Stefano Bartolini
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199286430
- eISBN:
- 9780191603242
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199286434.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This study focuses on the historical configuration of territorial borders and functional boundaries of the European nation states, and interprets integration as a process of transcendence, ...
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This study focuses on the historical configuration of territorial borders and functional boundaries of the European nation states, and interprets integration as a process of transcendence, redefinition, and shift of those same boundaries that alters the nature of the nation states’ domestic political structures. The core of the argument concerns the relationship between the institutional design of the new Brussels centre, the boundary redefinitions that result from its political production, and the consequences of both these processes on the established national and emerging European political structures. The EU is interpreted through three key conceptual tools: ‘centre formation’, ‘system building’, and ‘political structuring’. The ‘centre formation’ — with limited administrative and fiscal capabilities and strong regulatory and judicial capabilities — is not accompanied by ‘system building’ in the field of cultural integration, social sharing institutions, and participation rights, that is, by institutions forcing its components to stay within it beyond the mere instrumental calculations. Given that for any new centre a balance must exist between its system building capacity and the scope and reach of its political production, the argument is that the ambitious political production of the EU is clearly out of balance with its weak system building capacity. As far as the ‘political structuring’ is concerned, this work argues that the institutional design of the Union and its weak system building militate to date against any stable form of political structuring for its representative actors, while its growing political production tends to undermine national mechanisms of political representation and legitimation. Under these conditions, any institutional democratization without political structuring may turn into facade electioneering, at best, or dangerous experiments, at worst. In the view of classical sociology — that takes the existence of a certain overlap between social identities, political boundaries, and social practices as a precondition for establishing political agency and a ‘rational’ political order — the EU is both a source of problems but also a possible solution to them. It can be seen as a project for regaining some degree of coherence between extended social practices, social identities, solidarity ties, and rules of deliberation at the European level. Most of the ideas expressed in this book show how problematic this project is believed to be.Less
This study focuses on the historical configuration of territorial borders and functional boundaries of the European nation states, and interprets integration as a process of transcendence, redefinition, and shift of those same boundaries that alters the nature of the nation states’ domestic political structures. The core of the argument concerns the relationship between the institutional design of the new Brussels centre, the boundary redefinitions that result from its political production, and the consequences of both these processes on the established national and emerging European political structures. The EU is interpreted through three key conceptual tools: ‘centre formation’, ‘system building’, and ‘political structuring’. The ‘centre formation’ — with limited administrative and fiscal capabilities and strong regulatory and judicial capabilities — is not accompanied by ‘system building’ in the field of cultural integration, social sharing institutions, and participation rights, that is, by institutions forcing its components to stay within it beyond the mere instrumental calculations. Given that for any new centre a balance must exist between its system building capacity and the scope and reach of its political production, the argument is that the ambitious political production of the EU is clearly out of balance with its weak system building capacity. As far as the ‘political structuring’ is concerned, this work argues that the institutional design of the Union and its weak system building militate to date against any stable form of political structuring for its representative actors, while its growing political production tends to undermine national mechanisms of political representation and legitimation. Under these conditions, any institutional democratization without political structuring may turn into facade electioneering, at best, or dangerous experiments, at worst. In the view of classical sociology — that takes the existence of a certain overlap between social identities, political boundaries, and social practices as a precondition for establishing political agency and a ‘rational’ political order — the EU is both a source of problems but also a possible solution to them. It can be seen as a project for regaining some degree of coherence between extended social practices, social identities, solidarity ties, and rules of deliberation at the European level. Most of the ideas expressed in this book show how problematic this project is believed to be.
Christian Joppke
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198292296
- eISBN:
- 9780191599569
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198292295.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This introductory chapter presents a brief discussion on the challenges of migration to the nation-state. It then describes the nine studies in the book dealing with the challenges posed by ...
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This introductory chapter presents a brief discussion on the challenges of migration to the nation-state. It then describes the nine studies in the book dealing with the challenges posed by immigration to the nation-state, transnationalising of immigration policy, EU migration, American citizenship, citizenship policies and debates in Western Europe, post-national membership, and multicultural race relations in Britain.Less
This introductory chapter presents a brief discussion on the challenges of migration to the nation-state. It then describes the nine studies in the book dealing with the challenges posed by immigration to the nation-state, transnationalising of immigration policy, EU migration, American citizenship, citizenship policies and debates in Western Europe, post-national membership, and multicultural race relations in Britain.
Michael Walzer
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- October 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199248155
- eISBN:
- 9780191602955
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019924815X.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This paper presents an alternative to William Kymlicka’s approach for the integration or accommodation of ethnocultural groups in democratic states. It contends that there are different types of ...
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This paper presents an alternative to William Kymlicka’s approach for the integration or accommodation of ethnocultural groups in democratic states. It contends that there are different types of states, and that the differences need to be described before their consequences can be argued. The thicker the ‘national’ culture, the more likely it is that large groups of immigrants will have to be accommodated as national minorities rather than as hyphenated nationals. Or, alternatively, multiculturalism may have to take a more corporatist form when the dominant culture is strongly supported by the state.Less
This paper presents an alternative to William Kymlicka’s approach for the integration or accommodation of ethnocultural groups in democratic states. It contends that there are different types of states, and that the differences need to be described before their consequences can be argued. The thicker the ‘national’ culture, the more likely it is that large groups of immigrants will have to be accommodated as national minorities rather than as hyphenated nationals. Or, alternatively, multiculturalism may have to take a more corporatist form when the dominant culture is strongly supported by the state.
Curtis J. Evans
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195328189
- eISBN:
- 9780199870028
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195328189.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This book is about the crucial role that black religion has played in the United States as an imagined community or a united nation. The book argues that cultural images and interpretations of ...
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This book is about the crucial role that black religion has played in the United States as an imagined community or a united nation. The book argues that cultural images and interpretations of African American religion placed an enormous burden on black religious capacities as the source for black contributions to American culture until the 1940s. Attention to black religion as the chief bearer of meaning for black life was also a result of longstanding debates about what constituted the “human person” and an implicit assertion of the intellectual inferiority of peoples of African descent. Intellectual and religious capacities were reshaped and reconceptualized in various crucial historical moments in American history because of real world debates about blacks' place in the nation and continuing discussions about what it meant to be fully human. Only within the last half century has this older paradigm of black religion (and the concomitant assumption of a genetic deficiency in “intelligence”) been challenged with any degree of cultural authority. Black innate religiosity had to be denied before sufficient attention could be paid to actual proposals about black equal participation in the nation, though this should not be interpreted as a call for insufficient attention to the role of religion in the lives of African Americans and other ethnic groups.Less
This book is about the crucial role that black religion has played in the United States as an imagined community or a united nation. The book argues that cultural images and interpretations of African American religion placed an enormous burden on black religious capacities as the source for black contributions to American culture until the 1940s. Attention to black religion as the chief bearer of meaning for black life was also a result of longstanding debates about what constituted the “human person” and an implicit assertion of the intellectual inferiority of peoples of African descent. Intellectual and religious capacities were reshaped and reconceptualized in various crucial historical moments in American history because of real world debates about blacks' place in the nation and continuing discussions about what it meant to be fully human. Only within the last half century has this older paradigm of black religion (and the concomitant assumption of a genetic deficiency in “intelligence”) been challenged with any degree of cultural authority. Black innate religiosity had to be denied before sufficient attention could be paid to actual proposals about black equal participation in the nation, though this should not be interpreted as a call for insufficient attention to the role of religion in the lives of African Americans and other ethnic groups.
Antony Black
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199281695
- eISBN:
- 9780191713101
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199281695.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This book examines the political thought of Egypt, Mesopotamia, Israel, Iran, India, China, Greece, Rome, and early Christianity from prehistory to c.200 CE. The most common discourse was sacred ...
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This book examines the political thought of Egypt, Mesopotamia, Israel, Iran, India, China, Greece, Rome, and early Christianity from prehistory to c.200 CE. The most common discourse was sacred monarchy, ranging from absolutism in Egypt to a conditional mandate in China. Justice, the rule of law, and meritocracy were generally regarded as essential. ‘The people’ were seen as recipients of royal beneficence. The exceptions were Greece and Rome; here democracy and liberty were invented. Theories of class evolved in India and China, and of the nation in Israel. Stoics and Cicero saw humanity as a single unit. Christianity revolutionized moral discourse. Philosophy, using logic, evidence, and dialectic, developed in both China and Greece. Confucius and Mozi argued for ‘humaneness’ and ethical consensus, ‘Legalists’ for coercion, realpolitik, and an authoritarian state. Plato and Aristotle, followed by Polybius and Cicero in Rome, initiated ‘Western’ political philosophy and science. Practical politics was developed by Aristotle and the Indian Kautilya. Chinese and Greek thinkers investigated the origin and purpose of the state. This book covers political philosophy, religious ideology, public ethics, constitutional theory, and official and popular political culture.Less
This book examines the political thought of Egypt, Mesopotamia, Israel, Iran, India, China, Greece, Rome, and early Christianity from prehistory to c.200 CE. The most common discourse was sacred monarchy, ranging from absolutism in Egypt to a conditional mandate in China. Justice, the rule of law, and meritocracy were generally regarded as essential. ‘The people’ were seen as recipients of royal beneficence. The exceptions were Greece and Rome; here democracy and liberty were invented. Theories of class evolved in India and China, and of the nation in Israel. Stoics and Cicero saw humanity as a single unit. Christianity revolutionized moral discourse. Philosophy, using logic, evidence, and dialectic, developed in both China and Greece. Confucius and Mozi argued for ‘humaneness’ and ethical consensus, ‘Legalists’ for coercion, realpolitik, and an authoritarian state. Plato and Aristotle, followed by Polybius and Cicero in Rome, initiated ‘Western’ political philosophy and science. Practical politics was developed by Aristotle and the Indian Kautilya. Chinese and Greek thinkers investigated the origin and purpose of the state. This book covers political philosophy, religious ideology, public ethics, constitutional theory, and official and popular political culture.
Antony Black
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199281695
- eISBN:
- 9780191713101
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199281695.003.0014
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
All our political values were invented in ancient times. Social contract, for example, was invented, though not developed philosophically. Western/European thought drew the idea of nation from the ...
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All our political values were invented in ancient times. Social contract, for example, was invented, though not developed philosophically. Western/European thought drew the idea of nation from the Old Testament, of monarchy and the state from Rome as well, and of liberty from Greece and Rome. Democracy was long forgotten and only revived in different form. Both Confucianism and, implicitly, the political realism of ‘Legalism’ have remained imporant in China.Less
All our political values were invented in ancient times. Social contract, for example, was invented, though not developed philosophically. Western/European thought drew the idea of nation from the Old Testament, of monarchy and the state from Rome as well, and of liberty from Greece and Rome. Democracy was long forgotten and only revived in different form. Both Confucianism and, implicitly, the political realism of ‘Legalism’ have remained imporant in China.
Dominik Zaum
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199207435
- eISBN:
- 9780191708671
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199207435.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The first part of this chapter briefly explores the history of international administrations since the early 20th century, including administrations under the League of Nations and in the context of ...
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The first part of this chapter briefly explores the history of international administrations since the early 20th century, including administrations under the League of Nations and in the context of decolonization during the cold war. It provides the historical context in which contemporary international administrations are embedded, identifying precedents, ideas, and traditions on which contemporary international administrations draw. The second part discusses the sources of authority of international administrations. Drawing on the discussion of authority in the preceding chapter, it identifies five sources of authority, and analyses to what extent they are reflected in the mandates of the international administrations in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, and East Timor. It concludes by discussing the issues of accountability and liability of international administrations.Less
The first part of this chapter briefly explores the history of international administrations since the early 20th century, including administrations under the League of Nations and in the context of decolonization during the cold war. It provides the historical context in which contemporary international administrations are embedded, identifying precedents, ideas, and traditions on which contemporary international administrations draw. The second part discusses the sources of authority of international administrations. Drawing on the discussion of authority in the preceding chapter, it identifies five sources of authority, and analyses to what extent they are reflected in the mandates of the international administrations in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, and East Timor. It concludes by discussing the issues of accountability and liability of international administrations.
Andrew N. Weintraub
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195395662
- eISBN:
- 9780199863549
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195395662.001.0001
- Subject:
- Music, Ethnomusicology, World Music, Popular
Dangdut Stories is a social and musical history of dangdut, Indonesia's most popular music, within a range of broader narratives about social class, gender, ethnicity and nation in post-independence ...
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Dangdut Stories is a social and musical history of dangdut, Indonesia's most popular music, within a range of broader narratives about social class, gender, ethnicity and nation in post-independence Indonesia (1945-present). The book shows how dangdut evolved from a debased form of urban popular music to a prominent role in Indonesian cultural politics and the commercial music industry. Throughout the book the voices and experiences of musicians take center stage in shaping the book's narrative. Quoted material from interviews, detailed analysis of music and song texts, and ethnography of performance illuminate the stylistic nature of the music and its centrality in public debates about Islam, social class relations, and the role of women in post-colonial Indonesia. Dangdut Stories is the first musicological study to examine the stylistic development of dangdut music itself, using vocal style, melody, rhythm, harmony, form, and song texts to articulate symbolic struggles over meaning in the realm of culture. The book illuminates historical changes in musical style, performance practice, and social meanings from the genre's origins to the present day. Developed during the early 1970s, an historical treatment of the genre's musical style, performance practice, and social meanings is long overdue.Less
Dangdut Stories is a social and musical history of dangdut, Indonesia's most popular music, within a range of broader narratives about social class, gender, ethnicity and nation in post-independence Indonesia (1945-present). The book shows how dangdut evolved from a debased form of urban popular music to a prominent role in Indonesian cultural politics and the commercial music industry. Throughout the book the voices and experiences of musicians take center stage in shaping the book's narrative. Quoted material from interviews, detailed analysis of music and song texts, and ethnography of performance illuminate the stylistic nature of the music and its centrality in public debates about Islam, social class relations, and the role of women in post-colonial Indonesia. Dangdut Stories is the first musicological study to examine the stylistic development of dangdut music itself, using vocal style, melody, rhythm, harmony, form, and song texts to articulate symbolic struggles over meaning in the realm of culture. The book illuminates historical changes in musical style, performance practice, and social meanings from the genre's origins to the present day. Developed during the early 1970s, an historical treatment of the genre's musical style, performance practice, and social meanings is long overdue.
Alexis Keller
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199275359
- eISBN:
- 9780191603686
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199275351.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
According to Keller, we have no hope of explaining what is or is not a Just Peace in global relations unless we pay more attention to the intellectual context in which international law was formed. ...
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According to Keller, we have no hope of explaining what is or is not a Just Peace in global relations unless we pay more attention to the intellectual context in which international law was formed. From its birth in the 16th century, there was a progressive retreat by Europeans from conceding sovereign rights to specific non-European peoples, to then only recognizing a conditional sovereignty, and eventually to denying any right to self-determination of non-white peoples. However, there was a tradition of thought that recognized and accommodated cultural diversity that can be found in the writings of Montesquieu and Rousseau, among others. This chapter argues that these writers proposed one of the cornerstones of the concept of a Just Peace, the principle of recognition. This notion was developed from an effort to understand another’s point of view and an appreciation of otherness.Less
According to Keller, we have no hope of explaining what is or is not a Just Peace in global relations unless we pay more attention to the intellectual context in which international law was formed. From its birth in the 16th century, there was a progressive retreat by Europeans from conceding sovereign rights to specific non-European peoples, to then only recognizing a conditional sovereignty, and eventually to denying any right to self-determination of non-white peoples. However, there was a tradition of thought that recognized and accommodated cultural diversity that can be found in the writings of Montesquieu and Rousseau, among others. This chapter argues that these writers proposed one of the cornerstones of the concept of a Just Peace, the principle of recognition. This notion was developed from an effort to understand another’s point of view and an appreciation of otherness.
Hans van Houtte, Hans Das, and Bart Delmartino
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199291922
- eISBN:
- 9780191603716
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199291926.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
In the aftermath of the 1990-1991 Gulf War, the UN Security Council determined that Iraq was liable under international law for any direct damage resulting from its unlawful invasion and occupation ...
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In the aftermath of the 1990-1991 Gulf War, the UN Security Council determined that Iraq was liable under international law for any direct damage resulting from its unlawful invasion and occupation of Kuwait. The United Nations Compensation Commission (UNCC) was established to process the claims against Iraq. Since 1991, the UNCC has received approximately 2.6 million claims, which it has subdivided in six categories, depending on the status of the claimant, the type of loss, and the amount claimed. For certain claims, the UNCC has established fixed compensation standards, rather than assessing the exact amount of the loss. Other innovative features include mass claims resolution techniques and methodologies such as data matching, grouping, and sampling. The reparation process was funded through oil exports under the oil-for-food program. A share of originally 30% and later 25% of the proceeds was reserved for compensation. The oil-for-food program was terminated after the new war in Iraq in 2003, and the share of oil revenues dedicated to reparation was lowered to 5%. As of June 2005, the UNCC has decided nearly all claims.Less
In the aftermath of the 1990-1991 Gulf War, the UN Security Council determined that Iraq was liable under international law for any direct damage resulting from its unlawful invasion and occupation of Kuwait. The United Nations Compensation Commission (UNCC) was established to process the claims against Iraq. Since 1991, the UNCC has received approximately 2.6 million claims, which it has subdivided in six categories, depending on the status of the claimant, the type of loss, and the amount claimed. For certain claims, the UNCC has established fixed compensation standards, rather than assessing the exact amount of the loss. Other innovative features include mass claims resolution techniques and methodologies such as data matching, grouping, and sampling. The reparation process was funded through oil exports under the oil-for-food program. A share of originally 30% and later 25% of the proceeds was reserved for compensation. The oil-for-food program was terminated after the new war in Iraq in 2003, and the share of oil revenues dedicated to reparation was lowered to 5%. As of June 2005, the UNCC has decided nearly all claims.
Ian Clark
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199297009
- eISBN:
- 9780191711428
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199297009.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The draft proposals for the United Nations Charter that emerged from Dumbarton Oaks allowed only for one brief mention of human rights. The final version agreed at San Francisco gave human rights a ...
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The draft proposals for the United Nations Charter that emerged from Dumbarton Oaks allowed only for one brief mention of human rights. The final version agreed at San Francisco gave human rights a much higher profile. Why did this change take place? There is a substantial body of literature that accounts for it exclusively in terms of the activities of the US Consultants (representatives of NGOs), attached to the US Delegation. However, the role of Latin American states, as well as of the Soviet Union, needs to be remembered. The chapter draws attention to the problems surrounding the heroic role of the US consultants. It traces the evolution of thinking about human rights during the war years, culminating in the attendance of some 1,200 representatives of NGOs at the San Francisco conference. There is no doubt, therefore, that state officials were conscious of wide public expectations on the human rights front. Since popular support for the UN would be vital to its future effectiveness, respect for human rights can be seen as a kind of ‘social wage’ in return. This gave the individual a new standing in international society and international law.Less
The draft proposals for the United Nations Charter that emerged from Dumbarton Oaks allowed only for one brief mention of human rights. The final version agreed at San Francisco gave human rights a much higher profile. Why did this change take place? There is a substantial body of literature that accounts for it exclusively in terms of the activities of the US Consultants (representatives of NGOs), attached to the US Delegation. However, the role of Latin American states, as well as of the Soviet Union, needs to be remembered. The chapter draws attention to the problems surrounding the heroic role of the US consultants. It traces the evolution of thinking about human rights during the war years, culminating in the attendance of some 1,200 representatives of NGOs at the San Francisco conference. There is no doubt, therefore, that state officials were conscious of wide public expectations on the human rights front. Since popular support for the UN would be vital to its future effectiveness, respect for human rights can be seen as a kind of ‘social wage’ in return. This gave the individual a new standing in international society and international law.
Dominik Zaum
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199207435
- eISBN:
- 9780191708671
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199207435.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter analyses the statebuilding efforts of the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) that was established after the Kosovo war in 1999. It is divided into three ...
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This chapter analyses the statebuilding efforts of the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) that was established after the Kosovo war in 1999. It is divided into three parts. While the first part outlines the background to the intervention, analyses the scope of the international authority, and discusses the transition to local rule, the other two sections contain detailed case studies of statebuilding: the reform of the judicial system, and the privatization of socially owned enterprises, one of the most controversial reform efforts of UNMIK. The chapter not only shows the influence of norms on UNMIK's statebuilding policies, but also the problems of ‘statebuilding without statehood’: building political and administrative institutions if the future legal status of a territory remains unresolved.Less
This chapter analyses the statebuilding efforts of the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) that was established after the Kosovo war in 1999. It is divided into three parts. While the first part outlines the background to the intervention, analyses the scope of the international authority, and discusses the transition to local rule, the other two sections contain detailed case studies of statebuilding: the reform of the judicial system, and the privatization of socially owned enterprises, one of the most controversial reform efforts of UNMIK. The chapter not only shows the influence of norms on UNMIK's statebuilding policies, but also the problems of ‘statebuilding without statehood’: building political and administrative institutions if the future legal status of a territory remains unresolved.
Dominik Zaum
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199207435
- eISBN:
- 9780191708671
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199207435.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This third case study chapter analyses the statebuilding activities of the United Nations Transitional Administration of East Timor (UNTAET). It is divided into three parts. The first part outlines ...
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This third case study chapter analyses the statebuilding activities of the United Nations Transitional Administration of East Timor (UNTAET). It is divided into three parts. The first part outlines the background to the intervention, the scope and evolution of international authority, and the transition to self-governance and Timorese independence. The remaining two sections are case studies of statebuilding in East Timor: the establishment of a new judicial system, and the reform of the civil service. The case studies show how these reforms are informed by the new ‘standard of civilisation’, and how these norms compete with other, local traditional normative frameworks and understandings of authority, compromising the effectiveness of the reforms.Less
This third case study chapter analyses the statebuilding activities of the United Nations Transitional Administration of East Timor (UNTAET). It is divided into three parts. The first part outlines the background to the intervention, the scope and evolution of international authority, and the transition to self-governance and Timorese independence. The remaining two sections are case studies of statebuilding in East Timor: the establishment of a new judicial system, and the reform of the civil service. The case studies show how these reforms are informed by the new ‘standard of civilisation’, and how these norms compete with other, local traditional normative frameworks and understandings of authority, compromising the effectiveness of the reforms.
Elizabeth Vlossak
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199561117
- eISBN:
- 9780191595035
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199561117.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This book studies modern Alsatian history using gender as a category of historical analysis, and the first to record the experiences of the region's women from 1870 to 1946. Relying on an extensive ...
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This book studies modern Alsatian history using gender as a category of historical analysis, and the first to record the experiences of the region's women from 1870 to 1946. Relying on an extensive array of documentary, visual and literary material, national and regional publications, oral testimonies, and previously-unused archival sources gathered in France, Germany and Britain, the book contributes to the growing literature on the relationship between gender, the nation and citizenship, and between nationalism and feminism. It does so by focusing on the roles, both passive and active, that women played in the process of German and French nation-building in Alsace. The work also critiques and corrects the long-held assumptions that Alsatian women were the preservers, after 1871, of a French national heritage in the region, and that women were neglected or disregarded by policy-makers concerned with the consolidation of German, and later French, loyalties. Women were in fact seen as important agents of nation-formation and treated as such. In addition, all the categories of social action implicated in the nation-building process — confession, education, socialization, the public sphere, the domestic setting, the iconography of regional and national belonging — were themselves gendered. Thus nation-building projects impacted asymmetrically on men and women, with far-reaching consequences. Having been ‘nationalized’ through different ‘rounds of restructuring’ than men, the women of Alsace were, and continue to be excluded from national and regional histories, as well as from public memory and official commemoration. Marianne or Germania questions, and ultimately challenges, these practices.Less
This book studies modern Alsatian history using gender as a category of historical analysis, and the first to record the experiences of the region's women from 1870 to 1946. Relying on an extensive array of documentary, visual and literary material, national and regional publications, oral testimonies, and previously-unused archival sources gathered in France, Germany and Britain, the book contributes to the growing literature on the relationship between gender, the nation and citizenship, and between nationalism and feminism. It does so by focusing on the roles, both passive and active, that women played in the process of German and French nation-building in Alsace. The work also critiques and corrects the long-held assumptions that Alsatian women were the preservers, after 1871, of a French national heritage in the region, and that women were neglected or disregarded by policy-makers concerned with the consolidation of German, and later French, loyalties. Women were in fact seen as important agents of nation-formation and treated as such. In addition, all the categories of social action implicated in the nation-building process — confession, education, socialization, the public sphere, the domestic setting, the iconography of regional and national belonging — were themselves gendered. Thus nation-building projects impacted asymmetrically on men and women, with far-reaching consequences. Having been ‘nationalized’ through different ‘rounds of restructuring’ than men, the women of Alsace were, and continue to be excluded from national and regional histories, as well as from public memory and official commemoration. Marianne or Germania questions, and ultimately challenges, these practices.
David M. Malone
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199278572
- eISBN:
- 9780191604119
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199278571.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Spanning the last quarter century, this book examines the impact the United Nations Security Council has had on Iraq - and Iraq’s impact on the Security Council. Told largely in chronological ...
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Spanning the last quarter century, this book examines the impact the United Nations Security Council has had on Iraq - and Iraq’s impact on the Security Council. Told largely in chronological fashion, five phases of the story are here discerned. The first phase deals with the Council’s role as Cold War peacemaker during the Iran-Iraq war. The second phase involves its response to Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait. The third phase is characterized by ‘creeping unilateralism’, occurring within the context of a more multidisciplinary approach to peace operations. The fourth phase covers the period between 9/11 to the bombing of UN headquarters in Baghdad in August 2003. The fifth phase focuses on the Council’s efforts to find its feet in Iraq, and its contemplation of reform in its way of doing business.Less
Spanning the last quarter century, this book examines the impact the United Nations Security Council has had on Iraq - and Iraq’s impact on the Security Council. Told largely in chronological fashion, five phases of the story are here discerned. The first phase deals with the Council’s role as Cold War peacemaker during the Iran-Iraq war. The second phase involves its response to Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait. The third phase is characterized by ‘creeping unilateralism’, occurring within the context of a more multidisciplinary approach to peace operations. The fourth phase covers the period between 9/11 to the bombing of UN headquarters in Baghdad in August 2003. The fifth phase focuses on the Council’s efforts to find its feet in Iraq, and its contemplation of reform in its way of doing business.
David Harrington Watt
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195068344
- eISBN:
- 9780199834822
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195068343.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This book focuses on the relationship between conservative Protestants and social power in the U.S. The book, which is particularly concerned with which sorts of power relationships seem natural and ...
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This book focuses on the relationship between conservative Protestants and social power in the U.S. The book, which is particularly concerned with which sorts of power relationships seem natural and which do not, is based on fieldwork (conducted in the early 1990s), in three Philadelphia churches: Oak Grove Church, Philadelphia Mennonite Fellowship, and the Philadelphia Church of Christ. The data drawn from that fieldwork suggests that in the early 1990s, Bible‐carrying Christian churches tended to naturalize (to various degrees) the authority of heterosexuals and men. The data also suggested that under certain (relatively rare) circumstances Bible‐carrying Christian churches denaturalized the authority of ministers, corporations, and nation‐states.Less
This book focuses on the relationship between conservative Protestants and social power in the U.S. The book, which is particularly concerned with which sorts of power relationships seem natural and which do not, is based on fieldwork (conducted in the early 1990s), in three Philadelphia churches: Oak Grove Church, Philadelphia Mennonite Fellowship, and the Philadelphia Church of Christ. The data drawn from that fieldwork suggests that in the early 1990s, Bible‐carrying Christian churches tended to naturalize (to various degrees) the authority of heterosexuals and men. The data also suggested that under certain (relatively rare) circumstances Bible‐carrying Christian churches denaturalized the authority of ministers, corporations, and nation‐states.
Monique Deveaux
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- January 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199289790
- eISBN:
- 9780191711022
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199289790.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter addresses the tensions that have arisen, in the Canadian context, between Native peoples’ (or First Nations peoples’) quest for political self-determination and the demand by some Native ...
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This chapter addresses the tensions that have arisen, in the Canadian context, between Native peoples’ (or First Nations peoples’) quest for political self-determination and the demand by some Native women that their sexual equality rights be protected through federal law (specifically, Canada’s 1982 Charter of Rights and Freedoms). It discusses the ambivalent relationship Native peoples have had with respect to the language of individual rights, consent, and sexual equality, and reflects on the difficulties this presents for protecting Native women. The chapter also illuminates the potential injustices that can arise both when dominant cultural groups fail to recognize the distinctive self-understandings of minority communities as well as when more powerful members of cultural communities attempt to silence vulnerable and less powerful group members.Less
This chapter addresses the tensions that have arisen, in the Canadian context, between Native peoples’ (or First Nations peoples’) quest for political self-determination and the demand by some Native women that their sexual equality rights be protected through federal law (specifically, Canada’s 1982 Charter of Rights and Freedoms). It discusses the ambivalent relationship Native peoples have had with respect to the language of individual rights, consent, and sexual equality, and reflects on the difficulties this presents for protecting Native women. The chapter also illuminates the potential injustices that can arise both when dominant cultural groups fail to recognize the distinctive self-understandings of minority communities as well as when more powerful members of cultural communities attempt to silence vulnerable and less powerful group members.
Ryan M. Irwin
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199855612
- eISBN:
- 9780199979882
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199855612.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Political History, World Modern History
Writing more than one hundred years ago, African American scholar W.E.B. Du Bois speculated that the great dilemma of the twentieth century would be the problem of “the color line.” Nowhere was the ...
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Writing more than one hundred years ago, African American scholar W.E.B. Du Bois speculated that the great dilemma of the twentieth century would be the problem of “the color line.” Nowhere was the dilemma of racial discrimination more entrenched—and more complex—than South Africa. This book looks at South Africa’s freedom struggle in the years surrounding African decolonization, and it uses the global apartheid debate to explore the way new nation-states changed the international community during the mid-twentieth century. At the highpoint of decolonization, South Africa’s problems shaped a transnational conversation about nationhood. Arguments about racial justice, which crested as Europe relinquished imperial control of Africa and the Caribbean, elided a deeper contest over the meaning of sovereignty, territoriality, and development. This contest was influenced—and had an impact on—the United States. Initially hopeful that liberal international institutions would amicably resolve the color line problem, Washington lost confidence as postcolonial diplomats took control of the U.N. agenda. The result was not only America’s abandonment of the universalisms that propelled decolonization, but also the unravelling of the liberal order that remade politics during the twentieth century. Based on research in African, American, and European archives, this book advances a bold new interpretation about African decolonization’s relationship to American power. The book promises to shed light on U.S. foreign relations with the Third World and recast our understanding of liberal internationalism’s fate after World War II.Less
Writing more than one hundred years ago, African American scholar W.E.B. Du Bois speculated that the great dilemma of the twentieth century would be the problem of “the color line.” Nowhere was the dilemma of racial discrimination more entrenched—and more complex—than South Africa. This book looks at South Africa’s freedom struggle in the years surrounding African decolonization, and it uses the global apartheid debate to explore the way new nation-states changed the international community during the mid-twentieth century. At the highpoint of decolonization, South Africa’s problems shaped a transnational conversation about nationhood. Arguments about racial justice, which crested as Europe relinquished imperial control of Africa and the Caribbean, elided a deeper contest over the meaning of sovereignty, territoriality, and development. This contest was influenced—and had an impact on—the United States. Initially hopeful that liberal international institutions would amicably resolve the color line problem, Washington lost confidence as postcolonial diplomats took control of the U.N. agenda. The result was not only America’s abandonment of the universalisms that propelled decolonization, but also the unravelling of the liberal order that remade politics during the twentieth century. Based on research in African, American, and European archives, this book advances a bold new interpretation about African decolonization’s relationship to American power. The book promises to shed light on U.S. foreign relations with the Third World and recast our understanding of liberal internationalism’s fate after World War II.
Wayne Norman
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780198293354
- eISBN:
- 9780191604126
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293356.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
The chapter begins by taking stock of two decades of sophisticated intellectual debate by sociologists, political scientists, and philosophers about the nature and significance of nationalism. It ...
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The chapter begins by taking stock of two decades of sophisticated intellectual debate by sociologists, political scientists, and philosophers about the nature and significance of nationalism. It then examines how nationalism may or may not be compatible with contemporary currents in liberal political theory, following in the footsteps of Will Kymlicka, Yael Tamir, David Miller, Jacob Levy, and others. It ends with an appendix evaluating Rogers Brubaker’s argument on why political theorists should avoid legitimizing the vocabulary of nationalists — including the category of ‘nation’ — when explaining nationalist movements.Less
The chapter begins by taking stock of two decades of sophisticated intellectual debate by sociologists, political scientists, and philosophers about the nature and significance of nationalism. It then examines how nationalism may or may not be compatible with contemporary currents in liberal political theory, following in the footsteps of Will Kymlicka, Yael Tamir, David Miller, Jacob Levy, and others. It ends with an appendix evaluating Rogers Brubaker’s argument on why political theorists should avoid legitimizing the vocabulary of nationalists — including the category of ‘nation’ — when explaining nationalist movements.
Vivien A. Schmidt
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- January 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199266975
- eISBN:
- 9780191709012
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199266975.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This introductory chapter begins with a discussion of the challenges faced by national democracies in Europe. It examines the concept of ‘Europeanization’, or how member states adapt their ...
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This introductory chapter begins with a discussion of the challenges faced by national democracies in Europe. It examines the concept of ‘Europeanization’, or how member states adapt their democracies to the evolving European public sphere. A more helpful way of thinking about the EU is proposed, i.e., that the EU is best understood as a regional union of nation-states in which national differentiation persists alongside integration. An overview of the succeeding chapters is presented.Less
This introductory chapter begins with a discussion of the challenges faced by national democracies in Europe. It examines the concept of ‘Europeanization’, or how member states adapt their democracies to the evolving European public sphere. A more helpful way of thinking about the EU is proposed, i.e., that the EU is best understood as a regional union of nation-states in which national differentiation persists alongside integration. An overview of the succeeding chapters is presented.
