Joshua Castellino and Elvira Domínguez Redondo
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199296057
- eISBN:
- 9780191705403
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199296057.003.0004
- Subject:
- Law, Human Rights and Immigration
This chapter is divided into four sections. The first section seeks to provide a brief overview of the history of legal reforms in China, and underscore the changing attitude of the government to ...
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This chapter is divided into four sections. The first section seeks to provide a brief overview of the history of legal reforms in China, and underscore the changing attitude of the government to human rights. The second section identifies the groups considered minorities or ‘minority nationalities’ in China. The third section seeks to extrapolate principles of minority rights in Chinese law, drawing on the Chinese Constitution, the Law of the People's Republic of China on Regional National Autonomy, and from authoritative commentaries on the same. This is followed by various sub-sections focusing on policy and legislation over specific issues pertaining to minorities in China, such as education, religion, political participation, and economic development. The final section analyzes the remedies available and the challenges in making these effective.Less
This chapter is divided into four sections. The first section seeks to provide a brief overview of the history of legal reforms in China, and underscore the changing attitude of the government to human rights. The second section identifies the groups considered minorities or ‘minority nationalities’ in China. The third section seeks to extrapolate principles of minority rights in Chinese law, drawing on the Chinese Constitution, the Law of the People's Republic of China on Regional National Autonomy, and from authoritative commentaries on the same. This is followed by various sub-sections focusing on policy and legislation over specific issues pertaining to minorities in China, such as education, religion, political participation, and economic development. The final section analyzes the remedies available and the challenges in making these effective.
Markku Suksi
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- November 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780198746669
- eISBN:
- 9780191808944
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198746669.003.0005
- Subject:
- Law, Human Rights and Immigration, Comparative Law
Three institutional forms of non-territorial autonomy (NTA) are presented as possible mechanisms of governance: personal autonomy, functional autonomy, and national cultural autonomy. National ...
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Three institutional forms of non-territorial autonomy (NTA) are presented as possible mechanisms of governance: personal autonomy, functional autonomy, and national cultural autonomy. National cultural autonomy is singled out for a more detailed study against the backdrop of Bauer and Renner’s theories, looking particularly at Estonia, Finland, and Serbia. Because territorial autonomy is clearly more common as a form of organization, different non-territorial forms of autonomy have remained in the sidelines. The need to tailor-make each solution means that setting up non-territorial forms of autonomy is probably perceived as difficult, complex, and arduous. Therefore, and somewhat unjustifiably, the category of NTA is commonly populated by examples of national cultural autonomy. If NTA is set up, such institutions should not become vehicles of symbolism and of façade participation, but be tasked with realistic functions and the necessary public power for the promotion of, inter alia, the linguistic rights of minorities.Less
Three institutional forms of non-territorial autonomy (NTA) are presented as possible mechanisms of governance: personal autonomy, functional autonomy, and national cultural autonomy. National cultural autonomy is singled out for a more detailed study against the backdrop of Bauer and Renner’s theories, looking particularly at Estonia, Finland, and Serbia. Because territorial autonomy is clearly more common as a form of organization, different non-territorial forms of autonomy have remained in the sidelines. The need to tailor-make each solution means that setting up non-territorial forms of autonomy is probably perceived as difficult, complex, and arduous. Therefore, and somewhat unjustifiably, the category of NTA is commonly populated by examples of national cultural autonomy. If NTA is set up, such institutions should not become vehicles of symbolism and of façade participation, but be tasked with realistic functions and the necessary public power for the promotion of, inter alia, the linguistic rights of minorities.
Thomas Fetzer
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780719080975
- eISBN:
- 9781781706077
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719080975.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The chapter contends that trade unions can be conceptualized as actors who contribute to the reproduction of nationalism through the ‘banal’ everyday framing of concerns and aspirations in terms that ...
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The chapter contends that trade unions can be conceptualized as actors who contribute to the reproduction of nationalism through the ‘banal’ everyday framing of concerns and aspirations in terms that reflect traditional rhetoric of nationalist ideology. Following Anthony Smith's influential definition, nationalist ideology is understood as embodying a set of three core ideals, namely national identity, autonomy and unity. The chapter's main argument is that internationalization – as exemplified in the cases of Ford and General Motors – can paradoxically reinforce rather than diminish the significance of such banal nationalist rhetoric.Less
The chapter contends that trade unions can be conceptualized as actors who contribute to the reproduction of nationalism through the ‘banal’ everyday framing of concerns and aspirations in terms that reflect traditional rhetoric of nationalist ideology. Following Anthony Smith's influential definition, nationalist ideology is understood as embodying a set of three core ideals, namely national identity, autonomy and unity. The chapter's main argument is that internationalization – as exemplified in the cases of Ford and General Motors – can paradoxically reinforce rather than diminish the significance of such banal nationalist rhetoric.
Graeme B. Dinwoodie and Rochelle C. Dreyfuss
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195304619
- eISBN:
- 9780199933273
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195304619.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Intellectual Property, IT, and Media Law, Private International Law
This book examines the TRIPS Agreement: its interpretation, its impact on the creative environment, and its effect on national and international lawmaking. It propounds a vision of TRIPS as creating ...
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This book examines the TRIPS Agreement: its interpretation, its impact on the creative environment, and its effect on national and international lawmaking. It propounds a vision of TRIPS as creating a neofederalist regime, one that will ensure the resilience of the international intellectual property system in time of rapid change. In this vision, WTO members retain considerable flexibility to tailor intellectual property law to their national priorities and to experiment with changes necessary to meet new technological and social challenges, but agree to operate within an international framework. This framework, while less powerful than the central administration of a federal government, comprises a series of substantive and procedural commitments that promote the coordination of both the present intellectual property system as well as future international intellectual property lawmaking. Part I demonstrates the centrality of national autonomy throughout the history of international negotiations over intellectual property. Part II analyzes the decisions of the WTO in intellectual property cases, and finds them lacking in many respects. Looking to the future, Part III develops a framework for integrating the increasingly fragmented international system and proposes the recognition of an international intellectual property acquis, a set of longstanding principles that have informed, and should continue to inform intellectual property lawmaking. The acquis would include both express and latent components of the international regime, put access-regarding guarantees such as user rights on a par with proprietary interests and enshrine the fundamental importance of national autonomy in the international system.Less
This book examines the TRIPS Agreement: its interpretation, its impact on the creative environment, and its effect on national and international lawmaking. It propounds a vision of TRIPS as creating a neofederalist regime, one that will ensure the resilience of the international intellectual property system in time of rapid change. In this vision, WTO members retain considerable flexibility to tailor intellectual property law to their national priorities and to experiment with changes necessary to meet new technological and social challenges, but agree to operate within an international framework. This framework, while less powerful than the central administration of a federal government, comprises a series of substantive and procedural commitments that promote the coordination of both the present intellectual property system as well as future international intellectual property lawmaking. Part I demonstrates the centrality of national autonomy throughout the history of international negotiations over intellectual property. Part II analyzes the decisions of the WTO in intellectual property cases, and finds them lacking in many respects. Looking to the future, Part III develops a framework for integrating the increasingly fragmented international system and proposes the recognition of an international intellectual property acquis, a set of longstanding principles that have informed, and should continue to inform intellectual property lawmaking. The acquis would include both express and latent components of the international regime, put access-regarding guarantees such as user rights on a par with proprietary interests and enshrine the fundamental importance of national autonomy in the international system.
Simon Rabinovitch
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- May 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780804792493
- eISBN:
- 9780804793032
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804792493.003.0008
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Jewish Studies
As discussed in the book’s final chapter, Jewish claims to national minority rights made their way to the Versailles Conference’s deliberations and eventual treaties, and the question of collective ...
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As discussed in the book’s final chapter, Jewish claims to national minority rights made their way to the Versailles Conference’s deliberations and eventual treaties, and the question of collective Jewish rights was one with considerable ramifications in the early Soviet Union. With the breakup of the Russian and Austrian Empires, a Jew might find him- or herself either a citizen of the Soviet Union, a state hostile to religious traditionalism but eager to integrate Jews as individuals, or a citizen of one of the new nation-states, which were indifferent to religious traditionalism but reluctant to integrate Jews as full participants in national politics. Only in Lithuania and Ukraine, and then only briefly, did Jews find themselves in states willing to grant Jews their national autonomy. All the post-Versailles states eventually squelched the one political aspiration uniting the different strands of Jewish politics in Russia and Eastern Europe: autonomy.Less
As discussed in the book’s final chapter, Jewish claims to national minority rights made their way to the Versailles Conference’s deliberations and eventual treaties, and the question of collective Jewish rights was one with considerable ramifications in the early Soviet Union. With the breakup of the Russian and Austrian Empires, a Jew might find him- or herself either a citizen of the Soviet Union, a state hostile to religious traditionalism but eager to integrate Jews as individuals, or a citizen of one of the new nation-states, which were indifferent to religious traditionalism but reluctant to integrate Jews as full participants in national politics. Only in Lithuania and Ukraine, and then only briefly, did Jews find themselves in states willing to grant Jews their national autonomy. All the post-Versailles states eventually squelched the one political aspiration uniting the different strands of Jewish politics in Russia and Eastern Europe: autonomy.
Tommaso Padoa‐Schioppa
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199241767
- eISBN:
- 9780191596742
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199241767.003.0007
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Macro- and Monetary Economics
The long‐term prospects of the European Monetary System (EMS) are examined from a non‐technical viewpoint, considering the system as a variable rather than a given. The prospects are seen as ...
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The long‐term prospects of the European Monetary System (EMS) are examined from a non‐technical viewpoint, considering the system as a variable rather than a given. The prospects are seen as comprising three phases. The first phase, which has now concluded, is consolidation. The second phase is the current phase, and is the period in which the ‘inconsistent quartet’ emerges. This involves seeking to achieve the impossible task of reconciling free trade, full capital mobility, fixed (or managed) exchange rates, and national autonomy in the conduct of monetary policy. The third phase is starting to foresee European Monetary Union (EMU); in this phase full implementation of free trade and capital mobility will occur.Less
The long‐term prospects of the European Monetary System (EMS) are examined from a non‐technical viewpoint, considering the system as a variable rather than a given. The prospects are seen as comprising three phases. The first phase, which has now concluded, is consolidation. The second phase is the current phase, and is the period in which the ‘inconsistent quartet’ emerges. This involves seeking to achieve the impossible task of reconciling free trade, full capital mobility, fixed (or managed) exchange rates, and national autonomy in the conduct of monetary policy. The third phase is starting to foresee European Monetary Union (EMU); in this phase full implementation of free trade and capital mobility will occur.
Vadim Poleshchuk
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- September 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780198738459
- eISBN:
- 9780191801747
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198738459.003.0012
- Subject:
- Law, Human Rights and Immigration, Comparative Law
Estonia has implemented the principles of national cultural autonomy in the interwar period and after 1991, that is, when its independence was regained. Cultural autonomy laws of 1925 and 1993 are ...
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Estonia has implemented the principles of national cultural autonomy in the interwar period and after 1991, that is, when its independence was regained. Cultural autonomy laws of 1925 and 1993 are different, especially as regards control over public education in minority languages. Cultural autonomies in pre-war Estonia led to or preserved self-segregation of Jewish and German minorities. Nowadays the autonomy concept seems to belong to the domain of symbolic rather than instrumental policies in Estonia. Cultural autonomy as a specific self-organization of minorities fits in with the idea of nation-state based on genuine ethnic nationalism. Autonomies have been founded by local Swedes and Ingrian Finns but not Russians. The creation of a single representative body for a heterogeneous minority group is hardly feasible. Furthermore, there are fears that cultural autonomy might be used for mobilization in Estonia of the largest Russian minority group.Less
Estonia has implemented the principles of national cultural autonomy in the interwar period and after 1991, that is, when its independence was regained. Cultural autonomy laws of 1925 and 1993 are different, especially as regards control over public education in minority languages. Cultural autonomies in pre-war Estonia led to or preserved self-segregation of Jewish and German minorities. Nowadays the autonomy concept seems to belong to the domain of symbolic rather than instrumental policies in Estonia. Cultural autonomy as a specific self-organization of minorities fits in with the idea of nation-state based on genuine ethnic nationalism. Autonomies have been founded by local Swedes and Ingrian Finns but not Russians. The creation of a single representative body for a heterogeneous minority group is hardly feasible. Furthermore, there are fears that cultural autonomy might be used for mobilization in Estonia of the largest Russian minority group.
Tariq Banuri and Juliet B. Schor (eds)
- Published in print:
- 1992
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198283645
- eISBN:
- 9780191684463
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198283645.003.0006
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental
In the OECD, the utilization of capital controls reached its lowest in more than fifty years and the European Community was getting ready to dismantle the remaining controls in 1990. While Japan and ...
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In the OECD, the utilization of capital controls reached its lowest in more than fifty years and the European Community was getting ready to dismantle the remaining controls in 1990. While Japan and North America have no controls, the USA and various international agencies asserted that poor countries give up their controls. As such, it can be said that the situation today is contrary to the intellectual climate and the actual practice experienced forty years ago. Those who advocate controls believe that a space for national policy autonomy could be created but would be eroded by international financial integration. The bases for the intellectual case against controls include neoclassical principles that concern the ineffective restrictions on capital that are avoided by investors and the inefficiencies initiated by controls that limit competition and misdirect investment. This chapter looks into the Bretton Woods debates on controls, the history of controls in the OECD, and a Keynesian model that reveals possible macroeconomic outcomes.Less
In the OECD, the utilization of capital controls reached its lowest in more than fifty years and the European Community was getting ready to dismantle the remaining controls in 1990. While Japan and North America have no controls, the USA and various international agencies asserted that poor countries give up their controls. As such, it can be said that the situation today is contrary to the intellectual climate and the actual practice experienced forty years ago. Those who advocate controls believe that a space for national policy autonomy could be created but would be eroded by international financial integration. The bases for the intellectual case against controls include neoclassical principles that concern the ineffective restrictions on capital that are avoided by investors and the inefficiencies initiated by controls that limit competition and misdirect investment. This chapter looks into the Bretton Woods debates on controls, the history of controls in the OECD, and a Keynesian model that reveals possible macroeconomic outcomes.
Bill Bowring
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- November 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780198746669
- eISBN:
- 9780191808944
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198746669.003.0007
- Subject:
- Law, Human Rights and Immigration, Comparative Law
This chapter focuses on Russia’s unlikely experiment in national cultural autonomy (NCA). It looks at the wide variety of forms of autonomy in the Russian Empire and provides an overview of a number ...
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This chapter focuses on Russia’s unlikely experiment in national cultural autonomy (NCA). It looks at the wide variety of forms of autonomy in the Russian Empire and provides an overview of a number of cases, including Finland, the Baltics, and Russian Germans. It examines religious diversity after Catherine II’s reforms, Bolshevik nationalities policy, the creation of the territorial autonomies in 1920–2, Terry Martin’s The Affirmative Action Empire, and the Russian government’s new ‘Strategy of State National Policy for the Period to 2025’, an apparent retreat from the NCA model. This chapter seeks in particular to address the paradox identified by Alexander Osipov—why does the concept of NCA sound attractive to ethnic activists? Its aim is to show that autonomy has rather deeper roots in Russia than might at first be supposed.Less
This chapter focuses on Russia’s unlikely experiment in national cultural autonomy (NCA). It looks at the wide variety of forms of autonomy in the Russian Empire and provides an overview of a number of cases, including Finland, the Baltics, and Russian Germans. It examines religious diversity after Catherine II’s reforms, Bolshevik nationalities policy, the creation of the territorial autonomies in 1920–2, Terry Martin’s The Affirmative Action Empire, and the Russian government’s new ‘Strategy of State National Policy for the Period to 2025’, an apparent retreat from the NCA model. This chapter seeks in particular to address the paradox identified by Alexander Osipov—why does the concept of NCA sound attractive to ethnic activists? Its aim is to show that autonomy has rather deeper roots in Russia than might at first be supposed.
Sean W. Burges
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813033334
- eISBN:
- 9780813039169
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813033334.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Latin American Studies
Since 1992 — the end of the Cold War — Brazil has been slowly and quietly carving a niche for itself in the international community: that of a regional leader in Latin America. How and why is the ...
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Since 1992 — the end of the Cold War — Brazil has been slowly and quietly carving a niche for itself in the international community: that of a regional leader in Latin America. How and why is the subject of this study. Under President Fernando Henrique Cardoso, Brazil embarked on a new direction vis-à-vis foreign policy. Brazilian diplomats set out to lead South America and the global south without actively claiming leadership or incurring the associated costs. They did so to protect Brazil's national autonomy in an ever-changing political climate. The author utilizes recently declassified documents and in-depth interviews with Brazilian leaders to track the adoption and implementation of Brazil's South American foreign policy and to explain the origins of this trajectory. Leadership and desire to lead have, until recently, been a contentious and forcefully disavowed ambition for Brazilian diplomats. The author dispels this illusion and provides a framework for understanding the conduct and ambitions of Brazilian foreign policy that can be applied to the wider global arena.Less
Since 1992 — the end of the Cold War — Brazil has been slowly and quietly carving a niche for itself in the international community: that of a regional leader in Latin America. How and why is the subject of this study. Under President Fernando Henrique Cardoso, Brazil embarked on a new direction vis-à-vis foreign policy. Brazilian diplomats set out to lead South America and the global south without actively claiming leadership or incurring the associated costs. They did so to protect Brazil's national autonomy in an ever-changing political climate. The author utilizes recently declassified documents and in-depth interviews with Brazilian leaders to track the adoption and implementation of Brazil's South American foreign policy and to explain the origins of this trajectory. Leadership and desire to lead have, until recently, been a contentious and forcefully disavowed ambition for Brazilian diplomats. The author dispels this illusion and provides a framework for understanding the conduct and ambitions of Brazilian foreign policy that can be applied to the wider global arena.
Martin Sandbu
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780691175942
- eISBN:
- 9781400885510
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691175942.003.0009
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Political Economy
This chapter reflects on the political imperative of establishing a coalition among eurozone countries and institutions that can achieve the economic goals listed in the previous chapter and ...
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This chapter reflects on the political imperative of establishing a coalition among eurozone countries and institutions that can achieve the economic goals listed in the previous chapter and articulates an alternative to the transfers-for-centralised-control paradigm that is driving voters to political extremes. There is one alternative which it has been claimed does not exist: greater national autonomy to pursue countercyclical fiscal policies combined with a framework for orderly sovereign debt restructuring; a eurozone fiscal framework that prioritises the collective fiscal stance; and mutualised debt issuance by a coalition of the willing. Such an alternative, if it had been pursued early in the crisis, would have addressed the balance-of-payments vulnerability of weaker euro members, reduced the cost of stagnation by requiring less austerity, and avoided the strain that the ‘no alternative’ rhetoric has inflicted on Europe's democracies.Less
This chapter reflects on the political imperative of establishing a coalition among eurozone countries and institutions that can achieve the economic goals listed in the previous chapter and articulates an alternative to the transfers-for-centralised-control paradigm that is driving voters to political extremes. There is one alternative which it has been claimed does not exist: greater national autonomy to pursue countercyclical fiscal policies combined with a framework for orderly sovereign debt restructuring; a eurozone fiscal framework that prioritises the collective fiscal stance; and mutualised debt issuance by a coalition of the willing. Such an alternative, if it had been pursued early in the crisis, would have addressed the balance-of-payments vulnerability of weaker euro members, reduced the cost of stagnation by requiring less austerity, and avoided the strain that the ‘no alternative’ rhetoric has inflicted on Europe's democracies.
Rachel A. Epstein
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780198809968
- eISBN:
- 9780191847219
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198809968.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
States and banks have traditionally maintained close ties. At various points in time, states have used banks to manage their economies and soak up government debt, while banks enjoyed regulatory ...
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States and banks have traditionally maintained close ties. At various points in time, states have used banks to manage their economies and soak up government debt, while banks enjoyed regulatory forbearance, restricted competition and implicit or explicit guarantees from their home governments. The political foundations of banks have thus been powerful and enduring, with actors on both sides of the aisle reluctant to sever relations. The central argument of this book, however, is that in the world’s largest integrated market, Europe, political ties between states and banks have been transformed. Specifically, through a combination of post-communist transition, monetary union, and economic crisis, states in Europe no longer wield preponderant influence over their banks. In the East, high levels of foreign bank ownership have disrupted politically infused bank–state ties, while in the Eurozone, European Banking Union has supra-nationalized bank governance. Banking on Markets explains why we have witnessed the radical denationalization of this politically vital sector, as well as the consequences for economic volatility and policy autonomy. Contrary to expectations, marketized bank–state ties and elevated foreign bank ownership levels mitigated volatility in Europe’s recent economic crises. But marketized bank–state ties also limit national economic policy discretion. The findings from Europe have implications for other world regions, which, to varying degrees, have also experienced intensified pressure on their traditional models of domestic political control over finance.Less
States and banks have traditionally maintained close ties. At various points in time, states have used banks to manage their economies and soak up government debt, while banks enjoyed regulatory forbearance, restricted competition and implicit or explicit guarantees from their home governments. The political foundations of banks have thus been powerful and enduring, with actors on both sides of the aisle reluctant to sever relations. The central argument of this book, however, is that in the world’s largest integrated market, Europe, political ties between states and banks have been transformed. Specifically, through a combination of post-communist transition, monetary union, and economic crisis, states in Europe no longer wield preponderant influence over their banks. In the East, high levels of foreign bank ownership have disrupted politically infused bank–state ties, while in the Eurozone, European Banking Union has supra-nationalized bank governance. Banking on Markets explains why we have witnessed the radical denationalization of this politically vital sector, as well as the consequences for economic volatility and policy autonomy. Contrary to expectations, marketized bank–state ties and elevated foreign bank ownership levels mitigated volatility in Europe’s recent economic crises. But marketized bank–state ties also limit national economic policy discretion. The findings from Europe have implications for other world regions, which, to varying degrees, have also experienced intensified pressure on their traditional models of domestic political control over finance.
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- March 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226776361
- eISBN:
- 9780226776385
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226776385.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, History of Ideas
This chapter reports the work of Robert Kann, as well as his judgments and his interpretations. Kann's profound commitment to the values of liberal democracy, for equal rights and social justice, ...
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This chapter reports the work of Robert Kann, as well as his judgments and his interpretations. Kann's profound commitment to the values of liberal democracy, for equal rights and social justice, emerges time and again in his scholarly work. It then addresses two travelers who went to Vienna's Western Railway Station—the Westbahnhof: Sigmund Freud and Count Franz Thun. The most rapidly advancing field of Habsburg history has been economic history. Moreover, it explains the dualist structure, and some comments on the issue of national autonomy so-called, in the Austrian part of the Empire. “National autonomy” became the great battle cry in Austria in the decade prior to the outbreak of World War I. It is the transfiguration of the late Habsburg Empire that is one of the most interesting mental and psychological phenomena in present-day East Central Europe.Less
This chapter reports the work of Robert Kann, as well as his judgments and his interpretations. Kann's profound commitment to the values of liberal democracy, for equal rights and social justice, emerges time and again in his scholarly work. It then addresses two travelers who went to Vienna's Western Railway Station—the Westbahnhof: Sigmund Freud and Count Franz Thun. The most rapidly advancing field of Habsburg history has been economic history. Moreover, it explains the dualist structure, and some comments on the issue of national autonomy so-called, in the Austrian part of the Empire. “National autonomy” became the great battle cry in Austria in the decade prior to the outbreak of World War I. It is the transfiguration of the late Habsburg Empire that is one of the most interesting mental and psychological phenomena in present-day East Central Europe.
David A. Chang
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- July 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780807833650
- eISBN:
- 9781469604398
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/9780807895764_chang.8
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Native American Studies
This chapter traces how public policy was crucial to the making of a capitalist order in Oklahoma after statehood in 1907. It notes that along with taxation and credit, a critical policy in the ...
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This chapter traces how public policy was crucial to the making of a capitalist order in Oklahoma after statehood in 1907. It notes that along with taxation and credit, a critical policy in the making of a landlord elite and landless tenantry was the principle that race was fixed and unchanging. The chapter observes that in a context of rapid land loss, Creeks engaged in a combination of explicitly political action, politically charged cultural and spiritual practices, and day-to-day resistance to challenge the denial of their national autonomy, the loss of their lands, and the cultural transformation that allotment was intended to bring about. It observes that the power of federal, state, and even county land policy and lack of authority over it encapsulated the political challenges of the statehood era for Creek people.Less
This chapter traces how public policy was crucial to the making of a capitalist order in Oklahoma after statehood in 1907. It notes that along with taxation and credit, a critical policy in the making of a landlord elite and landless tenantry was the principle that race was fixed and unchanging. The chapter observes that in a context of rapid land loss, Creeks engaged in a combination of explicitly political action, politically charged cultural and spiritual practices, and day-to-day resistance to challenge the denial of their national autonomy, the loss of their lands, and the cultural transformation that allotment was intended to bring about. It observes that the power of federal, state, and even county land policy and lack of authority over it encapsulated the political challenges of the statehood era for Creek people.
Martin Sandbu
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780691175942
- eISBN:
- 9781400885510
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691175942.003.0007
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Political Economy
This chapter offers an alternative history in which the eurozone did the right thing from the beginning. As a denunciation of past mistakes and an admonition for future policy, it shows that ...
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This chapter offers an alternative history in which the eurozone did the right thing from the beginning. As a denunciation of past mistakes and an admonition for future policy, it shows that restructurings could have been managed in ways that were as orderly as the bail-outs that actually took place, if not more so, and with much greater fairness. Europe's economic well-being and political health would have been vastly better as a result. Two things would have been very different. First, the custodians of the single currency would not have been faced with temptations to put the euro's integrity in doubt. Second, greater national autonomy would have encouraged better collective solutions — both because the negotiations over what those solutions should be would have been more balanced, and because the greater room for policy manoeuvre by national governments would have produced a wider range of policy proposals.Less
This chapter offers an alternative history in which the eurozone did the right thing from the beginning. As a denunciation of past mistakes and an admonition for future policy, it shows that restructurings could have been managed in ways that were as orderly as the bail-outs that actually took place, if not more so, and with much greater fairness. Europe's economic well-being and political health would have been vastly better as a result. Two things would have been very different. First, the custodians of the single currency would not have been faced with temptations to put the euro's integrity in doubt. Second, greater national autonomy would have encouraged better collective solutions — both because the negotiations over what those solutions should be would have been more balanced, and because the greater room for policy manoeuvre by national governments would have produced a wider range of policy proposals.
