Elizabeth Vlossak
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199561117
- eISBN:
- 9780191595035
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199561117.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This book studies modern Alsatian history using gender as a category of historical analysis, and the first to record the experiences of the region's women from 1870 to 1946. Relying on an extensive ...
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This book studies modern Alsatian history using gender as a category of historical analysis, and the first to record the experiences of the region's women from 1870 to 1946. Relying on an extensive array of documentary, visual and literary material, national and regional publications, oral testimonies, and previously-unused archival sources gathered in France, Germany and Britain, the book contributes to the growing literature on the relationship between gender, the nation and citizenship, and between nationalism and feminism. It does so by focusing on the roles, both passive and active, that women played in the process of German and French nation-building in Alsace. The work also critiques and corrects the long-held assumptions that Alsatian women were the preservers, after 1871, of a French national heritage in the region, and that women were neglected or disregarded by policy-makers concerned with the consolidation of German, and later French, loyalties. Women were in fact seen as important agents of nation-formation and treated as such. In addition, all the categories of social action implicated in the nation-building process — confession, education, socialization, the public sphere, the domestic setting, the iconography of regional and national belonging — were themselves gendered. Thus nation-building projects impacted asymmetrically on men and women, with far-reaching consequences. Having been ‘nationalized’ through different ‘rounds of restructuring’ than men, the women of Alsace were, and continue to be excluded from national and regional histories, as well as from public memory and official commemoration. Marianne or Germania questions, and ultimately challenges, these practices.Less
This book studies modern Alsatian history using gender as a category of historical analysis, and the first to record the experiences of the region's women from 1870 to 1946. Relying on an extensive array of documentary, visual and literary material, national and regional publications, oral testimonies, and previously-unused archival sources gathered in France, Germany and Britain, the book contributes to the growing literature on the relationship between gender, the nation and citizenship, and between nationalism and feminism. It does so by focusing on the roles, both passive and active, that women played in the process of German and French nation-building in Alsace. The work also critiques and corrects the long-held assumptions that Alsatian women were the preservers, after 1871, of a French national heritage in the region, and that women were neglected or disregarded by policy-makers concerned with the consolidation of German, and later French, loyalties. Women were in fact seen as important agents of nation-formation and treated as such. In addition, all the categories of social action implicated in the nation-building process — confession, education, socialization, the public sphere, the domestic setting, the iconography of regional and national belonging — were themselves gendered. Thus nation-building projects impacted asymmetrically on men and women, with far-reaching consequences. Having been ‘nationalized’ through different ‘rounds of restructuring’ than men, the women of Alsace were, and continue to be excluded from national and regional histories, as well as from public memory and official commemoration. Marianne or Germania questions, and ultimately challenges, these practices.
Simon Chesterman
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199263486
- eISBN:
- 9780191600999
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199263485.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Transitional administrations represent the most complex operations attempted by the United Nations. The missions in Kosovo (1999—) and East Timor (1999–2002) are commonly seen as unique in the ...
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Transitional administrations represent the most complex operations attempted by the United Nations. The missions in Kosovo (1999—) and East Timor (1999–2002) are commonly seen as unique in the history of the United Nations. But they may also be seen as the latest in a series of operations that have involved the United Nations in ‘state‐building’ activities, in which it has attempted to develop the institutions of government by assuming some or all of those sovereign powers on a temporary basis. Viewed in light of earlier UN operations, such as those in Namibia (1989–1990), Cambodia (1992–1993), and Eastern Slavonia (1996–1998), the idea that these exceptional circumstances may not recur is somewhat disingenuous. The need for policy research in this area was brought into sharp focus by the weighty but vague responsibilities assigned to the United Nations in Afghanistan (2002—) and its contested role in Iraq (2003—).This book seeks to fill that gap. Aimed at policy‐makers, diplomats, and a wide academic audience (including international relations, political science, international law, war studies, and development studies), the book provides a concise history of transitional administration and a treatment of the five key issues confronting such operations: peace and security, the role of the United Nations as government, establishing the rule of law, economic reconstruction, and exit strategies. Research for the book has been conducted through extensive field research and interviews with key UN staff and local representatives in almost all of the territories under consideration. The unifying theme is that, while the ends of transitional administration may be idealistic, the means cannot be.Less
Transitional administrations represent the most complex operations attempted by the United Nations. The missions in Kosovo (1999—) and East Timor (1999–2002) are commonly seen as unique in the history of the United Nations. But they may also be seen as the latest in a series of operations that have involved the United Nations in ‘state‐building’ activities, in which it has attempted to develop the institutions of government by assuming some or all of those sovereign powers on a temporary basis. Viewed in light of earlier UN operations, such as those in Namibia (1989–1990), Cambodia (1992–1993), and Eastern Slavonia (1996–1998), the idea that these exceptional circumstances may not recur is somewhat disingenuous. The need for policy research in this area was brought into sharp focus by the weighty but vague responsibilities assigned to the United Nations in Afghanistan (2002—) and its contested role in Iraq (2003—).
This book seeks to fill that gap. Aimed at policy‐makers, diplomats, and a wide academic audience (including international relations, political science, international law, war studies, and development studies), the book provides a concise history of transitional administration and a treatment of the five key issues confronting such operations: peace and security, the role of the United Nations as government, establishing the rule of law, economic reconstruction, and exit strategies. Research for the book has been conducted through extensive field research and interviews with key UN staff and local representatives in almost all of the territories under consideration. The unifying theme is that, while the ends of transitional administration may be idealistic, the means cannot be.
Jennifer M. Welsh (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199267217
- eISBN:
- 9780191601118
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199267219.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The issue of humanitarian intervention has generated one of the most heated debates in international relations over the past decade, for both theorists and practitioners. At its heart is the alleged ...
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The issue of humanitarian intervention has generated one of the most heated debates in international relations over the past decade, for both theorists and practitioners. At its heart is the alleged tension between the principle of state sovereignty, and the evolving norms related to individual human rights. This edited collection examines the challenges to international society posed by humanitarian intervention in a post-September 11th world. It brings scholars of law, philosophy, and international relations together with those who have actively engaged in cases of intervention, in order to examine the legitimacy and consequences of the use of military force for humanitarian purposes. The book demonstrates why humanitarian intervention continues to be a controversial question not only for the United Nations but also for Western states and humanitarian organisations.Less
The issue of humanitarian intervention has generated one of the most heated debates in international relations over the past decade, for both theorists and practitioners. At its heart is the alleged tension between the principle of state sovereignty, and the evolving norms related to individual human rights. This edited collection examines the challenges to international society posed by humanitarian intervention in a post-September 11th world. It brings scholars of law, philosophy, and international relations together with those who have actively engaged in cases of intervention, in order to examine the legitimacy and consequences of the use of military force for humanitarian purposes. The book demonstrates why humanitarian intervention continues to be a controversial question not only for the United Nations but also for Western states and humanitarian organisations.
Edward Miguel
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780195305197
- eISBN:
- 9780199783519
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195305191.003.0012
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental
This essay begins with a discussion of the recent social science literature on the impact of ethnic, racial, and religious divisions, and then proposes a set of policies that less-developed countries ...
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This essay begins with a discussion of the recent social science literature on the impact of ethnic, racial, and religious divisions, and then proposes a set of policies that less-developed countries should follow to help them overcome ethnic conflict. It advocates the adoption of “nation-building” policies that foster the development of a common national identity. The case of Tanzania, and the contrast of Tanzania with its East African neighbor, Kenya, is the focus of this essay. It is argued that Tanzania’s serious approach to forging a common national identity attractive across ethnic groups — which takes the form of extensive linguistic, educational, and institutional reforms — offers a model for other less-developed countries that inherited ethnic divisions in the post-independence period. An overview of empirical evidence based on original field data collection is presented, which shows that this nation-building approach has allowed ethnically diverse communities in rural Tanzania to achieve considerable success in local fund-raising for primary schools, while ethnically diverse Kenyan communities have largely failed in this task.Less
This essay begins with a discussion of the recent social science literature on the impact of ethnic, racial, and religious divisions, and then proposes a set of policies that less-developed countries should follow to help them overcome ethnic conflict. It advocates the adoption of “nation-building” policies that foster the development of a common national identity. The case of Tanzania, and the contrast of Tanzania with its East African neighbor, Kenya, is the focus of this essay. It is argued that Tanzania’s serious approach to forging a common national identity attractive across ethnic groups — which takes the form of extensive linguistic, educational, and institutional reforms — offers a model for other less-developed countries that inherited ethnic divisions in the post-independence period. An overview of empirical evidence based on original field data collection is presented, which shows that this nation-building approach has allowed ethnically diverse communities in rural Tanzania to achieve considerable success in local fund-raising for primary schools, while ethnically diverse Kenyan communities have largely failed in this task.
Jason Ralph
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199214310
- eISBN:
- 9780191706615
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199214310.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter explains why the Clinton administration chose to sign, and the Bush administration chose to ‘unsign’ the Rome Treaty. Both argued that the Treaty violated the principle of sovereign ...
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This chapter explains why the Clinton administration chose to sign, and the Bush administration chose to ‘unsign’ the Rome Treaty. Both argued that the Treaty violated the principle of sovereign consent and they both appealed to Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties to support their argument. The chapter then asks why the US finds this argument so compelling when other democratic states are not threatened by the Court. The chapter offers an answer that goes beyond arguments that focus on America's national interests and its international responsibilities. Instead, it focuses on the cultural role that democratic consent plays in constituting America as a separate nation. The policy of opposing the ICC while offering alternative approaches to international criminal justice is, therefore, a representational practice designed to instantiate a particular image of America as well as a political move to protect the national interest.Less
This chapter explains why the Clinton administration chose to sign, and the Bush administration chose to ‘unsign’ the Rome Treaty. Both argued that the Treaty violated the principle of sovereign consent and they both appealed to Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties to support their argument. The chapter then asks why the US finds this argument so compelling when other democratic states are not threatened by the Court. The chapter offers an answer that goes beyond arguments that focus on America's national interests and its international responsibilities. Instead, it focuses on the cultural role that democratic consent plays in constituting America as a separate nation. The policy of opposing the ICC while offering alternative approaches to international criminal justice is, therefore, a representational practice designed to instantiate a particular image of America as well as a political move to protect the national interest.
Stefano Bartolini
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199286430
- eISBN:
- 9780191603242
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199286434.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
The analytical framework sketched in Chapter One is used to review the history of state formation in Europe at a number of critical junctures from the sixteenth to the twentieth century: state ...
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The analytical framework sketched in Chapter One is used to review the history of state formation in Europe at a number of critical junctures from the sixteenth to the twentieth century: state formation, capitalist development and market formation, nation formation, generalisation of participation rights (democratization), and development of social sharing institutions (welfare systems). The recasting emphasizes how the processes of boundary control in various spheres contributed to the specific and historically unique constellation of centre-periphery structuring, interest intermediation structuring, and cleavage structuring in the Western experience. This key idea — that domestic political structures are historically grounded in specific configurations of economic, cultural, administrative and coercion confinement of actors and resources — suggests that political developments affecting the boundary configuration of the nation state will also affect the domestic forms of its political structures. This is the starting point for the succeeding chapters devoted to the European integration process.Less
The analytical framework sketched in Chapter One is used to review the history of state formation in Europe at a number of critical junctures from the sixteenth to the twentieth century: state formation, capitalist development and market formation, nation formation, generalisation of participation rights (democratization), and development of social sharing institutions (welfare systems). The recasting emphasizes how the processes of boundary control in various spheres contributed to the specific and historically unique constellation of centre-periphery structuring, interest intermediation structuring, and cleavage structuring in the Western experience. This key idea — that domestic political structures are historically grounded in specific configurations of economic, cultural, administrative and coercion confinement of actors and resources — suggests that political developments affecting the boundary configuration of the nation state will also affect the domestic forms of its political structures. This is the starting point for the succeeding chapters devoted to the European integration process.
Robert Colls
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199245192
- eISBN:
- 9780191697432
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199245192.003.0024
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter summarizes the preceding discussions. The idea that Crown-in-Parliament adequately represents the nation no longer holds true. The idea that the state stands for a homogeneous nation is ...
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This chapter summarizes the preceding discussions. The idea that Crown-in-Parliament adequately represents the nation no longer holds true. The idea that the state stands for a homogeneous nation is no longer credible. It is important that the English continue to remember their history. People remember, therefore they are. It remains true that how people see their old life rather depends on how they see their new.Less
This chapter summarizes the preceding discussions. The idea that Crown-in-Parliament adequately represents the nation no longer holds true. The idea that the state stands for a homogeneous nation is no longer credible. It is important that the English continue to remember their history. People remember, therefore they are. It remains true that how people see their old life rather depends on how they see their new.
Richard Caplan
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- July 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199263455
- eISBN:
- 9780191602726
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199263450.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
introduces the term ‘international administration’ and distinguishes it from peacekeeping, state- and nation-building, and military occupation. Also discusses the political and strategic context out ...
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introduces the term ‘international administration’ and distinguishes it from peacekeeping, state- and nation-building, and military occupation. Also discusses the political and strategic context out of which international territorial administration emerged in the mid-1990s. An increase in the importance that many states attach to humanitarian norms as matters of international concern and a marked disregard for sovereignty as a barrier to humanitarian interference have facilitated the pursuit of policies of a highly intrusive nature, including the establishment of international administrations. States have also been motivated by considerations of national interest: a strong international presence in the Balkans and in East Timor has served to buffer regional states from the effects of instability, notably refugee flows and trans-border crime. The chapter concludes with an overview of the contents of the book.Less
introduces the term ‘international administration’ and distinguishes it from peacekeeping, state- and nation-building, and military occupation. Also discusses the political and strategic context out of which international territorial administration emerged in the mid-1990s. An increase in the importance that many states attach to humanitarian norms as matters of international concern and a marked disregard for sovereignty as a barrier to humanitarian interference have facilitated the pursuit of policies of a highly intrusive nature, including the establishment of international administrations. States have also been motivated by considerations of national interest: a strong international presence in the Balkans and in East Timor has served to buffer regional states from the effects of instability, notably refugee flows and trans-border crime. The chapter concludes with an overview of the contents of the book.
Will Kymlicka
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199240982
- eISBN:
- 9780191599729
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199240981.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This book explores the rights and situations of ethnocultural groups in Western democracies. It presents essays that share three major themes: the dialectic of nation building and minority rights, ...
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This book explores the rights and situations of ethnocultural groups in Western democracies. It presents essays that share three major themes: the dialectic of nation building and minority rights, the gap between theory and practice of liberal democracies; and the effectiveness of emerging forms of nation-building and minority rights in Western democracies. The book is divided into four parts. Part I presents debates on the rights of ethnocultural minorities. Part II discusses the requirements for ethnocultural justices in a liberal democracy. Part III examines liberals’ misconceptions about nationalism. Part IV focuses on how democratic citizenship can be sustained.Less
This book explores the rights and situations of ethnocultural groups in Western democracies. It presents essays that share three major themes: the dialectic of nation building and minority rights, the gap between theory and practice of liberal democracies; and the effectiveness of emerging forms of nation-building and minority rights in Western democracies. The book is divided into four parts. Part I presents debates on the rights of ethnocultural minorities. Part II discusses the requirements for ethnocultural justices in a liberal democracy. Part III examines liberals’ misconceptions about nationalism. Part IV focuses on how democratic citizenship can be sustained.
Margaret Moore
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198297468
- eISBN:
- 9780191599958
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198297467.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
The Ethics of Nationalism is about the normative limits of nationalism. It assesses three justificatory arguments for the institutional recognition of national identity and argues that ...
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The Ethics of Nationalism is about the normative limits of nationalism. It assesses three justificatory arguments for the institutional recognition of national identity and argues that they suggest the appropriate limits of national accommodation. There are two kinds of projects associated with nationalism—nation‐building projects and national self‐determination projects—and these are often in tension with one another, at least in practice. The book discusses guidelines for determining when one is more appropriate than the other and the extent to which states can legitimately engage in nation‐building. The discussion of national self‐determination draws not only on the normative arguments for institutional recognition of national identity but also on claims to particular pieces of territory.Less
The Ethics of Nationalism is about the normative limits of nationalism. It assesses three justificatory arguments for the institutional recognition of national identity and argues that they suggest the appropriate limits of national accommodation. There are two kinds of projects associated with nationalism—nation‐building projects and national self‐determination projects—and these are often in tension with one another, at least in practice. The book discusses guidelines for determining when one is more appropriate than the other and the extent to which states can legitimately engage in nation‐building. The discussion of national self‐determination draws not only on the normative arguments for institutional recognition of national identity but also on claims to particular pieces of territory.
Arthur C. Helton
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199250318
- eISBN:
- 9780191599477
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199250316.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
In the 1990s, new conflicts broke out, particularly in connection with the dissolution of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, as well as several ...
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In the 1990s, new conflicts broke out, particularly in connection with the dissolution of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, as well as several places in Africa. Initiatives were invented and re‐invented, and policy responses reverted to a largely reactive mode.Ethnic and internal conflicts, which produced displacement emerged as key features of the decade, and sorely tested the capacity of the international community to respond to crises of forced displacement. The so‐called ‘CNN effect”’ led to engagement as well as disengagement (Somalia) and the term ‘nation building’ came into vogue and then later became an epithet. At the outset of the twenty‐first century, refugee policy is driven by selective apathy and creeping trepidation.Less
In the 1990s, new conflicts broke out, particularly in connection with the dissolution of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, as well as several places in Africa. Initiatives were invented and re‐invented, and policy responses reverted to a largely reactive mode.
Ethnic and internal conflicts, which produced displacement emerged as key features of the decade, and sorely tested the capacity of the international community to respond to crises of forced displacement. The so‐called ‘CNN effect”’ led to engagement as well as disengagement (Somalia) and the term ‘nation building’ came into vogue and then later became an epithet. At the outset of the twenty‐first century, refugee policy is driven by selective apathy and creeping trepidation.
Sergio Fabbrini
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199235612
- eISBN:
- 9780191715686
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199235612.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter reconstructs the European and American patterns of state, nation, and democracy building to show the different authority structures that emerged in the 19th century — and thus the ...
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This chapter reconstructs the European and American patterns of state, nation, and democracy building to show the different authority structures that emerged in the 19th century — and thus the institutionalization of different modalities of partisan politics in the 20th century. The different processes of political development in Europe and America has brought into being two distinct political orders on the two shores of the Atlantic. In the European nation-states the political order was constructed around the experience and the idea of the state. In both early state-builders and late state-builders, the state has become the natural container of the nation. In America, on the other hand, nationality has been the product of the democratic process, not its precondition. Nation and democracy went together, the one defining the other. It was the democratic process which defined the boundaries of the nation.Less
This chapter reconstructs the European and American patterns of state, nation, and democracy building to show the different authority structures that emerged in the 19th century — and thus the institutionalization of different modalities of partisan politics in the 20th century. The different processes of political development in Europe and America has brought into being two distinct political orders on the two shores of the Atlantic. In the European nation-states the political order was constructed around the experience and the idea of the state. In both early state-builders and late state-builders, the state has become the natural container of the nation. In America, on the other hand, nationality has been the product of the democratic process, not its precondition. Nation and democracy went together, the one defining the other. It was the democratic process which defined the boundaries of the nation.
Laurence Whitehead
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199253289
- eISBN:
- 9780191600326
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199253285.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This concluding chapter draws together the theoretical and methodological implications of viewing democratization as a long‐term, dynamic, and open‐ended process of social construction. This raises ...
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This concluding chapter draws together the theoretical and methodological implications of viewing democratization as a long‐term, dynamic, and open‐ended process of social construction. This raises questions of teleology, of the overlap between democratization and other comparable processes such as nation‐building, and of narrative construction. The chapter also reviews a selection of critical topics and exemplary cases selected to demonstrate the two‐way interaction between theoretical considerations and specific experiences. Most of these examples raise doubts about the permanence and centrality of the state in theories of democratization.Less
This concluding chapter draws together the theoretical and methodological implications of viewing democratization as a long‐term, dynamic, and open‐ended process of social construction. This raises questions of teleology, of the overlap between democratization and other comparable processes such as nation‐building, and of narrative construction. The chapter also reviews a selection of critical topics and exemplary cases selected to demonstrate the two‐way interaction between theoretical considerations and specific experiences. Most of these examples raise doubts about the permanence and centrality of the state in theories of democratization.
John McGarry
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199244348
- eISBN:
- 9780191599866
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199244340.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter takes issue with what has been described as the integrationist, nation‐building, or civic nationalist approach to the Northern Ireland conflict. It shows that the problem with this ...
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This chapter takes issue with what has been described as the integrationist, nation‐building, or civic nationalist approach to the Northern Ireland conflict. It shows that the problem with this approach is that there are two national communities in Northern Ireland, and no sign that either of them is prepared to accept the other's identity or state. The chapter argues that what Northern Ireland needs are political institutions, like those in the Agreement, that cater to the bi‐national nature of Northern Ireland's society.Less
This chapter takes issue with what has been described as the integrationist, nation‐building, or civic nationalist approach to the Northern Ireland conflict. It shows that the problem with this approach is that there are two national communities in Northern Ireland, and no sign that either of them is prepared to accept the other's identity or state. The chapter argues that what Northern Ireland needs are political institutions, like those in the Agreement, that cater to the bi‐national nature of Northern Ireland's society.
Melissa S. Williams
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199253661
- eISBN:
- 9780191601972
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199253668.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This is the second of the four essays in Part II of the book on liberalism and traditionalist education; all four are by authors who would like to find ways for the liberal state to honour the ...
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This is the second of the four essays in Part II of the book on liberalism and traditionalist education; all four are by authors who would like to find ways for the liberal state to honour the self-definitions of traditional cultures and to find ways of avoiding a confrontation with differences. Melissa Williams examines citizenship as identity in relation to the project of nation-building, the shifting boundaries of citizenship in relation to globalization, citizenship as shared fate, and the role of multicultural education within the view of citizenship-as-shared-fate. She argues the other side of the same coin to that presented by Shelley Burtt in the previous chapter: according to Williams, the liberal state often demands too much in the way of loyalty from traditional groups, and when it does, it runs a strong risk of becoming oppressive and illiberal. Moreover, she holds that there is no need for a single shared identity among citizens of the liberal state. Her conception of people tied together by a shared fate is to this extent compatible with Burtt’s attempt to make liberalism’s commitment to autonomy more hospitable to groups of individuals encumbered by unchosen attachments, but her notion of citizenship as shared fate also goes further than that, and possibly stands in some tension with, Burtt’s view, since it allows and even encourages people to develop primary affiliation to all kind of groups – traditional as well as global.Less
This is the second of the four essays in Part II of the book on liberalism and traditionalist education; all four are by authors who would like to find ways for the liberal state to honour the self-definitions of traditional cultures and to find ways of avoiding a confrontation with differences. Melissa Williams examines citizenship as identity in relation to the project of nation-building, the shifting boundaries of citizenship in relation to globalization, citizenship as shared fate, and the role of multicultural education within the view of citizenship-as-shared-fate. She argues the other side of the same coin to that presented by Shelley Burtt in the previous chapter: according to Williams, the liberal state often demands too much in the way of loyalty from traditional groups, and when it does, it runs a strong risk of becoming oppressive and illiberal. Moreover, she holds that there is no need for a single shared identity among citizens of the liberal state. Her conception of people tied together by a shared fate is to this extent compatible with Burtt’s attempt to make liberalism’s commitment to autonomy more hospitable to groups of individuals encumbered by unchosen attachments, but her notion of citizenship as shared fate also goes further than that, and possibly stands in some tension with, Burtt’s view, since it allows and even encourages people to develop primary affiliation to all kind of groups – traditional as well as global.
János Kis
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- October 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199248155
- eISBN:
- 9780191602955
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019924815X.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This paper argues that although the multination state is closer to meeting the standards of ethnocultural justice than the one-nation state, the alternatives to nation-building cannot be neglected. ...
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This paper argues that although the multination state is closer to meeting the standards of ethnocultural justice than the one-nation state, the alternatives to nation-building cannot be neglected. It analyses the claim that if ethnocultural justice requires that the one-nation state give way to the multination state, then ethnocultural justice also requires that exclusive jurisdiction give way to overlapping jurisdictions. It also shows, using the example of recent developments in Hungarian nationalism, that the change in the international environment has impacted the perception of political alternatives.Less
This paper argues that although the multination state is closer to meeting the standards of ethnocultural justice than the one-nation state, the alternatives to nation-building cannot be neglected. It analyses the claim that if ethnocultural justice requires that the one-nation state give way to the multination state, then ethnocultural justice also requires that exclusive jurisdiction give way to overlapping jurisdictions. It also shows, using the example of recent developments in Hungarian nationalism, that the change in the international environment has impacted the perception of political alternatives.
Volodymyr Fesenko
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- October 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199248155
- eISBN:
- 9780191602955
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019924815X.003.0015
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
The main problem of Ukrainian ethnic policy is balancing Ukrainian majority nation-building with respect for ethnic minority rights. This explains a paradoxical, but logical mixture of liberal and ...
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The main problem of Ukrainian ethnic policy is balancing Ukrainian majority nation-building with respect for ethnic minority rights. This explains a paradoxical, but logical mixture of liberal and illiberal elements in the nation-building process. The more illiberal elements are rooted in a post-colonial ‘Russian syndrome’, which drives Ukrainians to distances themselves from Russia. At the same time, the policy of nation-building in Ukraine is moderate and open to compromise, reflecting the balance of forces between the political elite of the country and the country’s different regions and main ethnocultural groups.Less
The main problem of Ukrainian ethnic policy is balancing Ukrainian majority nation-building with respect for ethnic minority rights. This explains a paradoxical, but logical mixture of liberal and illiberal elements in the nation-building process. The more illiberal elements are rooted in a post-colonial ‘Russian syndrome’, which drives Ukrainians to distances themselves from Russia. At the same time, the policy of nation-building in Ukraine is moderate and open to compromise, reflecting the balance of forces between the political elite of the country and the country’s different regions and main ethnocultural groups.
Aleksandr Djumaev
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- October 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199248155
- eISBN:
- 9780191602955
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019924815X.003.0017
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
New and complex problems in inter-ethnic and international relations emerged following the independence of Central Asian republics. These include serious divergences among Central Asian states in ...
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New and complex problems in inter-ethnic and international relations emerged following the independence of Central Asian republics. These include serious divergences among Central Asian states in their understanding of issues; contradictions between the process of nation-building and traditional Central Asian management of multi-ethnicity, ethnocultural diversity, and multiculturalism; and deepening of ethnocultural differences. This is especially true of urban civilization in Uzbekistan, to which both Tajiks and Uzbeks lay claim. This paper examines each of these problems in detail.Less
New and complex problems in inter-ethnic and international relations emerged following the independence of Central Asian republics. These include serious divergences among Central Asian states in their understanding of issues; contradictions between the process of nation-building and traditional Central Asian management of multi-ethnicity, ethnocultural diversity, and multiculturalism; and deepening of ethnocultural differences. This is especially true of urban civilization in Uzbekistan, to which both Tajiks and Uzbeks lay claim. This paper examines each of these problems in detail.
Margaret Moore
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198297468
- eISBN:
- 9780191599958
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198297467.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter draws on the analysis of the previous three chapters of normative theory to examine the kinds of nation‐building policies that the state is justified in pursuing. It examines the ...
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This chapter draws on the analysis of the previous three chapters of normative theory to examine the kinds of nation‐building policies that the state is justified in pursuing. It examines the relationship between multiculturalism and political autonomy claims of minority nationalists and justifies differential treatment of the different types of identity groups.Less
This chapter draws on the analysis of the previous three chapters of normative theory to examine the kinds of nation‐building policies that the state is justified in pursuing. It examines the relationship between multiculturalism and political autonomy claims of minority nationalists and justifies differential treatment of the different types of identity groups.
David Miller
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198293569
- eISBN:
- 9780191599910
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293569.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
It is often claimed that national identities are weakening as a result of changes at global level in culture and politics. In fact, public cultures still differ significantly cross‐nationally, and ...
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It is often claimed that national identities are weakening as a result of changes at global level in culture and politics. In fact, public cultures still differ significantly cross‐nationally, and national identities continue to matter to most people. Popular attachment to Europe, for example, is largely instrumental in character. The evolution of British national identity shows how historical beliefs in national superiority and uniqueness have had to be abandoned, and how nation‐building projects today must recognize the religious and ethnic pluralism of contemporary societies.Less
It is often claimed that national identities are weakening as a result of changes at global level in culture and politics. In fact, public cultures still differ significantly cross‐nationally, and national identities continue to matter to most people. Popular attachment to Europe, for example, is largely instrumental in character. The evolution of British national identity shows how historical beliefs in national superiority and uniqueness have had to be abandoned, and how nation‐building projects today must recognize the religious and ethnic pluralism of contemporary societies.
