Stefano Bartolini
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199286430
- eISBN:
- 9780191603242
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199286434.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This study focuses on the historical configuration of territorial borders and functional boundaries of the European nation states, and interprets integration as a process of transcendence, ...
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This study focuses on the historical configuration of territorial borders and functional boundaries of the European nation states, and interprets integration as a process of transcendence, redefinition, and shift of those same boundaries that alters the nature of the nation states’ domestic political structures. The core of the argument concerns the relationship between the institutional design of the new Brussels centre, the boundary redefinitions that result from its political production, and the consequences of both these processes on the established national and emerging European political structures. The EU is interpreted through three key conceptual tools: ‘centre formation’, ‘system building’, and ‘political structuring’. The ‘centre formation’ — with limited administrative and fiscal capabilities and strong regulatory and judicial capabilities — is not accompanied by ‘system building’ in the field of cultural integration, social sharing institutions, and participation rights, that is, by institutions forcing its components to stay within it beyond the mere instrumental calculations. Given that for any new centre a balance must exist between its system building capacity and the scope and reach of its political production, the argument is that the ambitious political production of the EU is clearly out of balance with its weak system building capacity. As far as the ‘political structuring’ is concerned, this work argues that the institutional design of the Union and its weak system building militate to date against any stable form of political structuring for its representative actors, while its growing political production tends to undermine national mechanisms of political representation and legitimation. Under these conditions, any institutional democratization without political structuring may turn into facade electioneering, at best, or dangerous experiments, at worst. In the view of classical sociology — that takes the existence of a certain overlap between social identities, political boundaries, and social practices as a precondition for establishing political agency and a ‘rational’ political order — the EU is both a source of problems but also a possible solution to them. It can be seen as a project for regaining some degree of coherence between extended social practices, social identities, solidarity ties, and rules of deliberation at the European level. Most of the ideas expressed in this book show how problematic this project is believed to be.Less
This study focuses on the historical configuration of territorial borders and functional boundaries of the European nation states, and interprets integration as a process of transcendence, redefinition, and shift of those same boundaries that alters the nature of the nation states’ domestic political structures. The core of the argument concerns the relationship between the institutional design of the new Brussels centre, the boundary redefinitions that result from its political production, and the consequences of both these processes on the established national and emerging European political structures. The EU is interpreted through three key conceptual tools: ‘centre formation’, ‘system building’, and ‘political structuring’. The ‘centre formation’ — with limited administrative and fiscal capabilities and strong regulatory and judicial capabilities — is not accompanied by ‘system building’ in the field of cultural integration, social sharing institutions, and participation rights, that is, by institutions forcing its components to stay within it beyond the mere instrumental calculations. Given that for any new centre a balance must exist between its system building capacity and the scope and reach of its political production, the argument is that the ambitious political production of the EU is clearly out of balance with its weak system building capacity. As far as the ‘political structuring’ is concerned, this work argues that the institutional design of the Union and its weak system building militate to date against any stable form of political structuring for its representative actors, while its growing political production tends to undermine national mechanisms of political representation and legitimation. Under these conditions, any institutional democratization without political structuring may turn into facade electioneering, at best, or dangerous experiments, at worst. In the view of classical sociology — that takes the existence of a certain overlap between social identities, political boundaries, and social practices as a precondition for establishing political agency and a ‘rational’ political order — the EU is both a source of problems but also a possible solution to them. It can be seen as a project for regaining some degree of coherence between extended social practices, social identities, solidarity ties, and rules of deliberation at the European level. Most of the ideas expressed in this book show how problematic this project is believed to be.
Vivien A. Schmidt
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- January 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199266975
- eISBN:
- 9780191709012
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199266975.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter argues that it would do better to conceive of the EU as a regional state in the making, and as such as a regional union of nation-states in which the creative tension between the Union ...
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This chapter argues that it would do better to conceive of the EU as a regional state in the making, and as such as a regional union of nation-states in which the creative tension between the Union and its member-states ensures both ever-increasing regional integration and ever-continuing national differentiation. It considers the EU’s move to regional sovereignty, the variability of the EU’s regional boundaries, the composite character of EU identity, the compound framework, and the fragmented nature of the EU’s democracy. It ends with a discussion of the real sources of the democratic deficit in the EU, linked to the lack of ideas and discourse about national democracy, and how this affects simple and compound national polities.Less
This chapter argues that it would do better to conceive of the EU as a regional state in the making, and as such as a regional union of nation-states in which the creative tension between the Union and its member-states ensures both ever-increasing regional integration and ever-continuing national differentiation. It considers the EU’s move to regional sovereignty, the variability of the EU’s regional boundaries, the composite character of EU identity, the compound framework, and the fragmented nature of the EU’s democracy. It ends with a discussion of the real sources of the democratic deficit in the EU, linked to the lack of ideas and discourse about national democracy, and how this affects simple and compound national polities.
Michael Walzer
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- October 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199248155
- eISBN:
- 9780191602955
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019924815X.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This paper presents an alternative to William Kymlicka’s approach for the integration or accommodation of ethnocultural groups in democratic states. It contends that there are different types of ...
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This paper presents an alternative to William Kymlicka’s approach for the integration or accommodation of ethnocultural groups in democratic states. It contends that there are different types of states, and that the differences need to be described before their consequences can be argued. The thicker the ‘national’ culture, the more likely it is that large groups of immigrants will have to be accommodated as national minorities rather than as hyphenated nationals. Or, alternatively, multiculturalism may have to take a more corporatist form when the dominant culture is strongly supported by the state.Less
This paper presents an alternative to William Kymlicka’s approach for the integration or accommodation of ethnocultural groups in democratic states. It contends that there are different types of states, and that the differences need to be described before their consequences can be argued. The thicker the ‘national’ culture, the more likely it is that large groups of immigrants will have to be accommodated as national minorities rather than as hyphenated nationals. Or, alternatively, multiculturalism may have to take a more corporatist form when the dominant culture is strongly supported by the state.
Christian Joppke
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198292296
- eISBN:
- 9780191599569
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198292295.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This introductory chapter presents a brief discussion on the challenges of migration to the nation-state. It then describes the nine studies in the book dealing with the challenges posed by ...
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This introductory chapter presents a brief discussion on the challenges of migration to the nation-state. It then describes the nine studies in the book dealing with the challenges posed by immigration to the nation-state, transnationalising of immigration policy, EU migration, American citizenship, citizenship policies and debates in Western Europe, post-national membership, and multicultural race relations in Britain.Less
This introductory chapter presents a brief discussion on the challenges of migration to the nation-state. It then describes the nine studies in the book dealing with the challenges posed by immigration to the nation-state, transnationalising of immigration policy, EU migration, American citizenship, citizenship policies and debates in Western Europe, post-national membership, and multicultural race relations in Britain.
Christian Joppke
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198292296
- eISBN:
- 9780191599569
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198292295.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter discusses the two main challenges posed by immigration to the nation-state: sovereignty and citizenship. It examines two opposing views on the origins of the current migration crisis, ...
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This chapter discusses the two main challenges posed by immigration to the nation-state: sovereignty and citizenship. It examines two opposing views on the origins of the current migration crisis, where Western states accept more (de facto) immigrants than their respective policies allow — globally limited sovereignty and self-limited sovereignty. The challenge to citizenship as a legal status, associated with the rise of post-national membership, is distinguished from the challenge to citizenship as an identity, which is associated with multicultural identity politics.Less
This chapter discusses the two main challenges posed by immigration to the nation-state: sovereignty and citizenship. It examines two opposing views on the origins of the current migration crisis, where Western states accept more (de facto) immigrants than their respective policies allow — globally limited sovereignty and self-limited sovereignty. The challenge to citizenship as a legal status, associated with the rise of post-national membership, is distinguished from the challenge to citizenship as an identity, which is associated with multicultural identity politics.
Will Kymlicka
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199240982
- eISBN:
- 9780191599729
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199240981.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter explores the claims regarding the importance of three separate levels of political community and political agency: sub-state minority nations, nation-states, and transnational ...
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This chapter explores the claims regarding the importance of three separate levels of political community and political agency: sub-state minority nations, nation-states, and transnational institutions. It is argued that these levels are mutually reinforcing rather than mutually competing. Since nation-states can no longer protect the interests of their citizens on their own, establishing well-functioning transnational institutions can help states focus on the goals they can successfully pursue. Self-government of minorities should not be viewed as a threat but a precondition to long-term stability of states.Less
This chapter explores the claims regarding the importance of three separate levels of political community and political agency: sub-state minority nations, nation-states, and transnational institutions. It is argued that these levels are mutually reinforcing rather than mutually competing. Since nation-states can no longer protect the interests of their citizens on their own, establishing well-functioning transnational institutions can help states focus on the goals they can successfully pursue. Self-government of minorities should not be viewed as a threat but a precondition to long-term stability of states.
János Kis
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- October 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199248155
- eISBN:
- 9780191602955
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019924815X.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This paper argues that although the multination state is closer to meeting the standards of ethnocultural justice than the one-nation state, the alternatives to nation-building cannot be neglected. ...
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This paper argues that although the multination state is closer to meeting the standards of ethnocultural justice than the one-nation state, the alternatives to nation-building cannot be neglected. It analyses the claim that if ethnocultural justice requires that the one-nation state give way to the multination state, then ethnocultural justice also requires that exclusive jurisdiction give way to overlapping jurisdictions. It also shows, using the example of recent developments in Hungarian nationalism, that the change in the international environment has impacted the perception of political alternatives.Less
This paper argues that although the multination state is closer to meeting the standards of ethnocultural justice than the one-nation state, the alternatives to nation-building cannot be neglected. It analyses the claim that if ethnocultural justice requires that the one-nation state give way to the multination state, then ethnocultural justice also requires that exclusive jurisdiction give way to overlapping jurisdictions. It also shows, using the example of recent developments in Hungarian nationalism, that the change in the international environment has impacted the perception of political alternatives.
Luiz Carlos Bresser-Pereira
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- November 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199261185
- eISBN:
- 9780191601507
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199261180.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
The two major political institutions acting in modern democracies–civil society and the state–assume new ways of relating among themselves, thereby producing new democratic governance. Discusses two ...
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The two major political institutions acting in modern democracies–civil society and the state–assume new ways of relating among themselves, thereby producing new democratic governance. Discusses two aspects of this global change: the republican democracy that is emerging in the twenty-first century and public management reform. The objective of this reform is to increase state capacity, to create a ‘strong state’: able to produce representative and accountable democratic governments; able to protect civil rights and assure markets, and so liberal; able to promote social justice, and so social; able to resist corruption and rent seeking, and thus republican. Starts from the assumption that, just as only a strong civil society may guarantee democracy, only a strong state may assure competitive markets. Defines the words ‘nation-state’ (or ‘country’), state, and civil society.Less
The two major political institutions acting in modern democracies–civil society and the state–assume new ways of relating among themselves, thereby producing new democratic governance. Discusses two aspects of this global change: the republican democracy that is emerging in the twenty-first century and public management reform. The objective of this reform is to increase state capacity, to create a ‘strong state’: able to produce representative and accountable democratic governments; able to protect civil rights and assure markets, and so liberal; able to promote social justice, and so social; able to resist corruption and rent seeking, and thus republican. Starts from the assumption that, just as only a strong civil society may guarantee democracy, only a strong state may assure competitive markets. Defines the words ‘nation-state’ (or ‘country’), state, and civil society.
Jennifer M. Welsh (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199267217
- eISBN:
- 9780191601118
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199267219.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The issue of humanitarian intervention has generated one of the most heated debates in international relations over the past decade, for both theorists and practitioners. At its heart is the alleged ...
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The issue of humanitarian intervention has generated one of the most heated debates in international relations over the past decade, for both theorists and practitioners. At its heart is the alleged tension between the principle of state sovereignty, and the evolving norms related to individual human rights. This edited collection examines the challenges to international society posed by humanitarian intervention in a post-September 11th world. It brings scholars of law, philosophy, and international relations together with those who have actively engaged in cases of intervention, in order to examine the legitimacy and consequences of the use of military force for humanitarian purposes. The book demonstrates why humanitarian intervention continues to be a controversial question not only for the United Nations but also for Western states and humanitarian organisations.Less
The issue of humanitarian intervention has generated one of the most heated debates in international relations over the past decade, for both theorists and practitioners. At its heart is the alleged tension between the principle of state sovereignty, and the evolving norms related to individual human rights. This edited collection examines the challenges to international society posed by humanitarian intervention in a post-September 11th world. It brings scholars of law, philosophy, and international relations together with those who have actively engaged in cases of intervention, in order to examine the legitimacy and consequences of the use of military force for humanitarian purposes. The book demonstrates why humanitarian intervention continues to be a controversial question not only for the United Nations but also for Western states and humanitarian organisations.
Christian Joppke
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295402
- eISBN:
- 9780191599576
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295405.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This book can be construed from two viewpoints. From a particularizing view, it reveals sharply distinct immigration experiences, with the nation‐state figuring as an independent variable, with ...
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This book can be construed from two viewpoints. From a particularizing view, it reveals sharply distinct immigration experiences, with the nation‐state figuring as an independent variable, with unique historical and cultural influences on the integration process. From a generalizing view, however, it presents the nation‐state as a dependent variable, seeing immigration as a manageable challenge to its generic characteristics of sovereignty and citizenship. From either perspective (but importantly from the latter), the analysis shows the resilience of nation‐states in the face of large‐scale immigration. The residual question is, whether such resilience will characterize the emergent European Union.Less
This book can be construed from two viewpoints. From a particularizing view, it reveals sharply distinct immigration experiences, with the nation‐state figuring as an independent variable, with unique historical and cultural influences on the integration process. From a generalizing view, however, it presents the nation‐state as a dependent variable, seeing immigration as a manageable challenge to its generic characteristics of sovereignty and citizenship. From either perspective (but importantly from the latter), the analysis shows the resilience of nation‐states in the face of large‐scale immigration. The residual question is, whether such resilience will characterize the emergent European Union.
Maurizio Ferrera
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199284665
- eISBN:
- 9780191603273
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199284660.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
The chapter surveys the “state-building” literature and discusses, in particular, the works of Stein Rokkan and of Albert Hirschman, highlighting their usefulness for studying welfare state ...
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The chapter surveys the “state-building” literature and discusses, in particular, the works of Stein Rokkan and of Albert Hirschman, highlighting their usefulness for studying welfare state developments. An original analytical framework is proposed for the exploration of spatial politics, based on a combination of “vocality” and “locality” options. The chapter then discusses the emergence and evolution of modern citizenship as a form of spatial closure, and proposes an interpretation of social rights as products of structuring processes.Less
The chapter surveys the “state-building” literature and discusses, in particular, the works of Stein Rokkan and of Albert Hirschman, highlighting their usefulness for studying welfare state developments. An original analytical framework is proposed for the exploration of spatial politics, based on a combination of “vocality” and “locality” options. The chapter then discusses the emergence and evolution of modern citizenship as a form of spatial closure, and proposes an interpretation of social rights as products of structuring processes.
R. D. Grillo
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294269
- eISBN:
- 9780191599378
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198294263.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
There is no single crisis of the contemporary nation state, but a multiplicity of crises, one of which has centrally to do with ethnicity and cultural difference and how to handle pluralism. ...
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There is no single crisis of the contemporary nation state, but a multiplicity of crises, one of which has centrally to do with ethnicity and cultural difference and how to handle pluralism. Pluralism itself, however, has taken many forms, and three varieties are particularly interesting from a comparative perspective. In early patrimonial societies, as Max Weber called them, those with different ethnic and cultural identities often formed separate corporations within which they had relative autonomy. Under conditions of modernity and industrialism, the emphasis is on homogeneity and assimilation, while contemporary, post‐modern, post‐industrial societies often allow considerable space for heterogeneity and difference.Less
There is no single crisis of the contemporary nation state, but a multiplicity of crises, one of which has centrally to do with ethnicity and cultural difference and how to handle pluralism. Pluralism itself, however, has taken many forms, and three varieties are particularly interesting from a comparative perspective. In early patrimonial societies, as Max Weber called them, those with different ethnic and cultural identities often formed separate corporations within which they had relative autonomy. Under conditions of modernity and industrialism, the emphasis is on homogeneity and assimilation, while contemporary, post‐modern, post‐industrial societies often allow considerable space for heterogeneity and difference.
Vivien A. Schmidt
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- January 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199266975
- eISBN:
- 9780191709012
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199266975.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This concluding chapter argues that the prospects for democracy in the EU are nevertheless good so long as national leaders and national publics face up to the problems. But facing up to the problems ...
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This concluding chapter argues that the prospects for democracy in the EU are nevertheless good so long as national leaders and national publics face up to the problems. But facing up to the problems will not be easy. For the EU level, it requires recognizing that for the time being, at least, reinforcing democracy cannot mean creating more governing by and of the people through any directly elected government. And yet more ‘democracy’ is clearly required. The difficulty is that doing more with regard to democracy butts up against the contradictions inherent in the fragmented basis of EU democracy.Less
This concluding chapter argues that the prospects for democracy in the EU are nevertheless good so long as national leaders and national publics face up to the problems. But facing up to the problems will not be easy. For the EU level, it requires recognizing that for the time being, at least, reinforcing democracy cannot mean creating more governing by and of the people through any directly elected government. And yet more ‘democracy’ is clearly required. The difficulty is that doing more with regard to democracy butts up against the contradictions inherent in the fragmented basis of EU democracy.
Christian Joppke
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295402
- eISBN:
- 9780191599576
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295405.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter reviews the main literature on immigration and its societal impact, so as to set the book in its theoretical context.
This chapter reviews the main literature on immigration and its societal impact, so as to set the book in its theoretical context.
Mika Toyota
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199277629
- eISBN:
- 9780191603303
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199277621.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter argues that the term ‘hill tribe’, used to refer to the marginal non-Tai-speaking upland population in Thailand, reflects the nature of the relationship between the state and the ...
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This chapter argues that the term ‘hill tribe’, used to refer to the marginal non-Tai-speaking upland population in Thailand, reflects the nature of the relationship between the state and the peripheral population. Hill tribe status has reinforced the perception that ethnic Thais are the ‘core’ of the nation-state, justified paternalism and state control of the upland population, and provided grounds for discriminating against them and denying them full Thai citizenship. Adopting the discourse of ‘indigenous rights’ is unlikely to improve this situation.Less
This chapter argues that the term ‘hill tribe’, used to refer to the marginal non-Tai-speaking upland population in Thailand, reflects the nature of the relationship between the state and the peripheral population. Hill tribe status has reinforced the perception that ethnic Thais are the ‘core’ of the nation-state, justified paternalism and state control of the upland population, and provided grounds for discriminating against them and denying them full Thai citizenship. Adopting the discourse of ‘indigenous rights’ is unlikely to improve this situation.
Vivien A. Schmidt
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- January 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199266975
- eISBN:
- 9780191709012
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199266975.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This introductory chapter begins with a discussion of the challenges faced by national democracies in Europe. It examines the concept of ‘Europeanization’, or how member states adapt their ...
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This introductory chapter begins with a discussion of the challenges faced by national democracies in Europe. It examines the concept of ‘Europeanization’, or how member states adapt their democracies to the evolving European public sphere. A more helpful way of thinking about the EU is proposed, i.e., that the EU is best understood as a regional union of nation-states in which national differentiation persists alongside integration. An overview of the succeeding chapters is presented.Less
This introductory chapter begins with a discussion of the challenges faced by national democracies in Europe. It examines the concept of ‘Europeanization’, or how member states adapt their democracies to the evolving European public sphere. A more helpful way of thinking about the EU is proposed, i.e., that the EU is best understood as a regional union of nation-states in which national differentiation persists alongside integration. An overview of the succeeding chapters is presented.
Charles King
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- August 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199241613
- eISBN:
- 9780191601439
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199241619.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The end of empires and the rise of nation-states meant that many of the historical connections around the sea were severed. The sea came to be an object of desire for both state-builders and ...
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The end of empires and the rise of nation-states meant that many of the historical connections around the sea were severed. The sea came to be an object of desire for both state-builders and nationalists. In the twentieth century, modernization projects in both the Soviet Union and Turkey led to the sea's environmental degradation and a genuine ecological crisis.Less
The end of empires and the rise of nation-states meant that many of the historical connections around the sea were severed. The sea came to be an object of desire for both state-builders and nationalists. In the twentieth century, modernization projects in both the Soviet Union and Turkey led to the sea's environmental degradation and a genuine ecological crisis.
Christian Joppke
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198292296
- eISBN:
- 9780191599569
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198292295.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter analyses two claims on the capacity of states to control immigration: that this capacity is declining, and that this decline is related to the rise of an international human rights ...
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This chapter analyses two claims on the capacity of states to control immigration: that this capacity is declining, and that this decline is related to the rise of an international human rights regime that restricts the ability of states to determine the entry and exit of migrants. The asylum policies of three major countries are studied: United States, Germany, and Britain. It is argued that asylum policy is conditioned by the dual and increasingly opposite nation-state principles of human rights protection and popular sovereignty; the strength of both varying with time and place.Less
This chapter analyses two claims on the capacity of states to control immigration: that this capacity is declining, and that this decline is related to the rise of an international human rights regime that restricts the ability of states to determine the entry and exit of migrants. The asylum policies of three major countries are studied: United States, Germany, and Britain. It is argued that asylum policy is conditioned by the dual and increasingly opposite nation-state principles of human rights protection and popular sovereignty; the strength of both varying with time and place.
R. D. Grillo
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294269
- eISBN:
- 9780191599378
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198294263.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
With the French Revolution, modernity proclaimed that a nation state should organize itself through a powerful state that would assume responsibility for directing society's affairs and moulding its ...
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With the French Revolution, modernity proclaimed that a nation state should organize itself through a powerful state that would assume responsibility for directing society's affairs and moulding its citizens: the Jacobin project. Nonetheless, there were two contrasting visions of how the French nation state might be constituted. For much of the nineteenth century, the view that it should include all those who shared its values encouraged French Jews, emancipated by the Revolution, to embrace assimilation. In the late nineteenth century, however, they were confronted with an alternative vision of France, one from which the Jews were excluded. The wave of anti‐semitism culminating in the Dreyfus Affair posed questions about the nation state that returned in late twentieth century debates in France and elsewhere about the right to difference and the desirability or otherwise of pluralist conceptions of society.Less
With the French Revolution, modernity proclaimed that a nation state should organize itself through a powerful state that would assume responsibility for directing society's affairs and moulding its citizens: the Jacobin project. Nonetheless, there were two contrasting visions of how the French nation state might be constituted. For much of the nineteenth century, the view that it should include all those who shared its values encouraged French Jews, emancipated by the Revolution, to embrace assimilation. In the late nineteenth century, however, they were confronted with an alternative vision of France, one from which the Jews were excluded. The wave of anti‐semitism culminating in the Dreyfus Affair posed questions about the nation state that returned in late twentieth century debates in France and elsewhere about the right to difference and the desirability or otherwise of pluralist conceptions of society.
Gurpreet Mahajan
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199277629
- eISBN:
- 9780191603303
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199277621.003.0013
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter examines Indian policies that accommodated cultural, religious, and language diversities and minority rights. The Indian Constitution laid the foundations of a multicultural democracy by ...
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This chapter examines Indian policies that accommodated cultural, religious, and language diversities and minority rights. The Indian Constitution laid the foundations of a multicultural democracy by recognizing cultural differences and respecting diversity. Some of India’s multicultural accommodation strategies include special cultural and political rights for minorities to live in accordance with their cultural practices and to govern themselves, and setting up institutions to protect and promote their language and culture.Less
This chapter examines Indian policies that accommodated cultural, religious, and language diversities and minority rights. The Indian Constitution laid the foundations of a multicultural democracy by recognizing cultural differences and respecting diversity. Some of India’s multicultural accommodation strategies include special cultural and political rights for minorities to live in accordance with their cultural practices and to govern themselves, and setting up institutions to protect and promote their language and culture.
