Andreas Herberg‐Rothe
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199202690
- eISBN:
- 9780191707834
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199202690.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
What Clausewitz says about the interactions to the extreme provides the basis for the assumption that he is the theorist of destruction and the precursor of the idea of total war. But these ...
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What Clausewitz says about the interactions to the extreme provides the basis for the assumption that he is the theorist of destruction and the precursor of the idea of total war. But these interpretations should not be countered by introducing a total shift between the concept and the reality of war, as it has so often happened in the history of Clausewitz's interpretations. This chapter emphasizes that in his first chapter, the three interactions to the extreme are balanced by three tendencies which lead to the limitation of war. The three interactions to the extreme do not describe the whole of war, but they are nevertheless tendencies in each war, which are countered by opposing tendencies. The chapter explores the assumption that the striving powers ‘behind’ these different interacting tendencies in war are violence, fear, and power.Less
What Clausewitz says about the interactions to the extreme provides the basis for the assumption that he is the theorist of destruction and the precursor of the idea of total war. But these interpretations should not be countered by introducing a total shift between the concept and the reality of war, as it has so often happened in the history of Clausewitz's interpretations. This chapter emphasizes that in his first chapter, the three interactions to the extreme are balanced by three tendencies which lead to the limitation of war. The three interactions to the extreme do not describe the whole of war, but they are nevertheless tendencies in each war, which are countered by opposing tendencies. The chapter explores the assumption that the striving powers ‘behind’ these different interacting tendencies in war are violence, fear, and power.
Paul C. Gutjahr
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- May 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199740420
- eISBN:
- 9780199894703
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199740420.003.0034
- Subject:
- Religion, Church History
Chapter thirty-four examines Hodge as he establishes himself as the leading professor at Princeton Theological Seminary. Through his teaching, administration, and hospitality of famous guests such as ...
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Chapter thirty-four examines Hodge as he establishes himself as the leading professor at Princeton Theological Seminary. Through his teaching, administration, and hospitality of famous guests such as William Cunningham of Scotland, Hodge shows himself to be the Seminary’s marquee figure.Less
Chapter thirty-four examines Hodge as he establishes himself as the leading professor at Princeton Theological Seminary. Through his teaching, administration, and hospitality of famous guests such as William Cunningham of Scotland, Hodge shows himself to be the Seminary’s marquee figure.
Charles S. Chihara
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198239758
- eISBN:
- 9780191597190
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198239750.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Logic/Philosophy of Mathematics
A continuation of the study of mathematical existence begun in Ontology and the Vicious‐Circle Principle (published in 1973); in the present work, Quine's indispensability argument is rebutted by the ...
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A continuation of the study of mathematical existence begun in Ontology and the Vicious‐Circle Principle (published in 1973); in the present work, Quine's indispensability argument is rebutted by the development of a new nominalistic version of mathematics (the Constructibility Theory) that is specified as an axiomatized theory formalized in a many‐sorted first‐order language. What is new in the present work is its abandonment of the predicative restrictions of the earlier work and its much greater attention to the applications of mathematics in science and everyday life. The book also contains detailed discussions of rival views (Mathematical Structuralism, Field's Instrumentalism, Burgess's Moderate Realism, Maddy's Set Theoretical Realism, and Kitcher's Ideal Agent account of mathematics), in which many comparisons with the Constructibility Theory are made.Less
A continuation of the study of mathematical existence begun in Ontology and the Vicious‐Circle Principle (published in 1973); in the present work, Quine's indispensability argument is rebutted by the development of a new nominalistic version of mathematics (the Constructibility Theory) that is specified as an axiomatized theory formalized in a many‐sorted first‐order language. What is new in the present work is its abandonment of the predicative restrictions of the earlier work and its much greater attention to the applications of mathematics in science and everyday life. The book also contains detailed discussions of rival views (Mathematical Structuralism, Field's Instrumentalism, Burgess's Moderate Realism, Maddy's Set Theoretical Realism, and Kitcher's Ideal Agent account of mathematics), in which many comparisons with the Constructibility Theory are made.
Neil Tennant
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199251605
- eISBN:
- 9780191698057
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199251605.003.0013
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Logic/Philosophy of Mathematics, Philosophy of Language
This concluding chapter sums up the key findings of this study on realist views of meaning and truth. The findings suggest that moderate anti-realism is well-motivated, internally coherent, and ...
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This concluding chapter sums up the key findings of this study on realist views of meaning and truth. The findings suggest that moderate anti-realism is well-motivated, internally coherent, and methodologically adequate, and it can be characterized by means of certain platitudes and key theses. This chapter also describes the development of an account of constructive falsifiability that complements the proof-theoretic account of constructive truth and validity.Less
This concluding chapter sums up the key findings of this study on realist views of meaning and truth. The findings suggest that moderate anti-realism is well-motivated, internally coherent, and methodologically adequate, and it can be characterized by means of certain platitudes and key theses. This chapter also describes the development of an account of constructive falsifiability that complements the proof-theoretic account of constructive truth and validity.
David G. Hunter
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199279784
- eISBN:
- 9780191707391
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199279784.003.0004
- Subject:
- Religion, Early Christian Studies
Jovinian's accusations against ascetic extremists had a precedent in earlier Christian tradition. Ascetic elitism was opposed by a number of early Christian writers, including 1 Clement, Ignatius, ...
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Jovinian's accusations against ascetic extremists had a precedent in earlier Christian tradition. Ascetic elitism was opposed by a number of early Christian writers, including 1 Clement, Ignatius, and the author of the Pastoral Epistles. By the early third century, this opposition had hardened into the polarities of ‘orthodoxy’ and ‘heresy’. This anti‐heretical effort culminated in the writings of Irenaeus and Clement of Alexandria against the ‘encratite’ heresy, which anticipated the polemics of Jovinian. In the third century we also see the development of a ‘moderate encratism’ in the writings of Tertullian, Cyprian, and Origen, which later inspired the opponents of Jovinian, e.g. Ambrose and Jerome.Less
Jovinian's accusations against ascetic extremists had a precedent in earlier Christian tradition. Ascetic elitism was opposed by a number of early Christian writers, including 1 Clement, Ignatius, and the author of the Pastoral Epistles. By the early third century, this opposition had hardened into the polarities of ‘orthodoxy’ and ‘heresy’. This anti‐heretical effort culminated in the writings of Irenaeus and Clement of Alexandria against the ‘encratite’ heresy, which anticipated the polemics of Jovinian. In the third century we also see the development of a ‘moderate encratism’ in the writings of Tertullian, Cyprian, and Origen, which later inspired the opponents of Jovinian, e.g. Ambrose and Jerome.
Donald L. Horowitz
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199244348
- eISBN:
- 9780191599866
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199244340.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
Horowitz's chapter is critical of the consociational aspects of Northern Ireland's Agreement. It views the ‘grand coalition’ executive at the heart of the Agreement as unwieldy because it includes ...
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Horowitz's chapter is critical of the consociational aspects of Northern Ireland's Agreement. It views the ‘grand coalition’ executive at the heart of the Agreement as unwieldy because it includes the extremes, particularly Sinn Fein. The chapter describes the commitments contained in the Agreement as maximalists, and argues that these commitments will rebound, when they are not delivered, to the advantage of militants. Horowitz prefers, for Northern Ireland and elsewhere, what he calls an ‘incentives’ approach. The likeliest and most stable coalition resulting from this is one that includes moderates and excludes militants.Less
Horowitz's chapter is critical of the consociational aspects of Northern Ireland's Agreement. It views the ‘grand coalition’ executive at the heart of the Agreement as unwieldy because it includes the extremes, particularly Sinn Fein. The chapter describes the commitments contained in the Agreement as maximalists, and argues that these commitments will rebound, when they are not delivered, to the advantage of militants. Horowitz prefers, for Northern Ireland and elsewhere, what he calls an ‘incentives’ approach. The likeliest and most stable coalition resulting from this is one that includes moderates and excludes militants.
James Pattison
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199561049
- eISBN:
- 9780191722318
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199561049.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, International Relations and Politics
This book considers who should undertake humanitarian intervention in response to an ongoing or impending humanitarian crisis, such as found in Rwanda in early 1994, Kosovo in 1999, and Darfur more ...
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This book considers who should undertake humanitarian intervention in response to an ongoing or impending humanitarian crisis, such as found in Rwanda in early 1994, Kosovo in 1999, and Darfur more recently. The doctrine of the responsibility to protect asserts that when a state is failing to uphold its citizens' human rights, the international community has a responsibility to protect these citizens, including by undertaking humanitarian intervention. It is unclear, however, which particular agent should be tasked with this responsibility. Should we prefer intervention by the UN, NATO, a regional or subregional organization (such as the African Union), a state, a group of states, or someone else? This book answers this question by, first, determining which qualities of interveners are morally significant and, second, assessing the relative importance of these qualities. For instance, is it important that an intervener have a humanitarian motive? Should an intervener be welcomed by those it is trying to save? How important is it that an intervener will be effective and what does this mean in practice? The book then considers the more empirical question of whether (and to what extent) the current interveners actually possess these qualities, and therefore should intervene. For instance, how effective can we expect UN action to be in the future? Is NATO likely to use humanitarian means? Overall, it develops a particular normative conception of legitimacy for humanitarian intervention. It uses this conception of legitimacy to assess not only current interveners, but also the desirability of potential reforms to the mechanisms and agents of humanitarian intervention.Less
This book considers who should undertake humanitarian intervention in response to an ongoing or impending humanitarian crisis, such as found in Rwanda in early 1994, Kosovo in 1999, and Darfur more recently. The doctrine of the responsibility to protect asserts that when a state is failing to uphold its citizens' human rights, the international community has a responsibility to protect these citizens, including by undertaking humanitarian intervention. It is unclear, however, which particular agent should be tasked with this responsibility. Should we prefer intervention by the UN, NATO, a regional or subregional organization (such as the African Union), a state, a group of states, or someone else? This book answers this question by, first, determining which qualities of interveners are morally significant and, second, assessing the relative importance of these qualities. For instance, is it important that an intervener have a humanitarian motive? Should an intervener be welcomed by those it is trying to save? How important is it that an intervener will be effective and what does this mean in practice? The book then considers the more empirical question of whether (and to what extent) the current interveners actually possess these qualities, and therefore should intervene. For instance, how effective can we expect UN action to be in the future? Is NATO likely to use humanitarian means? Overall, it develops a particular normative conception of legitimacy for humanitarian intervention. It uses this conception of legitimacy to assess not only current interveners, but also the desirability of potential reforms to the mechanisms and agents of humanitarian intervention.
James Pattison
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199561049
- eISBN:
- 9780191722318
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199561049.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, International Relations and Politics
This chapter considers the importance of an intervener's effectiveness. It outlines and defends the ‘Moderate Instrumentalist Approach’. This holds that an intervener's effectiveness is the primary ...
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This chapter considers the importance of an intervener's effectiveness. It outlines and defends the ‘Moderate Instrumentalist Approach’. This holds that an intervener's effectiveness is the primary determinant of its legitimacy. More specifically, it distinguishes between three types of effectiveness—internal effectiveness, global external effectiveness, and local external effectiveness—and goes on to argue that effectiveness is a necessary condition of an intervener's legitimacy. The second part of this chapter fleshes out the Moderate Instrumentalist Approach in more detail. It considers what sort of timescale and comparison should be used to measure an agent's effectiveness (and, consequently, considers the importance of intervention being the last resort), and delineates the qualities that an intervener needs to possess in order to be effective. The end of the chapter considers two alternative approaches. The first, the ‘Non‐instrumentalist Approach’, holds that an intervener's effectiveness is of little moral concern. The second approach gives exclusive weight to an intervener's effectiveness—the ‘Extreme Instrumentalist Approach’.Less
This chapter considers the importance of an intervener's effectiveness. It outlines and defends the ‘Moderate Instrumentalist Approach’. This holds that an intervener's effectiveness is the primary determinant of its legitimacy. More specifically, it distinguishes between three types of effectiveness—internal effectiveness, global external effectiveness, and local external effectiveness—and goes on to argue that effectiveness is a necessary condition of an intervener's legitimacy. The second part of this chapter fleshes out the Moderate Instrumentalist Approach in more detail. It considers what sort of timescale and comparison should be used to measure an agent's effectiveness (and, consequently, considers the importance of intervention being the last resort), and delineates the qualities that an intervener needs to possess in order to be effective. The end of the chapter considers two alternative approaches. The first, the ‘Non‐instrumentalist Approach’, holds that an intervener's effectiveness is of little moral concern. The second approach gives exclusive weight to an intervener's effectiveness—the ‘Extreme Instrumentalist Approach’.
Berys Gaut
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199263219
- eISBN:
- 9780191718854
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199263219.003.0004
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Aesthetics
This chapter criticizes two kinds of autonomism. Radical autonomism holds that it makes no sense to evaluate artworks ethically. It is rejected by arguing that ethical evaluation of an artwork is ...
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This chapter criticizes two kinds of autonomism. Radical autonomism holds that it makes no sense to evaluate artworks ethically. It is rejected by arguing that ethical evaluation of an artwork is equivalent to evaluating ethically what the artist(s) did in the artwork, the artistic acts performed therein. Moderate autonomism holds that the intrinsic ethical merits or demerits of artworks are never aesthetically relevant. Moderate autonomist arguments by Gass, Posner, Anderson and Dean, and aesthetic attitude theorists are criticized and rejected. Finally, a criterion for when ethical merits and demerits are aesthetically relevant is proposed and defended.Less
This chapter criticizes two kinds of autonomism. Radical autonomism holds that it makes no sense to evaluate artworks ethically. It is rejected by arguing that ethical evaluation of an artwork is equivalent to evaluating ethically what the artist(s) did in the artwork, the artistic acts performed therein. Moderate autonomism holds that the intrinsic ethical merits or demerits of artworks are never aesthetically relevant. Moderate autonomist arguments by Gass, Posner, Anderson and Dean, and aesthetic attitude theorists are criticized and rejected. Finally, a criterion for when ethical merits and demerits are aesthetically relevant is proposed and defended.
Douglas S. Massey, Len Albright, Rebecca Casciano, Elizabeth Derickson, and David N. Kinsey
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780691196138
- eISBN:
- 9781400846047
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691196138.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Economic Sociology
Under the New Jersey State Constitution as interpreted by the State Supreme Court in 1975 and 1983, municipalities are required to use their zoning authority to create realistic opportunities for a ...
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Under the New Jersey State Constitution as interpreted by the State Supreme Court in 1975 and 1983, municipalities are required to use their zoning authority to create realistic opportunities for a fair share of affordable housing for low- and moderate-income households. Mount Laurel was the town at the center of the court decisions. As a result, Mount Laurel has become synonymous with the debate over affordable housing policy designed to create economically integrated communities. What was the impact of the Mount Laurel decision on those most affected by it? What does the case tell us about economic inequality? This book undertakes a systematic evaluation of the Ethel Lawrence Homes—a housing development produced as a result of the Mount Laurel decision. The book assesses the consequences for the surrounding neighborhoods and their inhabitants, the township of Mount Laurel, and the residents of the Ethel Lawrence Homes. Their analysis reveals what social scientists call neighborhood effects—the notion that neighborhoods can shape the life trajectories of their inhabitants. The book proves that the building of affordable housing projects is an efficacious, cost-effective approach to integration and improving the lives of the poor, with reasonable cost and no drawbacks for the community at large.Less
Under the New Jersey State Constitution as interpreted by the State Supreme Court in 1975 and 1983, municipalities are required to use their zoning authority to create realistic opportunities for a fair share of affordable housing for low- and moderate-income households. Mount Laurel was the town at the center of the court decisions. As a result, Mount Laurel has become synonymous with the debate over affordable housing policy designed to create economically integrated communities. What was the impact of the Mount Laurel decision on those most affected by it? What does the case tell us about economic inequality? This book undertakes a systematic evaluation of the Ethel Lawrence Homes—a housing development produced as a result of the Mount Laurel decision. The book assesses the consequences for the surrounding neighborhoods and their inhabitants, the township of Mount Laurel, and the residents of the Ethel Lawrence Homes. Their analysis reveals what social scientists call neighborhood effects—the notion that neighborhoods can shape the life trajectories of their inhabitants. The book proves that the building of affordable housing projects is an efficacious, cost-effective approach to integration and improving the lives of the poor, with reasonable cost and no drawbacks for the community at large.
Jeff Manza, Jennifer A. Heerwig, and Brian J. McCabe
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691133317
- eISBN:
- 9781400845569
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691133317.003.0005
- Subject:
- Sociology, Social Research and Statistics
This chapter asks whether conservatism in political affiliations, national spending priorities, and social issue stances grew between 1972 and 2006. Some trends certainly accord with this image: ...
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This chapter asks whether conservatism in political affiliations, national spending priorities, and social issue stances grew between 1972 and 2006. Some trends certainly accord with this image: Discernably more adults described themselves as “conservative” and identified as Republicans. Moreover, conservatives became much more apt to identify as Republicans, and gaps between Republicans and Democrats on some social issues widened, signaling limited rises in some forms of polarization. Other findings, however, are at odds with claims of a rising conservative tide. For example, in most years more adults described themselves as “moderate” than as either liberal or conservative. Public opinion favored spending increases rather than reductions in many domestic arenas, though Americans were reticent to call for greater government intervention. The overall portrait of political attitude trends observed is decidedly qualified and mixed.Less
This chapter asks whether conservatism in political affiliations, national spending priorities, and social issue stances grew between 1972 and 2006. Some trends certainly accord with this image: Discernably more adults described themselves as “conservative” and identified as Republicans. Moreover, conservatives became much more apt to identify as Republicans, and gaps between Republicans and Democrats on some social issues widened, signaling limited rises in some forms of polarization. Other findings, however, are at odds with claims of a rising conservative tide. For example, in most years more adults described themselves as “moderate” than as either liberal or conservative. Public opinion favored spending increases rather than reductions in many domestic arenas, though Americans were reticent to call for greater government intervention. The overall portrait of political attitude trends observed is decidedly qualified and mixed.
Azar Gat
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198207153
- eISBN:
- 9780191677519
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198207153.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, Military History, History of Ideas
This chapter discusses the Liddell Hart's works and theories on the concept of limited war, moderate peace and the strategy of indirect approach. Written in his younger days, most of his theories are ...
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This chapter discusses the Liddell Hart's works and theories on the concept of limited war, moderate peace and the strategy of indirect approach. Written in his younger days, most of his theories are met with criticisms which were bounded by assumptions that his ideas of the different strategies of war owe much recognition from Fuller and Clausewitz who were the prevailing military thinkers of their time. However by the turn of the 1930s, Liddell Hart amended his work and developed a full consciousness of the war that starkly contrasts his deemed immature view of the war. In his more mature yet less-known ideas, he cemented his contributions to the strategic theory and created true measure of his originality and sophistication.Less
This chapter discusses the Liddell Hart's works and theories on the concept of limited war, moderate peace and the strategy of indirect approach. Written in his younger days, most of his theories are met with criticisms which were bounded by assumptions that his ideas of the different strategies of war owe much recognition from Fuller and Clausewitz who were the prevailing military thinkers of their time. However by the turn of the 1930s, Liddell Hart amended his work and developed a full consciousness of the war that starkly contrasts his deemed immature view of the war. In his more mature yet less-known ideas, he cemented his contributions to the strategic theory and created true measure of his originality and sophistication.
Wendy L. Wall
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195329100
- eISBN:
- 9780199870226
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195329100.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
The entry of the U.S. into the war brought the federal government fully into the act of promoting national cohesion, and produced an infrastructure of institutions devoted to publicly defining for ...
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The entry of the U.S. into the war brought the federal government fully into the act of promoting national cohesion, and produced an infrastructure of institutions devoted to publicly defining for Americans their common ground. During the war, groups and individuals across the political spectrum warned of the Nazi tactic of “divide and conquer,” and promoted cooperation among subgroups in American society. Beneath this broad canopy of consensus, however, sharp ideological differences remained. This chapter explores the different visions of America offered by anti-fascists and by those who portrayed America’s enemy as totalitarianisms of both right and left. It then considers the implications of the emphasis on national unity for labor and business. The CIO largely abandoned its militant idiom during the war, and business groups too increasingly moderated their tone. Led by Chamber of Commerce president Eric Johnston, business moderates urged Americans to embrace the politics of consensus and argued that all would benefit from a harmonious and productive society in which business rather than government took the lead.Less
The entry of the U.S. into the war brought the federal government fully into the act of promoting national cohesion, and produced an infrastructure of institutions devoted to publicly defining for Americans their common ground. During the war, groups and individuals across the political spectrum warned of the Nazi tactic of “divide and conquer,” and promoted cooperation among subgroups in American society. Beneath this broad canopy of consensus, however, sharp ideological differences remained. This chapter explores the different visions of America offered by anti-fascists and by those who portrayed America’s enemy as totalitarianisms of both right and left. It then considers the implications of the emphasis on national unity for labor and business. The CIO largely abandoned its militant idiom during the war, and business groups too increasingly moderated their tone. Led by Chamber of Commerce president Eric Johnston, business moderates urged Americans to embrace the politics of consensus and argued that all would benefit from a harmonious and productive society in which business rather than government took the lead.
WILLIAM DUSINBERRE
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195326031
- eISBN:
- 9780199868308
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195326031.003.0011
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
Although during the 1840s James Polk cultivated the image of a Southern moderate on the slavery question, his early career contradicted this impression. In 1832 he had provoked a furious debate in ...
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Although during the 1840s James Polk cultivated the image of a Southern moderate on the slavery question, his early career contradicted this impression. In 1832 he had provoked a furious debate in the U.S. House of Representatives, aimed at discouraging any criticism there of slavery, which foreshadowed later debates over the “gag rule.” In October 1839, as governor of Tennessee, he publicly adopted the Calhounite view that it would be unconstitutional for the federal government to take any antislavery action, even in the District of Columbia or in the federal territories. Both publicly and behind the scenes, Polk promoted the view that disunionism would be an inevitable consequence of the enactment of the (allegedly) abolitionist-tainted slavery policies of the Whig Party. Polk acted from political conviction, but also in accordance with his own economic interest, as he doubled his Mississippi plantation investment during the twelve months before October 1839.Less
Although during the 1840s James Polk cultivated the image of a Southern moderate on the slavery question, his early career contradicted this impression. In 1832 he had provoked a furious debate in the U.S. House of Representatives, aimed at discouraging any criticism there of slavery, which foreshadowed later debates over the “gag rule.” In October 1839, as governor of Tennessee, he publicly adopted the Calhounite view that it would be unconstitutional for the federal government to take any antislavery action, even in the District of Columbia or in the federal territories. Both publicly and behind the scenes, Polk promoted the view that disunionism would be an inevitable consequence of the enactment of the (allegedly) abolitionist-tainted slavery policies of the Whig Party. Polk acted from political conviction, but also in accordance with his own economic interest, as he doubled his Mississippi plantation investment during the twelve months before October 1839.
D. Bruce Hindmarsh
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- April 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199245758
- eISBN:
- 9780191602436
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199245754.003.0009
- Subject:
- Religion, Church History
Picks up the story of conversion narrative among evangelical Anglicans through a close reading of three case studies. Associated with the town of Olney, John Newton, William Cowper, and Thomas Scott ...
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Picks up the story of conversion narrative among evangelical Anglicans through a close reading of three case studies. Associated with the town of Olney, John Newton, William Cowper, and Thomas Scott lived near one another in the north-eastern corner of Buckinghamshire, where Newton and Scott were clergymen in the Church of England, and Cowper was a local gentleman-poet living on patronage. Like most evangelical Anglicans, they were moderate Calvinists when they wrote their narratives in the 1760s and 1770s, and the Calvinistic order of salvation provided a model for their self-understanding. However, in their autobiographies we find a vivid display of personality that appears not despite the presence of a model, but because of it. Within a similar theological framework, Newton interpreted his life typologically, Scott intellectually, and Cowper psychologically—each offering a unique expression of personal adherence to a common gospel.Less
Picks up the story of conversion narrative among evangelical Anglicans through a close reading of three case studies. Associated with the town of Olney, John Newton, William Cowper, and Thomas Scott lived near one another in the north-eastern corner of Buckinghamshire, where Newton and Scott were clergymen in the Church of England, and Cowper was a local gentleman-poet living on patronage. Like most evangelical Anglicans, they were moderate Calvinists when they wrote their narratives in the 1760s and 1770s, and the Calvinistic order of salvation provided a model for their self-understanding. However, in their autobiographies we find a vivid display of personality that appears not despite the presence of a model, but because of it. Within a similar theological framework, Newton interpreted his life typologically, Scott intellectually, and Cowper psychologically—each offering a unique expression of personal adherence to a common gospel.
Aurelian Craiutu
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691146768
- eISBN:
- 9781400842421
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691146768.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
Political moderation is the touchstone of democracy, which could not function without compromise and bargaining, yet it is one of the most understudied concepts in political theory. How can we ...
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Political moderation is the touchstone of democracy, which could not function without compromise and bargaining, yet it is one of the most understudied concepts in political theory. How can we explain this striking paradox? Why do we often underestimate the virtue of moderation? Seeking to answer these questions, this book examines moderation in modern French political thought and sheds light on the French Revolution and its legacy. The book begins with classical thinkers who extolled the virtues of a moderate approach to politics, such as Aristotle and Cicero. It then shows how Montesquieu inaugurated the modern rebirth of this tradition by laying the intellectual foundations for moderate government. The book looks at important figures such as Jacques Necker, Germaine de Staël, and Benjamin Constant, not only in the context of revolutionary France but throughout Europe. It traces how moderation evolves from an individual moral virtue into a set of institutional arrangements calculated to protect individual liberty, and explores the deep affinity between political moderation and constitutional complexity. The book demonstrates how moderation navigates between political extremes, and it challenges the common notion that moderation is an essentially conservative virtue, stressing instead its eclectic nature. Drawing on a broad range of writings in political theory, the history of political thought, philosophy, and law, the book reveals how the virtue of political moderation can address the profound complexities of the world today.Less
Political moderation is the touchstone of democracy, which could not function without compromise and bargaining, yet it is one of the most understudied concepts in political theory. How can we explain this striking paradox? Why do we often underestimate the virtue of moderation? Seeking to answer these questions, this book examines moderation in modern French political thought and sheds light on the French Revolution and its legacy. The book begins with classical thinkers who extolled the virtues of a moderate approach to politics, such as Aristotle and Cicero. It then shows how Montesquieu inaugurated the modern rebirth of this tradition by laying the intellectual foundations for moderate government. The book looks at important figures such as Jacques Necker, Germaine de Staël, and Benjamin Constant, not only in the context of revolutionary France but throughout Europe. It traces how moderation evolves from an individual moral virtue into a set of institutional arrangements calculated to protect individual liberty, and explores the deep affinity between political moderation and constitutional complexity. The book demonstrates how moderation navigates between political extremes, and it challenges the common notion that moderation is an essentially conservative virtue, stressing instead its eclectic nature. Drawing on a broad range of writings in political theory, the history of political thought, philosophy, and law, the book reveals how the virtue of political moderation can address the profound complexities of the world today.
Valerie Tiberius
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199202867
- eISBN:
- 9780191707988
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199202867.003.0005
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Moral Philosophy
This chapter discusses the virtue of self-awareness. Moderate self-awareness helps us to live self-directed lives that we can endorse from a reflective point of view. It consists in the capacity for ...
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This chapter discusses the virtue of self-awareness. Moderate self-awareness helps us to live self-directed lives that we can endorse from a reflective point of view. It consists in the capacity for self-criticism, an openness to various sources of information about oneself, and humility about what one can find out. Tempered by wisdom, self-awareness comprises a set of skills that operate within certain boundaries and are particularly relevant to the context of decision making. Having the virtue of self-awareness requires some success in applying these capacities and actually achieving some knowledge of facts about oneself that are important to one's practical life.Less
This chapter discusses the virtue of self-awareness. Moderate self-awareness helps us to live self-directed lives that we can endorse from a reflective point of view. It consists in the capacity for self-criticism, an openness to various sources of information about oneself, and humility about what one can find out. Tempered by wisdom, self-awareness comprises a set of skills that operate within certain boundaries and are particularly relevant to the context of decision making. Having the virtue of self-awareness requires some success in applying these capacities and actually achieving some knowledge of facts about oneself that are important to one's practical life.
CHRISTOPHER DUGGAN
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780198206118
- eISBN:
- 9780191717178
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198206118.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
Francesco Crispi resigned from Giuseppe Garibaldi's government, but the magnanimity that he was determined to show in defeat was not displayed by the moderates in victory. The hostility of the ...
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Francesco Crispi resigned from Giuseppe Garibaldi's government, but the magnanimity that he was determined to show in defeat was not displayed by the moderates in victory. The hostility of the moderates towards those who had fought to free Naples and Sicily from the Bourbons gathered momentum after Garibaldi had left for Caprera. Crispi agreed to stand for parliament in the third college in Palermo, but he was defeated in the first ballot by the moderate candidate, the Marquis di Torrearsa. He was then elected to the college of Castelvetrano. Crispi entered parliament with a set of ideas forged over a period of more than twenty years in politics. The idea of ‘the nation’ was a crucial element in Crispi's political thought. After the capture of Rome in 1870, Crispi's idea of an ongoing national revolution in Italy began to assume a more problematic character.Less
Francesco Crispi resigned from Giuseppe Garibaldi's government, but the magnanimity that he was determined to show in defeat was not displayed by the moderates in victory. The hostility of the moderates towards those who had fought to free Naples and Sicily from the Bourbons gathered momentum after Garibaldi had left for Caprera. Crispi agreed to stand for parliament in the third college in Palermo, but he was defeated in the first ballot by the moderate candidate, the Marquis di Torrearsa. He was then elected to the college of Castelvetrano. Crispi entered parliament with a set of ideas forged over a period of more than twenty years in politics. The idea of ‘the nation’ was a crucial element in Crispi's political thought. After the capture of Rome in 1870, Crispi's idea of an ongoing national revolution in Italy began to assume a more problematic character.
Jason A. Springs
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195395044
- eISBN:
- 9780199866243
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Discontinued
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195395044.003.0005
- Subject:
- Religion, Theology
Chapter 5 addresses the feasibility of Frei's likening his theological approach to the cultural ethnographer's task of "thick description." Some critics claim that Frei's borrowing from cultural ...
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Chapter 5 addresses the feasibility of Frei's likening his theological approach to the cultural ethnographer's task of "thick description." Some critics claim that Frei's borrowing from cultural anthropology results in an overly integrated and unified conception of "the church" and its practices. Others charge that his approach reduces theology to redescription of the logic internal to Christian practices, thereby eliminating the capacity to make truth claims or to correct Christian malpractice. This chapter responds to these charges, demonstrating that, rather than simply mimicking anthropological procedures, Frei's portrayal of the theological task in terms of reflexively ethnographic redescription does not forgo the ability-even the necessity-to make propositional truth claims.Less
Chapter 5 addresses the feasibility of Frei's likening his theological approach to the cultural ethnographer's task of "thick description." Some critics claim that Frei's borrowing from cultural anthropology results in an overly integrated and unified conception of "the church" and its practices. Others charge that his approach reduces theology to redescription of the logic internal to Christian practices, thereby eliminating the capacity to make truth claims or to correct Christian malpractice. This chapter responds to these charges, demonstrating that, rather than simply mimicking anthropological procedures, Frei's portrayal of the theological task in terms of reflexively ethnographic redescription does not forgo the ability-even the necessity-to make propositional truth claims.
Peter Forrest
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199214587
- eISBN:
- 9780191706523
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199214587.003.0004
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Aesthetics, Philosophy of Religion
This chapter rejects reductive materialism (in favour of moderate materialism), as are various kinds of dualism. It discusses the correlation of the mental with the physical, together with the qualia ...
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This chapter rejects reductive materialism (in favour of moderate materialism), as are various kinds of dualism. It discusses the correlation of the mental with the physical, together with the qualia problem, which seems to support dualism. This provides the positive case for moderate materialism. Even if it is rejected, a philosophical theology based upon it remains of interest because of the current popularity of materialism. In addition there is a serious dilemma for dualists who are theists: either the psycho-physical laws are exceptions to the way in which the laws of nature are the result of God's choice, or these laws undermine the precedent that human agency sets for the postulate of divine agency.Less
This chapter rejects reductive materialism (in favour of moderate materialism), as are various kinds of dualism. It discusses the correlation of the mental with the physical, together with the qualia problem, which seems to support dualism. This provides the positive case for moderate materialism. Even if it is rejected, a philosophical theology based upon it remains of interest because of the current popularity of materialism. In addition there is a serious dilemma for dualists who are theists: either the psycho-physical laws are exceptions to the way in which the laws of nature are the result of God's choice, or these laws undermine the precedent that human agency sets for the postulate of divine agency.
