Seyyed Vali Reza Nasr
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195144260
- eISBN:
- 9780199833931
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195144260.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The Zia ul‐Haq regime adopted state‐led Islamization to shore up waning state power. It adopted aspects of Islamist ideology to reshape the country's judicial and political structures. This strategy ...
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The Zia ul‐Haq regime adopted state‐led Islamization to shore up waning state power. It adopted aspects of Islamist ideology to reshape the country's judicial and political structures. This strategy expanded state power after years of domestic strife and at a time when Pakistan was involved in the Afghan War. The policy was also used to legitimate military rule, providing a justification for its continuation as demands for democratization grew. The Islamization strategy firmly entrenched the postcolonial state in Islamic ideology and allowed the military to ally itself with Islamist forces to achieve its goals.Less
The Zia ul‐Haq regime adopted state‐led Islamization to shore up waning state power. It adopted aspects of Islamist ideology to reshape the country's judicial and political structures. This strategy expanded state power after years of domestic strife and at a time when Pakistan was involved in the Afghan War. The policy was also used to legitimate military rule, providing a justification for its continuation as demands for democratization grew. The Islamization strategy firmly entrenched the postcolonial state in Islamic ideology and allowed the military to ally itself with Islamist forces to achieve its goals.
Zoltan Barany
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691137681
- eISBN:
- 9781400845491
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691137681.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter describes the politics following Argentina's and Chile's last bout with authoritarianism. In spite of some important similarities between Argentina and Chile, military rule and the ...
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This chapter describes the politics following Argentina's and Chile's last bout with authoritarianism. In spite of some important similarities between Argentina and Chile, military rule and the subsequent democratization process have been dissimilar. The chapter argues that the disparate performance of the Argentine and Chilean praetorian elites yielded for them different bargains with the opposition. These different deals led to vastly different outcomes, that is, profound disparities between military politics in contemporary Chile and Argentina. In Chile, democratizers have succeeded in gradually reducing the military's political autonomy to a level acceptable by democratic standards. On the other hand, their Argentine colleagues have gone too far in what has amounted to a virtual vendetta against the military as an institution and, in the process, seriously impaired its ability to protect and project Argentine national interests. The chapter's secondary case is Guatemala, a Central American state ruled for most of the Cold War by unusually brutal military dictators.Less
This chapter describes the politics following Argentina's and Chile's last bout with authoritarianism. In spite of some important similarities between Argentina and Chile, military rule and the subsequent democratization process have been dissimilar. The chapter argues that the disparate performance of the Argentine and Chilean praetorian elites yielded for them different bargains with the opposition. These different deals led to vastly different outcomes, that is, profound disparities between military politics in contemporary Chile and Argentina. In Chile, democratizers have succeeded in gradually reducing the military's political autonomy to a level acceptable by democratic standards. On the other hand, their Argentine colleagues have gone too far in what has amounted to a virtual vendetta against the military as an institution and, in the process, seriously impaired its ability to protect and project Argentine national interests. The chapter's secondary case is Guatemala, a Central American state ruled for most of the Cold War by unusually brutal military dictators.
Zoltan Barany
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691137681
- eISBN:
- 9781400845491
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691137681.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter focuses on Ghana, Tanzania, and Botswana. During the periods under study here, Ghana experienced intermittent military rule while Tanzania was a socialist state; their armed forces were ...
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This chapter focuses on Ghana, Tanzania, and Botswana. During the periods under study here, Ghana experienced intermittent military rule while Tanzania was a socialist state; their armed forces were not committed to democracy and, in Ghana's case, not even to civilian rule. Unlike Ghana, Tanzania was successful in establishing civilian control over the armed forces. Civilian control must not be confused with democratic control, however. In Tanzania, civilian control was unitary, the party-state's domination of the armed forces hardly surprising considering there was no independent legislature, judiciary, or any other political organization free of TANU/CCM control. Tanzania's example demonstrates that civilian control can be successful while incorporating the armed forces into the general political arena. Botswana's situation is similar to Tanzania's insofar as one party has ruled the country since independence, but with the major difference that in Botswana, during the same time period, free elections have been held at regular intervals.Less
This chapter focuses on Ghana, Tanzania, and Botswana. During the periods under study here, Ghana experienced intermittent military rule while Tanzania was a socialist state; their armed forces were not committed to democracy and, in Ghana's case, not even to civilian rule. Unlike Ghana, Tanzania was successful in establishing civilian control over the armed forces. Civilian control must not be confused with democratic control, however. In Tanzania, civilian control was unitary, the party-state's domination of the armed forces hardly surprising considering there was no independent legislature, judiciary, or any other political organization free of TANU/CCM control. Tanzania's example demonstrates that civilian control can be successful while incorporating the armed forces into the general political arena. Botswana's situation is similar to Tanzania's insofar as one party has ruled the country since independence, but with the major difference that in Botswana, during the same time period, free elections have been held at regular intervals.
A. S. Morrison
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199547371
- eISBN:
- 9780191720710
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199547371.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, Asian History
This chapter focuses on the military bureaucracy and its personnel. It uncovers the social background, education, and training of the officers seconded to administrative posts, and assesses their ...
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This chapter focuses on the military bureaucracy and its personnel. It uncovers the social background, education, and training of the officers seconded to administrative posts, and assesses their competence vis-à-vis their Anglo-Indian counterparts.Less
This chapter focuses on the military bureaucracy and its personnel. It uncovers the social background, education, and training of the officers seconded to administrative posts, and assesses their competence vis-à-vis their Anglo-Indian counterparts.
Zoltan Barany
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691137681
- eISBN:
- 9781400845491
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691137681.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This concluding chapter assesses the arguments of this study. The fundamental contention of this book is that consolidated democracies cannot exist without military elites committed to democratic ...
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This concluding chapter assesses the arguments of this study. The fundamental contention of this book is that consolidated democracies cannot exist without military elites committed to democratic governance, that their support is a necessary if insufficient condition of democratization. It also argues that the six settings—major war, civil war, military rule, communism, colonialism, and (re)unification and apartheid—present different challenges to would-be democratizers intent on crafting democratic armies and civil–military relations. Finally, it contends that it is virtually impossible to come up with a general theory that provides substantive and useful explanations for civil–military relations in such diverse political and socioeconomic environments. The chapter then outlines the policies and conditions that advance or inhibit the development of armies supportive of democratic rule.Less
This concluding chapter assesses the arguments of this study. The fundamental contention of this book is that consolidated democracies cannot exist without military elites committed to democratic governance, that their support is a necessary if insufficient condition of democratization. It also argues that the six settings—major war, civil war, military rule, communism, colonialism, and (re)unification and apartheid—present different challenges to would-be democratizers intent on crafting democratic armies and civil–military relations. Finally, it contends that it is virtually impossible to come up with a general theory that provides substantive and useful explanations for civil–military relations in such diverse political and socioeconomic environments. The chapter then outlines the policies and conditions that advance or inhibit the development of armies supportive of democratic rule.
Luis Roniger and Mario Sznajder
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198296157
- eISBN:
- 9780191685200
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198296157.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The new democracies of the Southern Cone have publicly professed to reject and condemn the uses of the state power in various forms against citizens under military rule, thus dissociating themselves ...
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The new democracies of the Southern Cone have publicly professed to reject and condemn the uses of the state power in various forms against citizens under military rule, thus dissociating themselves from their predecessors. And yet the experiences of military rule have become a grim legacy, raising major issues and dilemmas to the forefront of the public agenda. This book analyses the struggles and debates, the institutional paths and crises that took place in these societies following redemocratization in the 1980s and 1990s, as they confronted the legacy of violations committed under previous authoritarian governments and as the democratic administrations tried to balance normative principles and political contingency. It also traces how these trends affected the development of politics of oblivion and memory and the restructuring of collective identity and solidarity following redemocratization.Less
The new democracies of the Southern Cone have publicly professed to reject and condemn the uses of the state power in various forms against citizens under military rule, thus dissociating themselves from their predecessors. And yet the experiences of military rule have become a grim legacy, raising major issues and dilemmas to the forefront of the public agenda. This book analyses the struggles and debates, the institutional paths and crises that took place in these societies following redemocratization in the 1980s and 1990s, as they confronted the legacy of violations committed under previous authoritarian governments and as the democratic administrations tried to balance normative principles and political contingency. It also traces how these trends affected the development of politics of oblivion and memory and the restructuring of collective identity and solidarity following redemocratization.
Richard Cockett
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780300204513
- eISBN:
- 9780300215984
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300204513.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, Asian History
This chapter traces how the Burmese generals who took power after the early 1960s deliberately set about to change the system of a plural society in the name of Burman nationalism. It was an agenda ...
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This chapter traces how the Burmese generals who took power after the early 1960s deliberately set about to change the system of a plural society in the name of Burman nationalism. It was an agenda of “race and religion,” directed against not only the colonial-era immigrants but also those ethnic groups on the fringes of the old Burman kingdom. The near destruction of Burma's plural society was achieved in two phases, by the Japanese invasion in early 1942 and then by the imposition of military rule in 1962. After the nation's period of independence and a benign leadership under its first prime minister, in 1962 the country was overtaken by a military coup, which attempted to create a disastrous communist-style nationalised economy—i.e. the “Burmese Way to Socialism.”Less
This chapter traces how the Burmese generals who took power after the early 1960s deliberately set about to change the system of a plural society in the name of Burman nationalism. It was an agenda of “race and religion,” directed against not only the colonial-era immigrants but also those ethnic groups on the fringes of the old Burman kingdom. The near destruction of Burma's plural society was achieved in two phases, by the Japanese invasion in early 1942 and then by the imposition of military rule in 1962. After the nation's period of independence and a benign leadership under its first prime minister, in 1962 the country was overtaken by a military coup, which attempted to create a disastrous communist-style nationalised economy—i.e. the “Burmese Way to Socialism.”
Susan C. Stokes
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520086173
- eISBN:
- 9780520916234
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520086173.003.0003
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Latin American Cultural Anthropology
This chapter explores the transformation of lower-class political life during the period of military rule in the seventies. The regime of Juan Velasco Alvarado has been interpreted as corporatist, or ...
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This chapter explores the transformation of lower-class political life during the period of military rule in the seventies. The regime of Juan Velasco Alvarado has been interpreted as corporatist, or at least as aspiring to install an “inclusionary” corporatist-style system of interest representation. The Velasco experience illustrates the difficulty that inclusionary corporatists face in creating ties with the lower classes which move beyond clientelism, on the one hand, and in remaining in control of the mobilization they are likely to produce, on the other. It also illustrates the difficulty of constructing a corporatist system organized not around the labor movement but around residential communities of the poor.Less
This chapter explores the transformation of lower-class political life during the period of military rule in the seventies. The regime of Juan Velasco Alvarado has been interpreted as corporatist, or at least as aspiring to install an “inclusionary” corporatist-style system of interest representation. The Velasco experience illustrates the difficulty that inclusionary corporatists face in creating ties with the lower classes which move beyond clientelism, on the one hand, and in remaining in control of the mobilization they are likely to produce, on the other. It also illustrates the difficulty of constructing a corporatist system organized not around the labor movement but around residential communities of the poor.
David Styan
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780719089305
- eISBN:
- 9781526135858
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719089305.003.0016
- Subject:
- History, Imperialism and Colonialism
David Styan interprets the evolution of political violence in Chad between independence in 1960 and its fifty-year anniversary of 2010. Styan first looks at the successive phases of military rule and ...
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David Styan interprets the evolution of political violence in Chad between independence in 1960 and its fifty-year anniversary of 2010. Styan first looks at the successive phases of military rule and their effect on violent practices. The author argues that, given the repeated attempts to violently seize state power in N’Djamena, Chad is probably the least cohesive state produced by the decolonization of French Equatorial Africa in 1960. Styan links these observations to Idriss Déby’s efforts to extend his two decades as president through an electoral victory in 2011, in which the author sees a clear relationship between violence, power, and electoral legitimization. In this context, the chapter comes to the role of France’s ongoing political and military links with Chad, contributing to the maintenance and regulation of internal political violence. Styan notably questions the effects of the defence accords between N’Djamena and Paris, and of the presence of the French units of Opération Epervier, thereby linking post-colonial violence to supposedly neocolonial politics.Less
David Styan interprets the evolution of political violence in Chad between independence in 1960 and its fifty-year anniversary of 2010. Styan first looks at the successive phases of military rule and their effect on violent practices. The author argues that, given the repeated attempts to violently seize state power in N’Djamena, Chad is probably the least cohesive state produced by the decolonization of French Equatorial Africa in 1960. Styan links these observations to Idriss Déby’s efforts to extend his two decades as president through an electoral victory in 2011, in which the author sees a clear relationship between violence, power, and electoral legitimization. In this context, the chapter comes to the role of France’s ongoing political and military links with Chad, contributing to the maintenance and regulation of internal political violence. Styan notably questions the effects of the defence accords between N’Djamena and Paris, and of the presence of the French units of Opération Epervier, thereby linking post-colonial violence to supposedly neocolonial politics.
Neve Gordon
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520255302
- eISBN:
- 9780520942363
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520255302.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
This chapter illustrates how Israel consolidated its military rule in the Occupied Territories (OT) by increasing the inhabitants' economic productivity while diminishing their political ...
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This chapter illustrates how Israel consolidated its military rule in the Occupied Territories (OT) by increasing the inhabitants' economic productivity while diminishing their political capabilities. It begins by briefly describing the coercive measures Israel employed to crush all oppositional forces, and then discusses some of the changes introduced in the education system in order to suppress both national identification and political aspirations. The chapter then describes how, alongside its efforts to quell the population's desire for emancipation, Israel encouraged economic practises that promoted Palestinian prosperity and, in this manner, hoped to normalize the occupation.Less
This chapter illustrates how Israel consolidated its military rule in the Occupied Territories (OT) by increasing the inhabitants' economic productivity while diminishing their political capabilities. It begins by briefly describing the coercive measures Israel employed to crush all oppositional forces, and then discusses some of the changes introduced in the education system in order to suppress both national identification and political aspirations. The chapter then describes how, alongside its efforts to quell the population's desire for emancipation, Israel encouraged economic practises that promoted Palestinian prosperity and, in this manner, hoped to normalize the occupation.
Baldev Raj Nayar
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- October 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195693034
- eISBN:
- 9780199081783
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195693034.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
Pakistan has experienced three major military coups d’éétat (1958, 1977, 1999), and has been ruled by the military on three different occasions (1958–1971, 1977–1988, 1999–). Even when it has been ...
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Pakistan has experienced three major military coups d’éétat (1958, 1977, 1999), and has been ruled by the military on three different occasions (1958–1971, 1977–1988, 1999–). Even when it has been under civilian rule, the military has remained in control of government. Moreover, the civilian bureaucracy and the key institutions of society have been purposely penetrated by the military and its intelligence services. Whereas a major divide exists in India in the post-Independence years, Pakistan has alternated/oscillated between a low and a high growth rate, at least over the first five of the six different periods. Geopolitics and national security have strongly influenced the outcome. This chapter discusses military rule, alliances, and economic development in Pakistan as well as the role of Islam in the country. The author goes on to discuss Pakistan’s relations with the United States and how geopolitics has played a pre-eminent role in its economic development. It also examines the nature and consequences of foreign aid to Pakistan.Less
Pakistan has experienced three major military coups d’éétat (1958, 1977, 1999), and has been ruled by the military on three different occasions (1958–1971, 1977–1988, 1999–). Even when it has been under civilian rule, the military has remained in control of government. Moreover, the civilian bureaucracy and the key institutions of society have been purposely penetrated by the military and its intelligence services. Whereas a major divide exists in India in the post-Independence years, Pakistan has alternated/oscillated between a low and a high growth rate, at least over the first five of the six different periods. Geopolitics and national security have strongly influenced the outcome. This chapter discusses military rule, alliances, and economic development in Pakistan as well as the role of Islam in the country. The author goes on to discuss Pakistan’s relations with the United States and how geopolitics has played a pre-eminent role in its economic development. It also examines the nature and consequences of foreign aid to Pakistan.
David M. K. Sheinin
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780813042398
- eISBN:
- 9780813043005
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813042398.003.0002
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Latin American Studies
Middle-class, urban Argentines bought into a dictatorship-era fantasy of normalcy, modernization, and an Argentina on track to “overcome” its chaotic past. That fantasy—as read in part by Argentines ...
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Middle-class, urban Argentines bought into a dictatorship-era fantasy of normalcy, modernization, and an Argentina on track to “overcome” its chaotic past. That fantasy—as read in part by Argentines through the rise of two sports figures, Carlos Reutemann and Guillermo Vilas—exposes the falsity of a binary that posits only two dictatorship-era identities, either pro- or anti-dictatorship. There were grey zones where Argentines, appalled at state-sponsored terror, might at the same time dream about the sort of modernized Argentina promised by military rule. While many Argentines wish for and remember a dictatorship era in which every Argentine struggled against human rights violations, and in which the military government found itself isolated in an international community of outraged nation states, the reality is foggy and complicated. Many fought abuses. But many more reacted to news of disappearances with the well-known dictum “por algo sera” (“there must have been a good reason”).Less
Middle-class, urban Argentines bought into a dictatorship-era fantasy of normalcy, modernization, and an Argentina on track to “overcome” its chaotic past. That fantasy—as read in part by Argentines through the rise of two sports figures, Carlos Reutemann and Guillermo Vilas—exposes the falsity of a binary that posits only two dictatorship-era identities, either pro- or anti-dictatorship. There were grey zones where Argentines, appalled at state-sponsored terror, might at the same time dream about the sort of modernized Argentina promised by military rule. While many Argentines wish for and remember a dictatorship era in which every Argentine struggled against human rights violations, and in which the military government found itself isolated in an international community of outraged nation states, the reality is foggy and complicated. Many fought abuses. But many more reacted to news of disappearances with the well-known dictum “por algo sera” (“there must have been a good reason”).
David M. K. Sheinin
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780813042398
- eISBN:
- 9780813043005
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813042398.003.0005
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Latin American Studies
With the fall of the dictatorship at the end of 1983, Argentines embarked on a three-decade search for answers and justice. All the same, the aftermath of military rule in Argentina did not wipe the ...
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With the fall of the dictatorship at the end of 1983, Argentines embarked on a three-decade search for answers and justice. All the same, the aftermath of military rule in Argentina did not wipe the slate clean on human rights for the new government of President Raúl Alfonsín. Elected on his reputation as a human rights lawyer, Alfonsín faced immediate intransigence from military officers determined to maintain their failed illusion of a dictatorship in defence of human rights. There was a rapid and extensive creation of human rights agencies. The new bureaucracy was designed to erase the legacies of military rule while creating a culture of human rights that celebrated the victory over dictatorship-era abuses. Argentines were hopeful of swift justice and punishment for newly ousted military leaders. It came, but only in part. In conjunction with shifts in domestic policy, the Alfonsín administration quickly set about making Argentina an international leader on human rights, establishing mandates and deadlines for results that were impossibly optimistic. Faced with a barrage of foreign pressures to make the disappeared appear, the new government’s record was mixed.Less
With the fall of the dictatorship at the end of 1983, Argentines embarked on a three-decade search for answers and justice. All the same, the aftermath of military rule in Argentina did not wipe the slate clean on human rights for the new government of President Raúl Alfonsín. Elected on his reputation as a human rights lawyer, Alfonsín faced immediate intransigence from military officers determined to maintain their failed illusion of a dictatorship in defence of human rights. There was a rapid and extensive creation of human rights agencies. The new bureaucracy was designed to erase the legacies of military rule while creating a culture of human rights that celebrated the victory over dictatorship-era abuses. Argentines were hopeful of swift justice and punishment for newly ousted military leaders. It came, but only in part. In conjunction with shifts in domestic policy, the Alfonsín administration quickly set about making Argentina an international leader on human rights, establishing mandates and deadlines for results that were impossibly optimistic. Faced with a barrage of foreign pressures to make the disappeared appear, the new government’s record was mixed.
Susan C. Stokes
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520086173
- eISBN:
- 9780520916234
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520086173.003.0004
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Latin American Cultural Anthropology
This chapter analyzes how these movements of the urban poor persisted under renewed civilian rule in the 1980s and early 1990s, without fully displacing a “clientelist” pattern of accommodation. In ...
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This chapter analyzes how these movements of the urban poor persisted under renewed civilian rule in the 1980s and early 1990s, without fully displacing a “clientelist” pattern of accommodation. In March 1980, presidential and parliamentary elections were held for the first time in twelve years, bringing an end to Peru's longest period of military rule in this century. But the heritage of military rule under Velasco shaped lower-class politics after the state returned to civilian control. This heritage was nowhere clearer than in the persistence of a rights-oriented and confrontational politics among segments of the urban poor.Less
This chapter analyzes how these movements of the urban poor persisted under renewed civilian rule in the 1980s and early 1990s, without fully displacing a “clientelist” pattern of accommodation. In March 1980, presidential and parliamentary elections were held for the first time in twelve years, bringing an end to Peru's longest period of military rule in this century. But the heritage of military rule under Velasco shaped lower-class politics after the state returned to civilian control. This heritage was nowhere clearer than in the persistence of a rights-oriented and confrontational politics among segments of the urban poor.
Stephen Constantine
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719076350
- eISBN:
- 9781781702048
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719076350.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
The military conquest of 1704 was followed by failure and frustration. The occupation of Gibraltar in the name of ‘King Charles III’ was not the prelude, as expected, to his triumphant enthronement ...
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The military conquest of 1704 was followed by failure and frustration. The occupation of Gibraltar in the name of ‘King Charles III’ was not the prelude, as expected, to his triumphant enthronement in Madrid. As a result, and consequent upon partition and the containment of allied troops behind the walls of a fortified town at the south end of an isthmus on the tip of southern Europe, the problem arose as to who would thereafter govern Gibraltar, and how. There was the question of whether the separation between Gibraltar and mainland Spain would be reversed and, if so, how and on what terms. This chapter examines Gibraltar's government and politics during 1704–1819. It looks at the territory as a British fortress, military rule, civilian politics, cooperation and protest, and civic self-government. The chapter also explores efforts to bring Gibraltar constitutionally into line with towns in Britain and indeed in other parts of the eighteenth-century colonial empire.Less
The military conquest of 1704 was followed by failure and frustration. The occupation of Gibraltar in the name of ‘King Charles III’ was not the prelude, as expected, to his triumphant enthronement in Madrid. As a result, and consequent upon partition and the containment of allied troops behind the walls of a fortified town at the south end of an isthmus on the tip of southern Europe, the problem arose as to who would thereafter govern Gibraltar, and how. There was the question of whether the separation between Gibraltar and mainland Spain would be reversed and, if so, how and on what terms. This chapter examines Gibraltar's government and politics during 1704–1819. It looks at the territory as a British fortress, military rule, civilian politics, cooperation and protest, and civic self-government. The chapter also explores efforts to bring Gibraltar constitutionally into line with towns in Britain and indeed in other parts of the eighteenth-century colonial empire.
Joel Gordon
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9789774167782
- eISBN:
- 9781617978180
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- American University in Cairo Press
- DOI:
- 10.5743/cairo/9789774167782.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
This book explores the early years of military rule in Egypt following the Free Officers' coup d'etat of 1952. Enriched by interviews with actors in and observers of the events, the book shows how ...
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This book explores the early years of military rule in Egypt following the Free Officers' coup d'etat of 1952. Enriched by interviews with actors in and observers of the events, the book shows how the officers' belief in a quick reformation by force was transformed into a vital, long-term process that changed the face of Egypt. Under Gamal Abdel Nasser, the military regime launched an ambitious program of social, economic, and political reform. Egypt became a leader in Arab and non-aligned politics, as well as a model for political mobilization and national development throughout the Third World. Although Nasser exerted considerable personal influence over the course of events, his rise as a national and regional hero in the mid-1950s was preceded by a period in which he and his colleagues groped for direction, and in which many Egyptians disliked—even feared—them. The book analyzes the goals, programs, successes, and failures of the young regime, providing the most comprehensive account of the Egyptian revolution to date. It includes a new Introduction that looks back at the post-1952 period from a post-2011 perspective.Less
This book explores the early years of military rule in Egypt following the Free Officers' coup d'etat of 1952. Enriched by interviews with actors in and observers of the events, the book shows how the officers' belief in a quick reformation by force was transformed into a vital, long-term process that changed the face of Egypt. Under Gamal Abdel Nasser, the military regime launched an ambitious program of social, economic, and political reform. Egypt became a leader in Arab and non-aligned politics, as well as a model for political mobilization and national development throughout the Third World. Although Nasser exerted considerable personal influence over the course of events, his rise as a national and regional hero in the mid-1950s was preceded by a period in which he and his colleagues groped for direction, and in which many Egyptians disliked—even feared—them. The book analyzes the goals, programs, successes, and failures of the young regime, providing the most comprehensive account of the Egyptian revolution to date. It includes a new Introduction that looks back at the post-1952 period from a post-2011 perspective.
David M. K. Sheinin
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780813042398
- eISBN:
- 9780813043005
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813042398.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Latin American Studies
This book explains how Argentines came to conceive of human rights after 1976—in antagonism to, in sympathy with, and with indifference toward the dictatorship that governed. It documents the ...
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This book explains how Argentines came to conceive of human rights after 1976—in antagonism to, in sympathy with, and with indifference toward the dictatorship that governed. It documents the emergence of human rights as a set of ideas stressing the military’s building of a chilling justification for state terror. As ludicrous as the military’s pro–human rights rationale became in the face of its horrifying record, the dictatorship narrative registered an important success overseas. By and large, Argentina was able to convince a majority of its international trade and diplomatic partners of its fanciful pro–human rights narrative. In most countries, the Argentine military staved off the international human rights related critique that entered the language of foreign policy makers in the United States, Canada, and Western Europe. As a result, the dictatorship suffered minimal damage economically and diplomatically from human rights-related fall-out. The positive foreign relations legacy of military rule leads to one further stage of analysis. In early 1984, there was no more important factor in the transition from dictatorship to democracy than human rights. Even so, through the 1980s, the new democracy faced some of the same domestic and international pressures confronted by the dictatorship over rights. Weakened by a shaky 1980s economy, the new government often confirmed and defended the military’s international human rights record suggesting that the transition from dictatorship to democracy in Argentina was not the firm break with the past that Argentines had sought.Less
This book explains how Argentines came to conceive of human rights after 1976—in antagonism to, in sympathy with, and with indifference toward the dictatorship that governed. It documents the emergence of human rights as a set of ideas stressing the military’s building of a chilling justification for state terror. As ludicrous as the military’s pro–human rights rationale became in the face of its horrifying record, the dictatorship narrative registered an important success overseas. By and large, Argentina was able to convince a majority of its international trade and diplomatic partners of its fanciful pro–human rights narrative. In most countries, the Argentine military staved off the international human rights related critique that entered the language of foreign policy makers in the United States, Canada, and Western Europe. As a result, the dictatorship suffered minimal damage economically and diplomatically from human rights-related fall-out. The positive foreign relations legacy of military rule leads to one further stage of analysis. In early 1984, there was no more important factor in the transition from dictatorship to democracy than human rights. Even so, through the 1980s, the new democracy faced some of the same domestic and international pressures confronted by the dictatorship over rights. Weakened by a shaky 1980s economy, the new government often confirmed and defended the military’s international human rights record suggesting that the transition from dictatorship to democracy in Argentina was not the firm break with the past that Argentines had sought.
Mary Helen Spooner
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520256132
- eISBN:
- 9780520948761
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520256132.001.0001
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Latin American Cultural Anthropology
The acclaimed book Soldiers in a Narrow Land went inside the brutal dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet. Carrying Chile's story up to the present, this book now offers this account of how Chile rebuilt ...
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The acclaimed book Soldiers in a Narrow Land went inside the brutal dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet. Carrying Chile's story up to the present, this book now offers this account of how Chile rebuilt its democracy after 17 years of military rule—with the former dictator watching, and waiting, from the sidelines. The book discusses the major players, events, and institutions in Chile's recent political history, delving into such topics as the environmental situation, the economy, and the election of Michelle Bachelet. Throughout, it examines Pinochet's continuing influence on public life as it tells how he grudgingly ceded power; successfully fought investigations into his human rights record and finances; kept command of the army for eight years after leaving the presidency; was detained on human rights charges; and died without being convicted of any of the many serious crimes of which he was accused. Chile has now become one of South America's greatest economic and political successes, but as we find in this book, it remains a country burdened with a painful past.Less
The acclaimed book Soldiers in a Narrow Land went inside the brutal dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet. Carrying Chile's story up to the present, this book now offers this account of how Chile rebuilt its democracy after 17 years of military rule—with the former dictator watching, and waiting, from the sidelines. The book discusses the major players, events, and institutions in Chile's recent political history, delving into such topics as the environmental situation, the economy, and the election of Michelle Bachelet. Throughout, it examines Pinochet's continuing influence on public life as it tells how he grudgingly ceded power; successfully fought investigations into his human rights record and finances; kept command of the army for eight years after leaving the presidency; was detained on human rights charges; and died without being convicted of any of the many serious crimes of which he was accused. Chile has now become one of South America's greatest economic and political successes, but as we find in this book, it remains a country burdened with a painful past.
Lanny Thompson
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- November 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780824834012
- eISBN:
- 9780824870027
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Hawai'i Press
- DOI:
- 10.21313/hawaii/9780824834012.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, Asian History
This chapter discusses the establishment of military rule in Guam. While the United States established important naval bases in Hawaii, Cuba, the Philippines, and Puerto Rico, only on Guam did the ...
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This chapter discusses the establishment of military rule in Guam. While the United States established important naval bases in Hawaii, Cuba, the Philippines, and Puerto Rico, only on Guam did the naval station overwhelm the geographical and social terrain. From the beginning, Guam was not considered to be anything but a naval base: no immigration, no capital investment, no agricultural exports, no manufacturing, and no civil government were contemplated. The military governors treated civilians as auxiliary to the naval station and subordinate to its interests. The official reports consistently described them as friendly and hospitable people who embraced the establishment of the U.S. rule. They were, in effect, reduced to the status of a welcoming committee without any particular culture or historical narrative worthy of consideration. More than in any other site, local culture and politics were effectively treated as matters secondary to military concerns.Less
This chapter discusses the establishment of military rule in Guam. While the United States established important naval bases in Hawaii, Cuba, the Philippines, and Puerto Rico, only on Guam did the naval station overwhelm the geographical and social terrain. From the beginning, Guam was not considered to be anything but a naval base: no immigration, no capital investment, no agricultural exports, no manufacturing, and no civil government were contemplated. The military governors treated civilians as auxiliary to the naval station and subordinate to its interests. The official reports consistently described them as friendly and hospitable people who embraced the establishment of the U.S. rule. They were, in effect, reduced to the status of a welcoming committee without any particular culture or historical narrative worthy of consideration. More than in any other site, local culture and politics were effectively treated as matters secondary to military concerns.
Rotimi Suberu
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- April 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780198836544
- eISBN:
- 9780191873737
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198836544.003.0010
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
This chapter examines how Nigeria has made the transition under military rule from a relatively decentralized, parliamentary federation comprised of four ethnic regions to a centrist, presidential ...
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This chapter examines how Nigeria has made the transition under military rule from a relatively decentralized, parliamentary federation comprised of four ethnic regions to a centrist, presidential federalism with thirty-six states. It first provides a historical background on Nigeria’s constitutional evolution between 1914 and 1999 before discussing the period of constitutional engagement, focusing on the military’s Constitution-making procedures and especially its territorial restructuring initiatives, its centralization of constitutional functions and fiscal resources, its constitutional choice of a executive presidential system of government, and its establishment of the so-called agencies of restraint. The chapter also considers the outcomes of the military’s constitutional reforms and concludes with an analysis of lessons that can be drawn from the Nigerian case. In particular, it highlights the challenges that have developed since the return of civilian rule, giving rise to a relentless constitutional politics that underscores the permanent or continuous nature of Nigeria’s constitutional transition.Less
This chapter examines how Nigeria has made the transition under military rule from a relatively decentralized, parliamentary federation comprised of four ethnic regions to a centrist, presidential federalism with thirty-six states. It first provides a historical background on Nigeria’s constitutional evolution between 1914 and 1999 before discussing the period of constitutional engagement, focusing on the military’s Constitution-making procedures and especially its territorial restructuring initiatives, its centralization of constitutional functions and fiscal resources, its constitutional choice of a executive presidential system of government, and its establishment of the so-called agencies of restraint. The chapter also considers the outcomes of the military’s constitutional reforms and concludes with an analysis of lessons that can be drawn from the Nigerian case. In particular, it highlights the challenges that have developed since the return of civilian rule, giving rise to a relentless constitutional politics that underscores the permanent or continuous nature of Nigeria’s constitutional transition.
