Stefano Bartolini
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199286430
- eISBN:
- 9780191603242
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199286434.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This study focuses on the historical configuration of territorial borders and functional boundaries of the European nation states, and interprets integration as a process of transcendence, ...
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This study focuses on the historical configuration of territorial borders and functional boundaries of the European nation states, and interprets integration as a process of transcendence, redefinition, and shift of those same boundaries that alters the nature of the nation states’ domestic political structures. The core of the argument concerns the relationship between the institutional design of the new Brussels centre, the boundary redefinitions that result from its political production, and the consequences of both these processes on the established national and emerging European political structures. The EU is interpreted through three key conceptual tools: ‘centre formation’, ‘system building’, and ‘political structuring’. The ‘centre formation’ — with limited administrative and fiscal capabilities and strong regulatory and judicial capabilities — is not accompanied by ‘system building’ in the field of cultural integration, social sharing institutions, and participation rights, that is, by institutions forcing its components to stay within it beyond the mere instrumental calculations. Given that for any new centre a balance must exist between its system building capacity and the scope and reach of its political production, the argument is that the ambitious political production of the EU is clearly out of balance with its weak system building capacity. As far as the ‘political structuring’ is concerned, this work argues that the institutional design of the Union and its weak system building militate to date against any stable form of political structuring for its representative actors, while its growing political production tends to undermine national mechanisms of political representation and legitimation. Under these conditions, any institutional democratization without political structuring may turn into facade electioneering, at best, or dangerous experiments, at worst. In the view of classical sociology — that takes the existence of a certain overlap between social identities, political boundaries, and social practices as a precondition for establishing political agency and a ‘rational’ political order — the EU is both a source of problems but also a possible solution to them. It can be seen as a project for regaining some degree of coherence between extended social practices, social identities, solidarity ties, and rules of deliberation at the European level. Most of the ideas expressed in this book show how problematic this project is believed to be.Less
This study focuses on the historical configuration of territorial borders and functional boundaries of the European nation states, and interprets integration as a process of transcendence, redefinition, and shift of those same boundaries that alters the nature of the nation states’ domestic political structures. The core of the argument concerns the relationship between the institutional design of the new Brussels centre, the boundary redefinitions that result from its political production, and the consequences of both these processes on the established national and emerging European political structures. The EU is interpreted through three key conceptual tools: ‘centre formation’, ‘system building’, and ‘political structuring’. The ‘centre formation’ — with limited administrative and fiscal capabilities and strong regulatory and judicial capabilities — is not accompanied by ‘system building’ in the field of cultural integration, social sharing institutions, and participation rights, that is, by institutions forcing its components to stay within it beyond the mere instrumental calculations. Given that for any new centre a balance must exist between its system building capacity and the scope and reach of its political production, the argument is that the ambitious political production of the EU is clearly out of balance with its weak system building capacity. As far as the ‘political structuring’ is concerned, this work argues that the institutional design of the Union and its weak system building militate to date against any stable form of political structuring for its representative actors, while its growing political production tends to undermine national mechanisms of political representation and legitimation. Under these conditions, any institutional democratization without political structuring may turn into facade electioneering, at best, or dangerous experiments, at worst. In the view of classical sociology — that takes the existence of a certain overlap between social identities, political boundaries, and social practices as a precondition for establishing political agency and a ‘rational’ political order — the EU is both a source of problems but also a possible solution to them. It can be seen as a project for regaining some degree of coherence between extended social practices, social identities, solidarity ties, and rules of deliberation at the European level. Most of the ideas expressed in this book show how problematic this project is believed to be.
Michael Walzer
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- October 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199248155
- eISBN:
- 9780191602955
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019924815X.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This paper presents an alternative to William Kymlicka’s approach for the integration or accommodation of ethnocultural groups in democratic states. It contends that there are different types of ...
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This paper presents an alternative to William Kymlicka’s approach for the integration or accommodation of ethnocultural groups in democratic states. It contends that there are different types of states, and that the differences need to be described before their consequences can be argued. The thicker the ‘national’ culture, the more likely it is that large groups of immigrants will have to be accommodated as national minorities rather than as hyphenated nationals. Or, alternatively, multiculturalism may have to take a more corporatist form when the dominant culture is strongly supported by the state.Less
This paper presents an alternative to William Kymlicka’s approach for the integration or accommodation of ethnocultural groups in democratic states. It contends that there are different types of states, and that the differences need to be described before their consequences can be argued. The thicker the ‘national’ culture, the more likely it is that large groups of immigrants will have to be accommodated as national minorities rather than as hyphenated nationals. Or, alternatively, multiculturalism may have to take a more corporatist form when the dominant culture is strongly supported by the state.
Christian Joppke
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198292296
- eISBN:
- 9780191599569
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198292295.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This introductory chapter presents a brief discussion on the challenges of migration to the nation-state. It then describes the nine studies in the book dealing with the challenges posed by ...
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This introductory chapter presents a brief discussion on the challenges of migration to the nation-state. It then describes the nine studies in the book dealing with the challenges posed by immigration to the nation-state, transnationalising of immigration policy, EU migration, American citizenship, citizenship policies and debates in Western Europe, post-national membership, and multicultural race relations in Britain.Less
This introductory chapter presents a brief discussion on the challenges of migration to the nation-state. It then describes the nine studies in the book dealing with the challenges posed by immigration to the nation-state, transnationalising of immigration policy, EU migration, American citizenship, citizenship policies and debates in Western Europe, post-national membership, and multicultural race relations in Britain.
David Harrington Watt
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195068344
- eISBN:
- 9780199834822
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195068343.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This book focuses on the relationship between conservative Protestants and social power in the U.S. The book, which is particularly concerned with which sorts of power relationships seem natural and ...
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This book focuses on the relationship between conservative Protestants and social power in the U.S. The book, which is particularly concerned with which sorts of power relationships seem natural and which do not, is based on fieldwork (conducted in the early 1990s), in three Philadelphia churches: Oak Grove Church, Philadelphia Mennonite Fellowship, and the Philadelphia Church of Christ. The data drawn from that fieldwork suggests that in the early 1990s, Bible‐carrying Christian churches tended to naturalize (to various degrees) the authority of heterosexuals and men. The data also suggested that under certain (relatively rare) circumstances Bible‐carrying Christian churches denaturalized the authority of ministers, corporations, and nation‐states.Less
This book focuses on the relationship between conservative Protestants and social power in the U.S. The book, which is particularly concerned with which sorts of power relationships seem natural and which do not, is based on fieldwork (conducted in the early 1990s), in three Philadelphia churches: Oak Grove Church, Philadelphia Mennonite Fellowship, and the Philadelphia Church of Christ. The data drawn from that fieldwork suggests that in the early 1990s, Bible‐carrying Christian churches tended to naturalize (to various degrees) the authority of heterosexuals and men. The data also suggested that under certain (relatively rare) circumstances Bible‐carrying Christian churches denaturalized the authority of ministers, corporations, and nation‐states.
Vivien A. Schmidt
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- January 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199266975
- eISBN:
- 9780191709012
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199266975.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This introductory chapter begins with a discussion of the challenges faced by national democracies in Europe. It examines the concept of ‘Europeanization’, or how member states adapt their ...
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This introductory chapter begins with a discussion of the challenges faced by national democracies in Europe. It examines the concept of ‘Europeanization’, or how member states adapt their democracies to the evolving European public sphere. A more helpful way of thinking about the EU is proposed, i.e., that the EU is best understood as a regional union of nation-states in which national differentiation persists alongside integration. An overview of the succeeding chapters is presented.Less
This introductory chapter begins with a discussion of the challenges faced by national democracies in Europe. It examines the concept of ‘Europeanization’, or how member states adapt their democracies to the evolving European public sphere. A more helpful way of thinking about the EU is proposed, i.e., that the EU is best understood as a regional union of nation-states in which national differentiation persists alongside integration. An overview of the succeeding chapters is presented.
Vivien A. Schmidt
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- January 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199266975
- eISBN:
- 9780191709012
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199266975.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter argues that it would do better to conceive of the EU as a regional state in the making, and as such as a regional union of nation-states in which the creative tension between the Union ...
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This chapter argues that it would do better to conceive of the EU as a regional state in the making, and as such as a regional union of nation-states in which the creative tension between the Union and its member-states ensures both ever-increasing regional integration and ever-continuing national differentiation. It considers the EU’s move to regional sovereignty, the variability of the EU’s regional boundaries, the composite character of EU identity, the compound framework, and the fragmented nature of the EU’s democracy. It ends with a discussion of the real sources of the democratic deficit in the EU, linked to the lack of ideas and discourse about national democracy, and how this affects simple and compound national polities.Less
This chapter argues that it would do better to conceive of the EU as a regional state in the making, and as such as a regional union of nation-states in which the creative tension between the Union and its member-states ensures both ever-increasing regional integration and ever-continuing national differentiation. It considers the EU’s move to regional sovereignty, the variability of the EU’s regional boundaries, the composite character of EU identity, the compound framework, and the fragmented nature of the EU’s democracy. It ends with a discussion of the real sources of the democratic deficit in the EU, linked to the lack of ideas and discourse about national democracy, and how this affects simple and compound national polities.
Vivien A. Schmidt
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- January 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199266975
- eISBN:
- 9780191709012
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199266975.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This concluding chapter argues that the prospects for democracy in the EU are nevertheless good so long as national leaders and national publics face up to the problems. But facing up to the problems ...
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This concluding chapter argues that the prospects for democracy in the EU are nevertheless good so long as national leaders and national publics face up to the problems. But facing up to the problems will not be easy. For the EU level, it requires recognizing that for the time being, at least, reinforcing democracy cannot mean creating more governing by and of the people through any directly elected government. And yet more ‘democracy’ is clearly required. The difficulty is that doing more with regard to democracy butts up against the contradictions inherent in the fragmented basis of EU democracy.Less
This concluding chapter argues that the prospects for democracy in the EU are nevertheless good so long as national leaders and national publics face up to the problems. But facing up to the problems will not be easy. For the EU level, it requires recognizing that for the time being, at least, reinforcing democracy cannot mean creating more governing by and of the people through any directly elected government. And yet more ‘democracy’ is clearly required. The difficulty is that doing more with regard to democracy butts up against the contradictions inherent in the fragmented basis of EU democracy.
David Harrington Watt
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195068344
- eISBN:
- 9780199834822
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195068343.003.0007
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Fieldwork conducted in the early 1990s at Oak Grove Church, Oak Grove Christian Academy, the Philadelphia Mennonite Fellowship, and the Philadelphia Church of Christ produced a great deal of data ...
More
Fieldwork conducted in the early 1990s at Oak Grove Church, Oak Grove Christian Academy, the Philadelphia Mennonite Fellowship, and the Philadelphia Church of Christ produced a great deal of data that suggest that in the early 1990s Bible‐carrying Christian churches tended to naturalize (to various degrees) the authority of heterosexuals and of men. The data also suggested that under certain (relatively rare) circumstances, Bible‐carrying Christian churches denaturalized the authority of ministers, corporations, and nation‐states.Less
Fieldwork conducted in the early 1990s at Oak Grove Church, Oak Grove Christian Academy, the Philadelphia Mennonite Fellowship, and the Philadelphia Church of Christ produced a great deal of data that suggest that in the early 1990s Bible‐carrying Christian churches tended to naturalize (to various degrees) the authority of heterosexuals and of men. The data also suggested that under certain (relatively rare) circumstances, Bible‐carrying Christian churches denaturalized the authority of ministers, corporations, and nation‐states.
Patrick Le Galés
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199250158
- eISBN:
- 9780191599439
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199250154.003.0022
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter deals with bottom up pressures on the state. It focuses on the challenges that cities and regions are posing to the nation state in Western Europe, rather than on the rise of ...
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This chapter deals with bottom up pressures on the state. It focuses on the challenges that cities and regions are posing to the nation state in Western Europe, rather than on the rise of ‘meso–government’ in Europe. It analyses three sets of pressures (the fragmentation of the public policy process; the competition for resources (finance) and the threat of impoverishment; and the legitimacy of the nation state – the deregulation of identity structuring), and the role that they play in the transformation of the state.Less
This chapter deals with bottom up pressures on the state. It focuses on the challenges that cities and regions are posing to the nation state in Western Europe, rather than on the rise of ‘meso–government’ in Europe. It analyses three sets of pressures (the fragmentation of the public policy process; the competition for resources (finance) and the threat of impoverishment; and the legitimacy of the nation state – the deregulation of identity structuring), and the role that they play in the transformation of the state.
Beate Kohler‐Koch
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198296409
- eISBN:
- 9780191599989
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198296401.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
The future of European integration will not be decided by Intergovernmental Conferences. Political integration is a social process that can best be analysed by taking a bottom‐up approach. We have to ...
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The future of European integration will not be decided by Intergovernmental Conferences. Political integration is a social process that can best be analysed by taking a bottom‐up approach. We have to explore the societal forces that shape the living constitution of the EU and contribute to the emergence of a European political space. The chapter presents the theoretical argument and empirical findings on the basis of own research. Investigation of the involvement of regions and interest groups in EU affairs provides strong evidence that the EU is a political region in the strict sense. For a multitude of actors, it is a privileged arena for pursuing their interests. By their acceptance and support, transnational problem‐solving strategies become a shared concept of governance. Nevertheless, the Europeanization of belief systems and of political organization still has a strong national bias. The EU will not become a substitute for the nation‐state but will remain a ‘Europe with states’.Less
The future of European integration will not be decided by Intergovernmental Conferences. Political integration is a social process that can best be analysed by taking a bottom‐up approach. We have to explore the societal forces that shape the living constitution of the EU and contribute to the emergence of a European political space. The chapter presents the theoretical argument and empirical findings on the basis of own research. Investigation of the involvement of regions and interest groups in EU affairs provides strong evidence that the EU is a political region in the strict sense. For a multitude of actors, it is a privileged arena for pursuing their interests. By their acceptance and support, transnational problem‐solving strategies become a shared concept of governance. Nevertheless, the Europeanization of belief systems and of political organization still has a strong national bias. The EU will not become a substitute for the nation‐state but will remain a ‘Europe with states’.
Luiz Carlos Bresser-Pereira
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- November 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199261185
- eISBN:
- 9780191601507
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199261180.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
The two major political institutions acting in modern democracies–civil society and the state–assume new ways of relating among themselves, thereby producing new democratic governance. Discusses two ...
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The two major political institutions acting in modern democracies–civil society and the state–assume new ways of relating among themselves, thereby producing new democratic governance. Discusses two aspects of this global change: the republican democracy that is emerging in the twenty-first century and public management reform. The objective of this reform is to increase state capacity, to create a ‘strong state’: able to produce representative and accountable democratic governments; able to protect civil rights and assure markets, and so liberal; able to promote social justice, and so social; able to resist corruption and rent seeking, and thus republican. Starts from the assumption that, just as only a strong civil society may guarantee democracy, only a strong state may assure competitive markets. Defines the words ‘nation-state’ (or ‘country’), state, and civil society.Less
The two major political institutions acting in modern democracies–civil society and the state–assume new ways of relating among themselves, thereby producing new democratic governance. Discusses two aspects of this global change: the republican democracy that is emerging in the twenty-first century and public management reform. The objective of this reform is to increase state capacity, to create a ‘strong state’: able to produce representative and accountable democratic governments; able to protect civil rights and assure markets, and so liberal; able to promote social justice, and so social; able to resist corruption and rent seeking, and thus republican. Starts from the assumption that, just as only a strong civil society may guarantee democracy, only a strong state may assure competitive markets. Defines the words ‘nation-state’ (or ‘country’), state, and civil society.
Mika Toyota
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199277629
- eISBN:
- 9780191603303
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199277621.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter argues that the term ‘hill tribe’, used to refer to the marginal non-Tai-speaking upland population in Thailand, reflects the nature of the relationship between the state and the ...
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This chapter argues that the term ‘hill tribe’, used to refer to the marginal non-Tai-speaking upland population in Thailand, reflects the nature of the relationship between the state and the peripheral population. Hill tribe status has reinforced the perception that ethnic Thais are the ‘core’ of the nation-state, justified paternalism and state control of the upland population, and provided grounds for discriminating against them and denying them full Thai citizenship. Adopting the discourse of ‘indigenous rights’ is unlikely to improve this situation.Less
This chapter argues that the term ‘hill tribe’, used to refer to the marginal non-Tai-speaking upland population in Thailand, reflects the nature of the relationship between the state and the peripheral population. Hill tribe status has reinforced the perception that ethnic Thais are the ‘core’ of the nation-state, justified paternalism and state control of the upland population, and provided grounds for discriminating against them and denying them full Thai citizenship. Adopting the discourse of ‘indigenous rights’ is unlikely to improve this situation.
Gurpreet Mahajan
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199277629
- eISBN:
- 9780191603303
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199277621.003.0013
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter examines Indian policies that accommodated cultural, religious, and language diversities and minority rights. The Indian Constitution laid the foundations of a multicultural democracy by ...
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This chapter examines Indian policies that accommodated cultural, religious, and language diversities and minority rights. The Indian Constitution laid the foundations of a multicultural democracy by recognizing cultural differences and respecting diversity. Some of India’s multicultural accommodation strategies include special cultural and political rights for minorities to live in accordance with their cultural practices and to govern themselves, and setting up institutions to protect and promote their language and culture.Less
This chapter examines Indian policies that accommodated cultural, religious, and language diversities and minority rights. The Indian Constitution laid the foundations of a multicultural democracy by recognizing cultural differences and respecting diversity. Some of India’s multicultural accommodation strategies include special cultural and political rights for minorities to live in accordance with their cultural practices and to govern themselves, and setting up institutions to protect and promote their language and culture.
Maurizio Ferrera
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199284665
- eISBN:
- 9780191603273
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199284660.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
The chapter surveys the “state-building” literature and discusses, in particular, the works of Stein Rokkan and of Albert Hirschman, highlighting their usefulness for studying welfare state ...
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The chapter surveys the “state-building” literature and discusses, in particular, the works of Stein Rokkan and of Albert Hirschman, highlighting their usefulness for studying welfare state developments. An original analytical framework is proposed for the exploration of spatial politics, based on a combination of “vocality” and “locality” options. The chapter then discusses the emergence and evolution of modern citizenship as a form of spatial closure, and proposes an interpretation of social rights as products of structuring processes.Less
The chapter surveys the “state-building” literature and discusses, in particular, the works of Stein Rokkan and of Albert Hirschman, highlighting their usefulness for studying welfare state developments. An original analytical framework is proposed for the exploration of spatial politics, based on a combination of “vocality” and “locality” options. The chapter then discusses the emergence and evolution of modern citizenship as a form of spatial closure, and proposes an interpretation of social rights as products of structuring processes.
Mette Elise Jolly
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199213078
- eISBN:
- 9780191707155
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199213078.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
The introductory chapter discusses the asymmetry between elite and popular views about supranational government, in general, and European integration, in particular. It introduces the fundamental ...
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The introductory chapter discusses the asymmetry between elite and popular views about supranational government, in general, and European integration, in particular. It introduces the fundamental questions raised in the book, i.e., what the lack of a European demos means for the future institutional structure of the union. In the final part of the chapter, the particular problems facing the EU are linked to a wider international issue, namely the problems that arise when attempts are made to take democracy beyond the nation-state.Less
The introductory chapter discusses the asymmetry between elite and popular views about supranational government, in general, and European integration, in particular. It introduces the fundamental questions raised in the book, i.e., what the lack of a European demos means for the future institutional structure of the union. In the final part of the chapter, the particular problems facing the EU are linked to a wider international issue, namely the problems that arise when attempts are made to take democracy beyond the nation-state.
Mette Elise Jolly
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199213078
- eISBN:
- 9780191707155
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199213078.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
Seen in the light of the absent demos, majoritarian government at EU level is not feasible except in areas where a common good can be identified (such as environmental policy). With respect to ...
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Seen in the light of the absent demos, majoritarian government at EU level is not feasible except in areas where a common good can be identified (such as environmental policy). With respect to policy, this means that the EU will have to avoid deepening integration in a number of areas, most importantly personal income taxation and social policy. With respect to institutions, it means that reformers should not seek to democratize the union by granting increased powers to the European Parliament. Such measures would be likely to lead to a further loss of democratic legitimacy.Less
Seen in the light of the absent demos, majoritarian government at EU level is not feasible except in areas where a common good can be identified (such as environmental policy). With respect to policy, this means that the EU will have to avoid deepening integration in a number of areas, most importantly personal income taxation and social policy. With respect to institutions, it means that reformers should not seek to democratize the union by granting increased powers to the European Parliament. Such measures would be likely to lead to a further loss of democratic legitimacy.
Charles King
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- August 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199241613
- eISBN:
- 9780191601439
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199241619.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The end of empires and the rise of nation-states meant that many of the historical connections around the sea were severed. The sea came to be an object of desire for both state-builders and ...
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The end of empires and the rise of nation-states meant that many of the historical connections around the sea were severed. The sea came to be an object of desire for both state-builders and nationalists. In the twentieth century, modernization projects in both the Soviet Union and Turkey led to the sea's environmental degradation and a genuine ecological crisis.Less
The end of empires and the rise of nation-states meant that many of the historical connections around the sea were severed. The sea came to be an object of desire for both state-builders and nationalists. In the twentieth century, modernization projects in both the Soviet Union and Turkey led to the sea's environmental degradation and a genuine ecological crisis.
Max. M Edling
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780195148701
- eISBN:
- 9780199835096
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195148703.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
In this new interpretation of America's origins, the author argues that during the Constitutional debates, the Federalists were primarily concerned with building a state able to act vigorously in ...
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In this new interpretation of America's origins, the author argues that during the Constitutional debates, the Federalists were primarily concerned with building a state able to act vigorously in defense of American national interests. By transferring the powers of war making and resource extraction from states to the national government, the US Constitution created a nation‐state invested with all the important powers of Europe's eighteenth‐century “fiscal‐military states.” However, the political traditions and institutions of America, whose people had a deeply ingrained distrust of unduly concentrated authority, were incompatible with a strong centralized government based on the European pattern. To secure the adoption of the Constitution, the Federalists needed to build a very different state – they had to accommodate the formation of a powerful national government to the strong current of anti‐statism in the American political tradition. They did so by designing an administration that would be powerful in times of crisis, but would make limited demands on citizens and entailed sharp restrictions on the physical presence of the national government in society. The Constitution was the Federalists’ promise of the benefits of government without its costs – statecraft rather than strong central authority as the solution to governing. The book takes advantage of a newly published edition of the constitutional debates in recovering a neglected strand of Federalist argument, and making a case for rethinking the formation of the federal American state. It is arranged in three main parts: I. Interpreting the Debate over Ratification (four chapters); II. Military Powers (five chapters); and III. Fiscal Powers (five chapters).Less
In this new interpretation of America's origins, the author argues that during the Constitutional debates, the Federalists were primarily concerned with building a state able to act vigorously in defense of American national interests. By transferring the powers of war making and resource extraction from states to the national government, the US Constitution created a nation‐state invested with all the important powers of Europe's eighteenth‐century “fiscal‐military states.” However, the political traditions and institutions of America, whose people had a deeply ingrained distrust of unduly concentrated authority, were incompatible with a strong centralized government based on the European pattern. To secure the adoption of the Constitution, the Federalists needed to build a very different state – they had to accommodate the formation of a powerful national government to the strong current of anti‐statism in the American political tradition. They did so by designing an administration that would be powerful in times of crisis, but would make limited demands on citizens and entailed sharp restrictions on the physical presence of the national government in society. The Constitution was the Federalists’ promise of the benefits of government without its costs – statecraft rather than strong central authority as the solution to governing. The book takes advantage of a newly published edition of the constitutional debates in recovering a neglected strand of Federalist argument, and making a case for rethinking the formation of the federal American state. It is arranged in three main parts: I. Interpreting the Debate over Ratification (four chapters); II. Military Powers (five chapters); and III. Fiscal Powers (five chapters).
IAN BACHE and MATTHEW FLINDERS
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199259250
- eISBN:
- 9780191600968
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199259259.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Ian Bache and Matthew Flinders provide an overview of the development and main issues in the study of multi‐level governance, before identifying the main themes of the book. These are concerned with ...
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Ian Bache and Matthew Flinders provide an overview of the development and main issues in the study of multi‐level governance, before identifying the main themes of the book. These are concerned with how multi‐level governance should be defined and how the concept is understood and utilized in different academic fields; how structures and processes of multi‐level governance differ across policy sectors and how these differences might be explained; the implications of multi‐level governance for the power, position, and role of the nation state; the implications of multi‐level governance for democratic accountability; and the limitations of the multi‐level governance model.Less
Ian Bache and Matthew Flinders provide an overview of the development and main issues in the study of multi‐level governance, before identifying the main themes of the book. These are concerned with how multi‐level governance should be defined and how the concept is understood and utilized in different academic fields; how structures and processes of multi‐level governance differ across policy sectors and how these differences might be explained; the implications of multi‐level governance for the power, position, and role of the nation state; the implications of multi‐level governance for democratic accountability; and the limitations of the multi‐level governance model.
Christian Joppke
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295402
- eISBN:
- 9780191599576
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295405.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This book compares the post‐war politics of immigration control and immigrant integration in three liberal states characterized by sharply distinct nationhood traditions and immigration experiences. ...
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This book compares the post‐war politics of immigration control and immigrant integration in three liberal states characterized by sharply distinct nationhood traditions and immigration experiences. Mapping out the many variations between these cases, it focuses on the impact of immigration in the two key areas of sovereignty and citizenship. The first part analyses the effect of immigration on state sovereignty, arguing that with respect to immigration control, liberal states are self‐limited by interest‐group pluralism, autonomous legal systems, and moral obligations towards particular interest groups – the weight of these factors differing across particular cases. The second part addresses the ways in which immigration impacts upon citizenship, arguing for the continuing relevance of national citizenship for integrating immigrants, albeit modified by nationally distinct concepts of multiculturalism. The book demonstrates the remarkable resilience of these nation‐states to immigration pressures, and makes a powerful contribution to the growing macro‐sociological literature and political science literature on immigration, citizenship, and the nation‐state.Less
This book compares the post‐war politics of immigration control and immigrant integration in three liberal states characterized by sharply distinct nationhood traditions and immigration experiences. Mapping out the many variations between these cases, it focuses on the impact of immigration in the two key areas of sovereignty and citizenship. The first part analyses the effect of immigration on state sovereignty, arguing that with respect to immigration control, liberal states are self‐limited by interest‐group pluralism, autonomous legal systems, and moral obligations towards particular interest groups – the weight of these factors differing across particular cases. The second part addresses the ways in which immigration impacts upon citizenship, arguing for the continuing relevance of national citizenship for integrating immigrants, albeit modified by nationally distinct concepts of multiculturalism. The book demonstrates the remarkable resilience of these nation‐states to immigration pressures, and makes a powerful contribution to the growing macro‐sociological literature and political science literature on immigration, citizenship, and the nation‐state.
