society within and across borders in the transnational working of the British Empire. The exhibitions were central to establishing and developing a participatory imperial world in which each polity provided distinctive information, visitors, and exhibits. Among the displays were commercial goods, working machines, and ethnographic scenes. Exhibits were intended to promote external commonwealth and internal nationalism. The imperial overlay did not erase significant differences, but explained and used them in economic and cultural terms. The exhibitions in cities such as London, Sydney, and Calcutta were living and active public inventories of the Empire and its national political communities. The process of building and consuming such inventories persists today in the cultural bureaucracies, museums, and festivals of modern nation-states; the appeal to tradition and social order; and the actions of transnational bodies.
Catherine Donovan and Marianne Hester
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- September 2014
- ISBN:
- 9781447307433
- eISBN:
- 9781447311638
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781447307433.003.0002
- Subject:
- Sociology, Gender and Sexuality
This chapter outlines the development of the COHSAR survey questionnaire and interview schedule. It explains the feminist epistemological approach used to design the survey and to explore how ...
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This chapter outlines the development of the COHSAR survey questionnaire and interview schedule. It explains the feminist epistemological approach used to design the survey and to explore how processes of gendering and power might operate in similar or different ways in abusive female and male same sex or heterosexual relationships. Combined with interviews this allowed exploration of the intersection of gender, sexuality, ‘race’, ethnicity, age, disability, class, income and education. A national community survey was used, as a representative approach was not possible in the UK. The survey, asked those in same sex relationships about experiences and perpetration of violence and abuse as well as impacts and motives for using them. The interview schedule was based around an exploration of a best and a worst relationship experience in same sex and/or heterosexual relationships. The demographic profiles of the final data set of 746 survey and 67 interview respondents are given.Less
This chapter outlines the development of the COHSAR survey questionnaire and interview schedule. It explains the feminist epistemological approach used to design the survey and to explore how processes of gendering and power might operate in similar or different ways in abusive female and male same sex or heterosexual relationships. Combined with interviews this allowed exploration of the intersection of gender, sexuality, ‘race’, ethnicity, age, disability, class, income and education. A national community survey was used, as a representative approach was not possible in the UK. The survey, asked those in same sex relationships about experiences and perpetration of violence and abuse as well as impacts and motives for using them. The interview schedule was based around an exploration of a best and a worst relationship experience in same sex and/or heterosexual relationships. The demographic profiles of the final data set of 746 survey and 67 interview respondents are given.
Marial Iglesias Utset
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- July 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780807833988
- eISBN:
- 9781469603131
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/9780807877845_iglesias_utset.10
- Subject:
- History, Latin American History
This chapter argues that the “war after the war,” which centered on inventing a national community in the midst of the problematic circumstances “between empires,” was not waged solely by educated ...
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This chapter argues that the “war after the war,” which centered on inventing a national community in the midst of the problematic circumstances “between empires,” was not waged solely by educated groups. This chapter endeavors to go beyond the horizon of activities pursued by the intellectual and political class and explore how common people, the majority of them illiterate, took part in this conflict over symbols. Lacking education, social advantage, or wealth, and thus finding closed to them the traditional avenues of making speeches in elite political forums or arguing ideas through written contributions in the press, thousands of unknown Cubans participated in the symbolic construction of the nation on a more visceral level, taking part in rallies, marches, and impromptu street gatherings where they made their feelings known, collectively, through chants, cries, and gestures.Less
This chapter argues that the “war after the war,” which centered on inventing a national community in the midst of the problematic circumstances “between empires,” was not waged solely by educated groups. This chapter endeavors to go beyond the horizon of activities pursued by the intellectual and political class and explore how common people, the majority of them illiterate, took part in this conflict over symbols. Lacking education, social advantage, or wealth, and thus finding closed to them the traditional avenues of making speeches in elite political forums or arguing ideas through written contributions in the press, thousands of unknown Cubans participated in the symbolic construction of the nation on a more visceral level, taking part in rallies, marches, and impromptu street gatherings where they made their feelings known, collectively, through chants, cries, and gestures.
