Stefano Bartolini
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199286430
- eISBN:
- 9780191603242
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199286434.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This study focuses on the historical configuration of territorial borders and functional boundaries of the European nation states, and interprets integration as a process of transcendence, ...
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This study focuses on the historical configuration of territorial borders and functional boundaries of the European nation states, and interprets integration as a process of transcendence, redefinition, and shift of those same boundaries that alters the nature of the nation states’ domestic political structures. The core of the argument concerns the relationship between the institutional design of the new Brussels centre, the boundary redefinitions that result from its political production, and the consequences of both these processes on the established national and emerging European political structures. The EU is interpreted through three key conceptual tools: ‘centre formation’, ‘system building’, and ‘political structuring’. The ‘centre formation’ — with limited administrative and fiscal capabilities and strong regulatory and judicial capabilities — is not accompanied by ‘system building’ in the field of cultural integration, social sharing institutions, and participation rights, that is, by institutions forcing its components to stay within it beyond the mere instrumental calculations. Given that for any new centre a balance must exist between its system building capacity and the scope and reach of its political production, the argument is that the ambitious political production of the EU is clearly out of balance with its weak system building capacity. As far as the ‘political structuring’ is concerned, this work argues that the institutional design of the Union and its weak system building militate to date against any stable form of political structuring for its representative actors, while its growing political production tends to undermine national mechanisms of political representation and legitimation. Under these conditions, any institutional democratization without political structuring may turn into facade electioneering, at best, or dangerous experiments, at worst. In the view of classical sociology — that takes the existence of a certain overlap between social identities, political boundaries, and social practices as a precondition for establishing political agency and a ‘rational’ political order — the EU is both a source of problems but also a possible solution to them. It can be seen as a project for regaining some degree of coherence between extended social practices, social identities, solidarity ties, and rules of deliberation at the European level. Most of the ideas expressed in this book show how problematic this project is believed to be.Less
This study focuses on the historical configuration of territorial borders and functional boundaries of the European nation states, and interprets integration as a process of transcendence, redefinition, and shift of those same boundaries that alters the nature of the nation states’ domestic political structures. The core of the argument concerns the relationship between the institutional design of the new Brussels centre, the boundary redefinitions that result from its political production, and the consequences of both these processes on the established national and emerging European political structures. The EU is interpreted through three key conceptual tools: ‘centre formation’, ‘system building’, and ‘political structuring’. The ‘centre formation’ — with limited administrative and fiscal capabilities and strong regulatory and judicial capabilities — is not accompanied by ‘system building’ in the field of cultural integration, social sharing institutions, and participation rights, that is, by institutions forcing its components to stay within it beyond the mere instrumental calculations. Given that for any new centre a balance must exist between its system building capacity and the scope and reach of its political production, the argument is that the ambitious political production of the EU is clearly out of balance with its weak system building capacity. As far as the ‘political structuring’ is concerned, this work argues that the institutional design of the Union and its weak system building militate to date against any stable form of political structuring for its representative actors, while its growing political production tends to undermine national mechanisms of political representation and legitimation. Under these conditions, any institutional democratization without political structuring may turn into facade electioneering, at best, or dangerous experiments, at worst. In the view of classical sociology — that takes the existence of a certain overlap between social identities, political boundaries, and social practices as a precondition for establishing political agency and a ‘rational’ political order — the EU is both a source of problems but also a possible solution to them. It can be seen as a project for regaining some degree of coherence between extended social practices, social identities, solidarity ties, and rules of deliberation at the European level. Most of the ideas expressed in this book show how problematic this project is believed to be.
Christian Joppke
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198292296
- eISBN:
- 9780191599569
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198292295.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This introductory chapter presents a brief discussion on the challenges of migration to the nation-state. It then describes the nine studies in the book dealing with the challenges posed by ...
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This introductory chapter presents a brief discussion on the challenges of migration to the nation-state. It then describes the nine studies in the book dealing with the challenges posed by immigration to the nation-state, transnationalising of immigration policy, EU migration, American citizenship, citizenship policies and debates in Western Europe, post-national membership, and multicultural race relations in Britain.Less
This introductory chapter presents a brief discussion on the challenges of migration to the nation-state. It then describes the nine studies in the book dealing with the challenges posed by immigration to the nation-state, transnationalising of immigration policy, EU migration, American citizenship, citizenship policies and debates in Western Europe, post-national membership, and multicultural race relations in Britain.
Beate Kohler‐Koch
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198296409
- eISBN:
- 9780191599989
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198296401.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
The future of European integration will not be decided by Intergovernmental Conferences. Political integration is a social process that can best be analysed by taking a bottom‐up approach. We have to ...
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The future of European integration will not be decided by Intergovernmental Conferences. Political integration is a social process that can best be analysed by taking a bottom‐up approach. We have to explore the societal forces that shape the living constitution of the EU and contribute to the emergence of a European political space. The chapter presents the theoretical argument and empirical findings on the basis of own research. Investigation of the involvement of regions and interest groups in EU affairs provides strong evidence that the EU is a political region in the strict sense. For a multitude of actors, it is a privileged arena for pursuing their interests. By their acceptance and support, transnational problem‐solving strategies become a shared concept of governance. Nevertheless, the Europeanization of belief systems and of political organization still has a strong national bias. The EU will not become a substitute for the nation‐state but will remain a ‘Europe with states’.Less
The future of European integration will not be decided by Intergovernmental Conferences. Political integration is a social process that can best be analysed by taking a bottom‐up approach. We have to explore the societal forces that shape the living constitution of the EU and contribute to the emergence of a European political space. The chapter presents the theoretical argument and empirical findings on the basis of own research. Investigation of the involvement of regions and interest groups in EU affairs provides strong evidence that the EU is a political region in the strict sense. For a multitude of actors, it is a privileged arena for pursuing their interests. By their acceptance and support, transnational problem‐solving strategies become a shared concept of governance. Nevertheless, the Europeanization of belief systems and of political organization still has a strong national bias. The EU will not become a substitute for the nation‐state but will remain a ‘Europe with states’.
Luiz Carlos Bresser-Pereira
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- November 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199261185
- eISBN:
- 9780191601507
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199261180.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
The two major political institutions acting in modern democracies–civil society and the state–assume new ways of relating among themselves, thereby producing new democratic governance. Discusses two ...
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The two major political institutions acting in modern democracies–civil society and the state–assume new ways of relating among themselves, thereby producing new democratic governance. Discusses two aspects of this global change: the republican democracy that is emerging in the twenty-first century and public management reform. The objective of this reform is to increase state capacity, to create a ‘strong state’: able to produce representative and accountable democratic governments; able to protect civil rights and assure markets, and so liberal; able to promote social justice, and so social; able to resist corruption and rent seeking, and thus republican. Starts from the assumption that, just as only a strong civil society may guarantee democracy, only a strong state may assure competitive markets. Defines the words ‘nation-state’ (or ‘country’), state, and civil society.Less
The two major political institutions acting in modern democracies–civil society and the state–assume new ways of relating among themselves, thereby producing new democratic governance. Discusses two aspects of this global change: the republican democracy that is emerging in the twenty-first century and public management reform. The objective of this reform is to increase state capacity, to create a ‘strong state’: able to produce representative and accountable democratic governments; able to protect civil rights and assure markets, and so liberal; able to promote social justice, and so social; able to resist corruption and rent seeking, and thus republican. Starts from the assumption that, just as only a strong civil society may guarantee democracy, only a strong state may assure competitive markets. Defines the words ‘nation-state’ (or ‘country’), state, and civil society.
Maurizio Ferrera
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199284665
- eISBN:
- 9780191603273
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199284660.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
The chapter surveys the “state-building” literature and discusses, in particular, the works of Stein Rokkan and of Albert Hirschman, highlighting their usefulness for studying welfare state ...
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The chapter surveys the “state-building” literature and discusses, in particular, the works of Stein Rokkan and of Albert Hirschman, highlighting their usefulness for studying welfare state developments. An original analytical framework is proposed for the exploration of spatial politics, based on a combination of “vocality” and “locality” options. The chapter then discusses the emergence and evolution of modern citizenship as a form of spatial closure, and proposes an interpretation of social rights as products of structuring processes.Less
The chapter surveys the “state-building” literature and discusses, in particular, the works of Stein Rokkan and of Albert Hirschman, highlighting their usefulness for studying welfare state developments. An original analytical framework is proposed for the exploration of spatial politics, based on a combination of “vocality” and “locality” options. The chapter then discusses the emergence and evolution of modern citizenship as a form of spatial closure, and proposes an interpretation of social rights as products of structuring processes.
Mika Toyota
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199277629
- eISBN:
- 9780191603303
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199277621.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter argues that the term ‘hill tribe’, used to refer to the marginal non-Tai-speaking upland population in Thailand, reflects the nature of the relationship between the state and the ...
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This chapter argues that the term ‘hill tribe’, used to refer to the marginal non-Tai-speaking upland population in Thailand, reflects the nature of the relationship between the state and the peripheral population. Hill tribe status has reinforced the perception that ethnic Thais are the ‘core’ of the nation-state, justified paternalism and state control of the upland population, and provided grounds for discriminating against them and denying them full Thai citizenship. Adopting the discourse of ‘indigenous rights’ is unlikely to improve this situation.Less
This chapter argues that the term ‘hill tribe’, used to refer to the marginal non-Tai-speaking upland population in Thailand, reflects the nature of the relationship between the state and the peripheral population. Hill tribe status has reinforced the perception that ethnic Thais are the ‘core’ of the nation-state, justified paternalism and state control of the upland population, and provided grounds for discriminating against them and denying them full Thai citizenship. Adopting the discourse of ‘indigenous rights’ is unlikely to improve this situation.
Gurpreet Mahajan
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199277629
- eISBN:
- 9780191603303
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199277621.003.0013
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter examines Indian policies that accommodated cultural, religious, and language diversities and minority rights. The Indian Constitution laid the foundations of a multicultural democracy by ...
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This chapter examines Indian policies that accommodated cultural, religious, and language diversities and minority rights. The Indian Constitution laid the foundations of a multicultural democracy by recognizing cultural differences and respecting diversity. Some of India’s multicultural accommodation strategies include special cultural and political rights for minorities to live in accordance with their cultural practices and to govern themselves, and setting up institutions to protect and promote their language and culture.Less
This chapter examines Indian policies that accommodated cultural, religious, and language diversities and minority rights. The Indian Constitution laid the foundations of a multicultural democracy by recognizing cultural differences and respecting diversity. Some of India’s multicultural accommodation strategies include special cultural and political rights for minorities to live in accordance with their cultural practices and to govern themselves, and setting up institutions to protect and promote their language and culture.
IAN BACHE and MATTHEW FLINDERS
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199259250
- eISBN:
- 9780191600968
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199259259.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Ian Bache and Matthew Flinders provide an overview of the development and main issues in the study of multi‐level governance, before identifying the main themes of the book. These are concerned with ...
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Ian Bache and Matthew Flinders provide an overview of the development and main issues in the study of multi‐level governance, before identifying the main themes of the book. These are concerned with how multi‐level governance should be defined and how the concept is understood and utilized in different academic fields; how structures and processes of multi‐level governance differ across policy sectors and how these differences might be explained; the implications of multi‐level governance for the power, position, and role of the nation state; the implications of multi‐level governance for democratic accountability; and the limitations of the multi‐level governance model.Less
Ian Bache and Matthew Flinders provide an overview of the development and main issues in the study of multi‐level governance, before identifying the main themes of the book. These are concerned with how multi‐level governance should be defined and how the concept is understood and utilized in different academic fields; how structures and processes of multi‐level governance differ across policy sectors and how these differences might be explained; the implications of multi‐level governance for the power, position, and role of the nation state; the implications of multi‐level governance for democratic accountability; and the limitations of the multi‐level governance model.
Max. M Edling
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780195148701
- eISBN:
- 9780199835096
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195148703.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
In this new interpretation of America's origins, the author argues that during the Constitutional debates, the Federalists were primarily concerned with building a state able to act vigorously in ...
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In this new interpretation of America's origins, the author argues that during the Constitutional debates, the Federalists were primarily concerned with building a state able to act vigorously in defense of American national interests. By transferring the powers of war making and resource extraction from states to the national government, the US Constitution created a nation‐state invested with all the important powers of Europe's eighteenth‐century “fiscal‐military states.” However, the political traditions and institutions of America, whose people had a deeply ingrained distrust of unduly concentrated authority, were incompatible with a strong centralized government based on the European pattern. To secure the adoption of the Constitution, the Federalists needed to build a very different state – they had to accommodate the formation of a powerful national government to the strong current of anti‐statism in the American political tradition. They did so by designing an administration that would be powerful in times of crisis, but would make limited demands on citizens and entailed sharp restrictions on the physical presence of the national government in society. The Constitution was the Federalists’ promise of the benefits of government without its costs – statecraft rather than strong central authority as the solution to governing. The book takes advantage of a newly published edition of the constitutional debates in recovering a neglected strand of Federalist argument, and making a case for rethinking the formation of the federal American state. It is arranged in three main parts: I. Interpreting the Debate over Ratification (four chapters); II. Military Powers (five chapters); and III. Fiscal Powers (five chapters).Less
In this new interpretation of America's origins, the author argues that during the Constitutional debates, the Federalists were primarily concerned with building a state able to act vigorously in defense of American national interests. By transferring the powers of war making and resource extraction from states to the national government, the US Constitution created a nation‐state invested with all the important powers of Europe's eighteenth‐century “fiscal‐military states.” However, the political traditions and institutions of America, whose people had a deeply ingrained distrust of unduly concentrated authority, were incompatible with a strong centralized government based on the European pattern. To secure the adoption of the Constitution, the Federalists needed to build a very different state – they had to accommodate the formation of a powerful national government to the strong current of anti‐statism in the American political tradition. They did so by designing an administration that would be powerful in times of crisis, but would make limited demands on citizens and entailed sharp restrictions on the physical presence of the national government in society. The Constitution was the Federalists’ promise of the benefits of government without its costs – statecraft rather than strong central authority as the solution to governing. The book takes advantage of a newly published edition of the constitutional debates in recovering a neglected strand of Federalist argument, and making a case for rethinking the formation of the federal American state. It is arranged in three main parts: I. Interpreting the Debate over Ratification (four chapters); II. Military Powers (five chapters); and III. Fiscal Powers (five chapters).
Christian Joppke (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198292296
- eISBN:
- 9780191599569
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198292295.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This book features a compilation of macro-oriented immigration studies by leading scholars. The authors focus on the two aspects of the nation-state challenged by migration: the sovereignty over ...
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This book features a compilation of macro-oriented immigration studies by leading scholars. The authors focus on the two aspects of the nation-state challenged by migration: the sovereignty over entry and expulsion, and unitary membership as citizenship. It presents opposing views on sovereignty, the impact of globalisation on immigration control, and the constraints faced by states in this policy domain. It addresses recent debate on post-national membership, particularly the issue of whether post-national membership is a stable alternative to, or temporary deviation from national citizenship.Less
This book features a compilation of macro-oriented immigration studies by leading scholars. The authors focus on the two aspects of the nation-state challenged by migration: the sovereignty over entry and expulsion, and unitary membership as citizenship. It presents opposing views on sovereignty, the impact of globalisation on immigration control, and the constraints faced by states in this policy domain. It addresses recent debate on post-national membership, particularly the issue of whether post-national membership is a stable alternative to, or temporary deviation from national citizenship.
Anand Menon and Vincent Wright (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199244034
- eISBN:
- 9780191599897
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199244030.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
The relationship between the European Union and its member states is complex and evolving. This book explores not only the nature of this relationship, but also the broader implications of European ...
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The relationship between the European Union and its member states is complex and evolving. This book explores not only the nature of this relationship, but also the broader implications of European integration for the ways in which the subject of European politics is studied.Less
The relationship between the European Union and its member states is complex and evolving. This book explores not only the nature of this relationship, but also the broader implications of European integration for the ways in which the subject of European politics is studied.
R. D. Grillo
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294269
- eISBN:
- 9780191599378
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198294263.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
How do political processes, working through the authoritative institutions of society (the state), shape and reproduce difference? How do societies cope with ethnic and cultural diversity? Ernest ...
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How do political processes, working through the authoritative institutions of society (the state), shape and reproduce difference? How do societies cope with ethnic and cultural diversity? Ernest Gellner observed that culturally and ethnically plural societies ‘worked well in the past’ but not under modern conditions. Comparison of anthropological and other data on ethnic and cultural pluralism in various historical configurations of state and society (early or pre‐industrial states; modern industrial states; and contemporary, post‐modern, and post‐industrial states) is instructive. In many early states, rulers had little concern with the ethnic identity and cultural practices of their subjects so long as they paid their taxes. In some cases, such as the Ottoman empire, societies were divided into ethnic and cultural corporations, which were in large measure autonomous. Under conditions of modernity, however, many industrial nation states engaged their populations in processes of national integration, demanding the suppression of difference within national territories and the ethnic and cultural assimilation of immigrants and refugees (when they did not reject them). In the last third of the twentieth century, however, in the post‐industrial, neoliberal economies of the West, there was apparently a move towards greater acceptance of differences as societies experimented with various forms of multiculturalism. Whether contemporary states have the political and economic will to sustain non‐essentializing forms of egalitarian multiculturalism remains an open question.Less
How do political processes, working through the authoritative institutions of society (the state), shape and reproduce difference? How do societies cope with ethnic and cultural diversity? Ernest Gellner observed that culturally and ethnically plural societies ‘worked well in the past’ but not under modern conditions. Comparison of anthropological and other data on ethnic and cultural pluralism in various historical configurations of state and society (early or pre‐industrial states; modern industrial states; and contemporary, post‐modern, and post‐industrial states) is instructive. In many early states, rulers had little concern with the ethnic identity and cultural practices of their subjects so long as they paid their taxes. In some cases, such as the Ottoman empire, societies were divided into ethnic and cultural corporations, which were in large measure autonomous. Under conditions of modernity, however, many industrial nation states engaged their populations in processes of national integration, demanding the suppression of difference within national territories and the ethnic and cultural assimilation of immigrants and refugees (when they did not reject them). In the last third of the twentieth century, however, in the post‐industrial, neoliberal economies of the West, there was apparently a move towards greater acceptance of differences as societies experimented with various forms of multiculturalism. Whether contemporary states have the political and economic will to sustain non‐essentializing forms of egalitarian multiculturalism remains an open question.
Christian Joppke
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295402
- eISBN:
- 9780191599576
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295405.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This book compares the post‐war politics of immigration control and immigrant integration in three liberal states characterized by sharply distinct nationhood traditions and immigration experiences. ...
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This book compares the post‐war politics of immigration control and immigrant integration in three liberal states characterized by sharply distinct nationhood traditions and immigration experiences. Mapping out the many variations between these cases, it focuses on the impact of immigration in the two key areas of sovereignty and citizenship. The first part analyses the effect of immigration on state sovereignty, arguing that with respect to immigration control, liberal states are self‐limited by interest‐group pluralism, autonomous legal systems, and moral obligations towards particular interest groups – the weight of these factors differing across particular cases. The second part addresses the ways in which immigration impacts upon citizenship, arguing for the continuing relevance of national citizenship for integrating immigrants, albeit modified by nationally distinct concepts of multiculturalism. The book demonstrates the remarkable resilience of these nation‐states to immigration pressures, and makes a powerful contribution to the growing macro‐sociological literature and political science literature on immigration, citizenship, and the nation‐state.Less
This book compares the post‐war politics of immigration control and immigrant integration in three liberal states characterized by sharply distinct nationhood traditions and immigration experiences. Mapping out the many variations between these cases, it focuses on the impact of immigration in the two key areas of sovereignty and citizenship. The first part analyses the effect of immigration on state sovereignty, arguing that with respect to immigration control, liberal states are self‐limited by interest‐group pluralism, autonomous legal systems, and moral obligations towards particular interest groups – the weight of these factors differing across particular cases. The second part addresses the ways in which immigration impacts upon citizenship, arguing for the continuing relevance of national citizenship for integrating immigrants, albeit modified by nationally distinct concepts of multiculturalism. The book demonstrates the remarkable resilience of these nation‐states to immigration pressures, and makes a powerful contribution to the growing macro‐sociological literature and political science literature on immigration, citizenship, and the nation‐state.
Michael Keating
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199244348
- eISBN:
- 9780191599866
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199244340.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
Compares Northern Ireland with Western Europe's other hot spot, the Basque Country. It links both regions with the process of European integration. Keating's view is that, as this promotes a move ...
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Compares Northern Ireland with Western Europe's other hot spot, the Basque Country. It links both regions with the process of European integration. Keating's view is that, as this promotes a move away from the traditional notion of single identities and sovereign nation‐states towards more complex multiple identities and forms of shared sovereignty; it offers a potential way out of both conflicts.Less
Compares Northern Ireland with Western Europe's other hot spot, the Basque Country. It links both regions with the process of European integration. Keating's view is that, as this promotes a move away from the traditional notion of single identities and sovereign nation‐states towards more complex multiple identities and forms of shared sovereignty; it offers a potential way out of both conflicts.
Iris Marion Young
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198297550
- eISBN:
- 9780191716751
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198297556.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Theorists of deliberative democracy have not sufficiently attended to the ways that processes of debate and decision making often marginalize individuals and groups not only because of their lesser ...
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Theorists of deliberative democracy have not sufficiently attended to the ways that processes of debate and decision making often marginalize individuals and groups not only because of their lesser social and economic power but also because the norms of political discussion are biased against some forms of expression. Democratic theory should include forms of acknowledgement, narrative, rhetoric, and public protest, along with argument, in its account of the normative ideals of political communication. Inclusive democracy involves more than the formal equality of all individuals and groups to enter the political process, but entails taking special measures to compensate for the social and economic inequalities of unjust social structures. Such special measures may require forms of group representation, in order that the particular social perspective of group members gains voice. Residential segregation poses particular problems for inclusive democracy in many societies. Organizing metropolitan governance systems with diverse representation may respond to such problems. In a globalized world, finally, the project of inclusive democracy involves criticizing adherence to nation‐state sovereignty and creating global level democratic institutions.Less
Theorists of deliberative democracy have not sufficiently attended to the ways that processes of debate and decision making often marginalize individuals and groups not only because of their lesser social and economic power but also because the norms of political discussion are biased against some forms of expression. Democratic theory should include forms of acknowledgement, narrative, rhetoric, and public protest, along with argument, in its account of the normative ideals of political communication. Inclusive democracy involves more than the formal equality of all individuals and groups to enter the political process, but entails taking special measures to compensate for the social and economic inequalities of unjust social structures. Such special measures may require forms of group representation, in order that the particular social perspective of group members gains voice. Residential segregation poses particular problems for inclusive democracy in many societies. Organizing metropolitan governance systems with diverse representation may respond to such problems. In a globalized world, finally, the project of inclusive democracy involves criticizing adherence to nation‐state sovereignty and creating global level democratic institutions.
Will Kymlicka
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199240982
- eISBN:
- 9780191599729
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199240981.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter explores the claims regarding the importance of three separate levels of political community and political agency: sub-state minority nations, nation-states, and transnational ...
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This chapter explores the claims regarding the importance of three separate levels of political community and political agency: sub-state minority nations, nation-states, and transnational institutions. It is argued that these levels are mutually reinforcing rather than mutually competing. Since nation-states can no longer protect the interests of their citizens on their own, establishing well-functioning transnational institutions can help states focus on the goals they can successfully pursue. Self-government of minorities should not be viewed as a threat but a precondition to long-term stability of states.Less
This chapter explores the claims regarding the importance of three separate levels of political community and political agency: sub-state minority nations, nation-states, and transnational institutions. It is argued that these levels are mutually reinforcing rather than mutually competing. Since nation-states can no longer protect the interests of their citizens on their own, establishing well-functioning transnational institutions can help states focus on the goals they can successfully pursue. Self-government of minorities should not be viewed as a threat but a precondition to long-term stability of states.
Christian Joppke
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295402
- eISBN:
- 9780191599576
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295405.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter reviews the main literature on immigration and its societal impact, so as to set the book in its theoretical context.
This chapter reviews the main literature on immigration and its societal impact, so as to set the book in its theoretical context.
Christian Joppke
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295402
- eISBN:
- 9780191599576
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295405.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This book can be construed from two viewpoints. From a particularizing view, it reveals sharply distinct immigration experiences, with the nation‐state figuring as an independent variable, with ...
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This book can be construed from two viewpoints. From a particularizing view, it reveals sharply distinct immigration experiences, with the nation‐state figuring as an independent variable, with unique historical and cultural influences on the integration process. From a generalizing view, however, it presents the nation‐state as a dependent variable, seeing immigration as a manageable challenge to its generic characteristics of sovereignty and citizenship. From either perspective (but importantly from the latter), the analysis shows the resilience of nation‐states in the face of large‐scale immigration. The residual question is, whether such resilience will characterize the emergent European Union.Less
This book can be construed from two viewpoints. From a particularizing view, it reveals sharply distinct immigration experiences, with the nation‐state figuring as an independent variable, with unique historical and cultural influences on the integration process. From a generalizing view, however, it presents the nation‐state as a dependent variable, seeing immigration as a manageable challenge to its generic characteristics of sovereignty and citizenship. From either perspective (but importantly from the latter), the analysis shows the resilience of nation‐states in the face of large‐scale immigration. The residual question is, whether such resilience will characterize the emergent European Union.
Pierre Grémion
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199244034
- eISBN:
- 9780191599897
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199244030.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
The relation between the three entities of state, Europe, and Republic, which represent contradictory, symbolic sources of legitimate authority, is becoming increasingly blurred as European ...
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The relation between the three entities of state, Europe, and Republic, which represent contradictory, symbolic sources of legitimate authority, is becoming increasingly blurred as European integration proceeds. An analysis of the European policies pursued by French governments of the Fourth and Fifth Republics make this process clear. It is against this dislocation of French national identity that the emergence anti‐Europeanism needs to be understood.Less
The relation between the three entities of state, Europe, and Republic, which represent contradictory, symbolic sources of legitimate authority, is becoming increasingly blurred as European integration proceeds. An analysis of the European policies pursued by French governments of the Fourth and Fifth Republics make this process clear. It is against this dislocation of French national identity that the emergence anti‐Europeanism needs to be understood.
Patrick Le Galès
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199247967
- eISBN:
- 9780191601088
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019924796X.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
An examination is made of how tensions that develop between supranational and national governance structures are resolved, given the institutionalization taking place at the European level. The focus ...
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An examination is made of how tensions that develop between supranational and national governance structures are resolved, given the institutionalization taking place at the European level. The focus is on two national policy domains – state aids and regional development – and the author explains how, since the mid-1980s, European Union (EU) officials have succeeded in inducing their French counterparts to alter legislation and administrative practices once assumed to be fundamentally immune to external influence – a process that is increasingly referred to as the ‘Europeanization of the nation state’. The view taken is that Europeanization took place in a series of ‘rounds’ that have followed a common sequence: disagreement about the nature and scope of EU rules in national regimes; open contestation between supranational and national officials; the fixing of a new or clarified rule on the part of EU officials; and, finally, the grudging acceptance of the rule by the French. After each round, new patterns of French resistance emerged, but the rules of the game governing these interactions are fixed by the results of previous rounds, and come to be more or less taken for granted by actors at both levels; it is argued that the overall process tends to favour the expansion and diffusion of EU modes of governance, and the weakening of specifically national modes. The chapter is divided into three main sections: the first provides a summary overview of the development of EU competition policy and its intersections with state aids and regional policy; the second focuses on state aids in two sectors (French regional and industrial policy), which are analysed against the backdrop of the development of European competition law; and the third part discusses conflicts over the meaning of European rules in relation to the process of ‘endogenous’ institutional change.Less
An examination is made of how tensions that develop between supranational and national governance structures are resolved, given the institutionalization taking place at the European level. The focus is on two national policy domains – state aids and regional development – and the author explains how, since the mid-1980s, European Union (EU) officials have succeeded in inducing their French counterparts to alter legislation and administrative practices once assumed to be fundamentally immune to external influence – a process that is increasingly referred to as the ‘Europeanization of the nation state’. The view taken is that Europeanization took place in a series of ‘rounds’ that have followed a common sequence: disagreement about the nature and scope of EU rules in national regimes; open contestation between supranational and national officials; the fixing of a new or clarified rule on the part of EU officials; and, finally, the grudging acceptance of the rule by the French. After each round, new patterns of French resistance emerged, but the rules of the game governing these interactions are fixed by the results of previous rounds, and come to be more or less taken for granted by actors at both levels; it is argued that the overall process tends to favour the expansion and diffusion of EU modes of governance, and the weakening of specifically national modes. The chapter is divided into three main sections: the first provides a summary overview of the development of EU competition policy and its intersections with state aids and regional policy; the second focuses on state aids in two sectors (French regional and industrial policy), which are analysed against the backdrop of the development of European competition law; and the third part discusses conflicts over the meaning of European rules in relation to the process of ‘endogenous’ institutional change.
