Jennifer M. Welsh (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199267217
- eISBN:
- 9780191601118
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199267219.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The issue of humanitarian intervention has generated one of the most heated debates in international relations over the past decade, for both theorists and practitioners. At its heart is the alleged ...
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The issue of humanitarian intervention has generated one of the most heated debates in international relations over the past decade, for both theorists and practitioners. At its heart is the alleged tension between the principle of state sovereignty, and the evolving norms related to individual human rights. This edited collection examines the challenges to international society posed by humanitarian intervention in a post-September 11th world. It brings scholars of law, philosophy, and international relations together with those who have actively engaged in cases of intervention, in order to examine the legitimacy and consequences of the use of military force for humanitarian purposes. The book demonstrates why humanitarian intervention continues to be a controversial question not only for the United Nations but also for Western states and humanitarian organisations.Less
The issue of humanitarian intervention has generated one of the most heated debates in international relations over the past decade, for both theorists and practitioners. At its heart is the alleged tension between the principle of state sovereignty, and the evolving norms related to individual human rights. This edited collection examines the challenges to international society posed by humanitarian intervention in a post-September 11th world. It brings scholars of law, philosophy, and international relations together with those who have actively engaged in cases of intervention, in order to examine the legitimacy and consequences of the use of military force for humanitarian purposes. The book demonstrates why humanitarian intervention continues to be a controversial question not only for the United Nations but also for Western states and humanitarian organisations.
Independent International Commission on Kosovo
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199243099
- eISBN:
- 9780191599538
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199243093.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The Kosovo Report is a final product of the work by the Independent International Commission on Kosovo, established to examine key developments prior to, during, and after the Kosovo war, including ...
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The Kosovo Report is a final product of the work by the Independent International Commission on Kosovo, established to examine key developments prior to, during, and after the Kosovo war, including systematic violations of human rights in the region. The report assesses effectiveness of diplomatic efforts to prevent the war, legality of the NATO bombing campaign against Yugoslavia, and the progress of the United Nations in post‐conflict reconstruction. The Report makes a recommendation for the future status of Kosovo and proposes a new general framework for humanitarian intervention based on principles of legitimacy. It argues that the intervention by the international community in the Kosovo conflict did not so much create a precedent for intervention elsewhere as raise vital question about the legitimacy and practicability of the use of military force to defend human rights. The intervention, the Report concludes, exposed the limitations of the current international law on the balance between the rights of citizens and the rights of states; it demonstrated the difficulties that ensue when even the most sophisticated and professional military forces are deployed to achieve humanitarian goals; and it showed the immense obstacles that lie in the path of creating multi‐ethnic cooperation in societies torn apart by ethnic war.Less
The Kosovo Report is a final product of the work by the Independent International Commission on Kosovo, established to examine key developments prior to, during, and after the Kosovo war, including systematic violations of human rights in the region. The report assesses effectiveness of diplomatic efforts to prevent the war, legality of the NATO bombing campaign against Yugoslavia, and the progress of the United Nations in post‐conflict reconstruction. The Report makes a recommendation for the future status of Kosovo and proposes a new general framework for humanitarian intervention based on principles of legitimacy. It argues that the intervention by the international community in the Kosovo conflict did not so much create a precedent for intervention elsewhere as raise vital question about the legitimacy and practicability of the use of military force to defend human rights. The intervention, the Report concludes, exposed the limitations of the current international law on the balance between the rights of citizens and the rights of states; it demonstrated the difficulties that ensue when even the most sophisticated and professional military forces are deployed to achieve humanitarian goals; and it showed the immense obstacles that lie in the path of creating multi‐ethnic cooperation in societies torn apart by ethnic war.
Nicholas J. Wheeler
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199253104
- eISBN:
- 9780191600302
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199253102.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Analyses how the USA and UN came to intervene militarily in Somalia in 1992–94. It shows how the Security Council in Resolution 794 crossed the threshold on authorizing the use of force to end a ...
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Analyses how the USA and UN came to intervene militarily in Somalia in 1992–94. It shows how the Security Council in Resolution 794 crossed the threshold on authorizing the use of force to end a humanitarian crisis, albeit in a case where the government of the state had collapsed. It also explores why the Somali mission failed, and what lessons can be learnt from it for future humanitarian interventions.Less
Analyses how the USA and UN came to intervene militarily in Somalia in 1992–94. It shows how the Security Council in Resolution 794 crossed the threshold on authorizing the use of force to end a humanitarian crisis, albeit in a case where the government of the state had collapsed. It also explores why the Somali mission failed, and what lessons can be learnt from it for future humanitarian interventions.
Nicholas J. Wheeler
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199253104
- eISBN:
- 9780191600302
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199253102.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Shows how the international community learnt particular lessons from the Bosnian conflict that it applied to the crisis in Kosovo. It explores the legality and legitimacy of NATO action in bombing ...
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Shows how the international community learnt particular lessons from the Bosnian conflict that it applied to the crisis in Kosovo. It explores the legality and legitimacy of NATO action in bombing Yugoslavia, focusing on the reaction in the Security Council to NATO's use of force without explicit Security Council authorization.Less
Shows how the international community learnt particular lessons from the Bosnian conflict that it applied to the crisis in Kosovo. It explores the legality and legitimacy of NATO action in bombing Yugoslavia, focusing on the reaction in the Security Council to NATO's use of force without explicit Security Council authorization.
Nicholas J. Wheeler
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199253104
- eISBN:
- 9780191600302
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199253102.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Investigates why Vietnam was so heavily sanctioned for its use of force against the murderous regime of Pol Pot. The reactions of other states reflected the domination of a pluralist conception of ...
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Investigates why Vietnam was so heavily sanctioned for its use of force against the murderous regime of Pol Pot. The reactions of other states reflected the domination of a pluralist conception of international society. However, I argue that Vietnam's use of force should have been legitimated on solidarist grounds as humanitarian.Less
Investigates why Vietnam was so heavily sanctioned for its use of force against the murderous regime of Pol Pot. The reactions of other states reflected the domination of a pluralist conception of international society. However, I argue that Vietnam's use of force should have been legitimated on solidarist grounds as humanitarian.
The Independent International Commission on Kosovo
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199243099
- eISBN:
- 9780191599538
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199243093.003.0013
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Summarizes the goals and the conclusions of the Kosovo Commission's report. It outlines the historical context, summarizes the Report's assessment of human rights abuses and the legality of the NATO ...
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Summarizes the goals and the conclusions of the Kosovo Commission's report. It outlines the historical context, summarizes the Report's assessment of human rights abuses and the legality of the NATO campaign and emphasizes the importance of European integration for the future of Kosovo and the entire region. The conclusion also outlines the Kosovo Commission's recommended framework of principles for humanitarian intervention. The first set consists of threshold principles that must be satisfied in order for any claim of humanitarian intervention to be legitimate, and the second set consists of contextual principles that enhance or diminish the degree of legitimacy possessed by forceful intervention.Less
Summarizes the goals and the conclusions of the Kosovo Commission's report. It outlines the historical context, summarizes the Report's assessment of human rights abuses and the legality of the NATO campaign and emphasizes the importance of European integration for the future of Kosovo and the entire region. The conclusion also outlines the Kosovo Commission's recommended framework of principles for humanitarian intervention. The first set consists of threshold principles that must be satisfied in order for any claim of humanitarian intervention to be legitimate, and the second set consists of contextual principles that enhance or diminish the degree of legitimacy possessed by forceful intervention.
Nicholas J. Wheeler
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199253104
- eISBN:
- 9780191600302
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199253102.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Argues that there has been a change of norm in relation to the legitimacy of humanitarian intervention in the 1990s. It shows how humanitarian justifications for the use of force lacked legitimacy in ...
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Argues that there has been a change of norm in relation to the legitimacy of humanitarian intervention in the 1990s. It shows how humanitarian justifications for the use of force lacked legitimacy in Cold War international society, focusing on the cases of India, Vietnam, and Tanzania's interventions in the 1970s. This reflected the dominance of pluralist international society thinking in shaping the legal rules and institutions of international society. By focusing on cases of intervention in Iraq, Somalia, Rwanda, Bosnia, and Kosovo, the second part of the book shows how a new solidarist conception of international society shaped Western interventions in the 1990s. In arguing that a new norm has developed that has facilitated new state actions; the book identifies two key limits to this norm: first, military intervention justified on humanitarian grounds requires UN Security Council authorization; second, whilst new norms enable new actions, they do not determine that intervention will take place when it is urgently needed as in Rwanda.Less
Argues that there has been a change of norm in relation to the legitimacy of humanitarian intervention in the 1990s. It shows how humanitarian justifications for the use of force lacked legitimacy in Cold War international society, focusing on the cases of India, Vietnam, and Tanzania's interventions in the 1970s. This reflected the dominance of pluralist international society thinking in shaping the legal rules and institutions of international society. By focusing on cases of intervention in Iraq, Somalia, Rwanda, Bosnia, and Kosovo, the second part of the book shows how a new solidarist conception of international society shaped Western interventions in the 1990s. In arguing that a new norm has developed that has facilitated new state actions; the book identifies two key limits to this norm: first, military intervention justified on humanitarian grounds requires UN Security Council authorization; second, whilst new norms enable new actions, they do not determine that intervention will take place when it is urgently needed as in Rwanda.
Sarah E. Kreps
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199753796
- eISBN:
- 9780199827152
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199753796.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter examines the multilateral 1994 Haiti intervention, an unlikely case of multilateralism for both the operational commitment and regional power explanations. The vast power disparities ...
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This chapter examines the multilateral 1994 Haiti intervention, an unlikely case of multilateralism for both the operational commitment and regional power explanations. The vast power disparities between the US and Haitian militaries and the absence of regional powers should have meant an interest in minimal multilateralism; the UN-authorized intervention and allied support challenge these explanations.Less
This chapter examines the multilateral 1994 Haiti intervention, an unlikely case of multilateralism for both the operational commitment and regional power explanations. The vast power disparities between the US and Haitian militaries and the absence of regional powers should have meant an interest in minimal multilateralism; the UN-authorized intervention and allied support challenge these explanations.
Adam Branch
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199782086
- eISBN:
- 9780199919130
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199782086.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Chapter 7 considers the most recent form of self-proclaimed human rights intervention in Uganda: US military intervention via its new military command for Africa, AFRICOM. AFRICOM is unprecedented in ...
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Chapter 7 considers the most recent form of self-proclaimed human rights intervention in Uganda: US military intervention via its new military command for Africa, AFRICOM. AFRICOM is unprecedented in terms of its embrace of the discourse of participation, peacebuilding, and empowerment, not only in its proponents’ rhetoric, but also to some extent in its activities. Subsequently, AFRICOM’s program for Africa represents an adoption of the total intervention agenda: just as total intervention incorporated expansive and intensive social interventions, state capacity-building, and, as a last resort, direct military action, that same framework characterizes AFRICOM’s activities. The chapter details the danger AFRICOM poses to peace and democracy in Africa, with special attention to US military involvement in Uganda.Less
Chapter 7 considers the most recent form of self-proclaimed human rights intervention in Uganda: US military intervention via its new military command for Africa, AFRICOM. AFRICOM is unprecedented in terms of its embrace of the discourse of participation, peacebuilding, and empowerment, not only in its proponents’ rhetoric, but also to some extent in its activities. Subsequently, AFRICOM’s program for Africa represents an adoption of the total intervention agenda: just as total intervention incorporated expansive and intensive social interventions, state capacity-building, and, as a last resort, direct military action, that same framework characterizes AFRICOM’s activities. The chapter details the danger AFRICOM poses to peace and democracy in Africa, with special attention to US military involvement in Uganda.
Sarah E. Kreps
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199753796
- eISBN:
- 9780199827152
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199753796.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter develops the argument, drawing on theories of cooperation to develop the two main factors critical to whether states cooperate in times of war: time horizon and operational commitment. ...
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This chapter develops the argument, drawing on theories of cooperation to develop the two main factors critical to whether states cooperate in times of war: time horizon and operational commitment. It assembles the argument's key assumptions from two types of historical examples—contrasting cases of great powers that have acted with and without restraint, as well as from historical challenges of fighting wars with allies. It goes on to illustrate the basic contours of the argument with reference to post-Cold War cases of intervention.Less
This chapter develops the argument, drawing on theories of cooperation to develop the two main factors critical to whether states cooperate in times of war: time horizon and operational commitment. It assembles the argument's key assumptions from two types of historical examples—contrasting cases of great powers that have acted with and without restraint, as well as from historical challenges of fighting wars with allies. It goes on to illustrate the basic contours of the argument with reference to post-Cold War cases of intervention.
Sarah E. Kreps
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199753796
- eISBN:
- 9780199827152
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199753796.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter examines the case of the 2003 Iraq War. One of the most unilateral interventions in the post-Cold War period, this case challenges this book's argument. With long time horizons (absent a ...
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This chapter examines the case of the 2003 Iraq War. One of the most unilateral interventions in the post-Cold War period, this case challenges this book's argument. With long time horizons (absent a direct threat) and costly operational commitments, this theory would expect a highly multilateral intervention, the opposite of what was obtained. The chapter shows the importance of ex ante assumptions about the nature of security challenges in influencing cooperation strategies. Inadequate assessments of both time horizon and operational commitment led to a flawed cooperation strategy in which the United States took on almost the entire burden. The chapter details these inputs and examines how each contributed to the unilateral strategy the United States pursued in the Iraq War.Less
This chapter examines the case of the 2003 Iraq War. One of the most unilateral interventions in the post-Cold War period, this case challenges this book's argument. With long time horizons (absent a direct threat) and costly operational commitments, this theory would expect a highly multilateral intervention, the opposite of what was obtained. The chapter shows the importance of ex ante assumptions about the nature of security challenges in influencing cooperation strategies. Inadequate assessments of both time horizon and operational commitment led to a flawed cooperation strategy in which the United States took on almost the entire burden. The chapter details these inputs and examines how each contributed to the unilateral strategy the United States pursued in the Iraq War.
Austin Carson
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780691181769
- eISBN:
- 9780691184241
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691181769.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter defines and takes stock of the challenge of war escalation and the practice of limited war. It develops a logic for secrecy based on shared fears of large-scale conflict escalation. The ...
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This chapter defines and takes stock of the challenge of war escalation and the practice of limited war. It develops a logic for secrecy based on shared fears of large-scale conflict escalation. The theory is anchored in the nature of escalation dynamics in modern war and the difficulty of bounding conflict. The chapter argues that secrecy generally addresses two common pathways for unwanted escalation: political constraints and miscommunication. The heart of the chapter argues that covert forms of military intervention can simultaneously insulate leaders from outside audience reactions and communicate to adversaries one's interest in maintaining a limited-war framework. The chapter then connects these themes to two puzzles mentioned in the previous chapter by showing that limited-war dynamics make sense of collusion by an adversary and the continued value of widely exposed interventions. The chapter ends by explaining how the severity of escalation dangers influences the choice between frontstage and backstage and identifies process-related observable implications.Less
This chapter defines and takes stock of the challenge of war escalation and the practice of limited war. It develops a logic for secrecy based on shared fears of large-scale conflict escalation. The theory is anchored in the nature of escalation dynamics in modern war and the difficulty of bounding conflict. The chapter argues that secrecy generally addresses two common pathways for unwanted escalation: political constraints and miscommunication. The heart of the chapter argues that covert forms of military intervention can simultaneously insulate leaders from outside audience reactions and communicate to adversaries one's interest in maintaining a limited-war framework. The chapter then connects these themes to two puzzles mentioned in the previous chapter by showing that limited-war dynamics make sense of collusion by an adversary and the continued value of widely exposed interventions. The chapter ends by explaining how the severity of escalation dangers influences the choice between frontstage and backstage and identifies process-related observable implications.
Emilie M. Hafner-Burton
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691155357
- eISBN:
- 9781400846283
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691155357.003.0008
- Subject:
- Law, EU Law
This chapter considers the status quo—the punishments and rewards used by steward states as part of their foreign policy to advance human rights today. Although they are not the only stewards, the ...
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This chapter considers the status quo—the punishments and rewards used by steward states as part of their foreign policy to advance human rights today. Although they are not the only stewards, the chapter focuses on the United States and the European Union and the ways that they already use their political authority, resources, and reach for human rights promotion. The limits of punishments, such as military intervention and nonmilitary punishments, and rewards are discussed, along with two important lessons about how stewards can be more effective: one concerns localization, and the other is about setting priorities. The chapter argues that a more strategic use of state power has enormous potential to enhance the effectiveness of stewardship.Less
This chapter considers the status quo—the punishments and rewards used by steward states as part of their foreign policy to advance human rights today. Although they are not the only stewards, the chapter focuses on the United States and the European Union and the ways that they already use their political authority, resources, and reach for human rights promotion. The limits of punishments, such as military intervention and nonmilitary punishments, and rewards are discussed, along with two important lessons about how stewards can be more effective: one concerns localization, and the other is about setting priorities. The chapter argues that a more strategic use of state power has enormous potential to enhance the effectiveness of stewardship.
Davide Rodogno
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691151335
- eISBN:
- 9781400840014
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691151335.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
This chapter examines the politics of European powers' military intervention in Ottoman Greece during the period 1821–1833. It first considers the international and local context of the European ...
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This chapter examines the politics of European powers' military intervention in Ottoman Greece during the period 1821–1833. It first considers the international and local context of the European powers' intervention in Ottoman Greece before discussing the European governments' nonintervention on behalf of Muslim civilian populations of Greece and of Christian civilian populations at Smyrna (Izmir) and Chios. It then explores how the British and French Philhellenes addressed the question of intervention on behalf of the Greeks and goes on to explain how various massacres that did not lead to a humanitarian intervention and other events eventually triggered the Battle of Navarino in 1827. It also describes the occupation of the Morea, first by Egypt and then by France. It argues that humanitarian as well as self- and collective interests converged to make the intervention at Ottoman Greece possible.Less
This chapter examines the politics of European powers' military intervention in Ottoman Greece during the period 1821–1833. It first considers the international and local context of the European powers' intervention in Ottoman Greece before discussing the European governments' nonintervention on behalf of Muslim civilian populations of Greece and of Christian civilian populations at Smyrna (Izmir) and Chios. It then explores how the British and French Philhellenes addressed the question of intervention on behalf of the Greeks and goes on to explain how various massacres that did not lead to a humanitarian intervention and other events eventually triggered the Battle of Navarino in 1827. It also describes the occupation of the Morea, first by Egypt and then by France. It argues that humanitarian as well as self- and collective interests converged to make the intervention at Ottoman Greece possible.
David P. Auerswald and Stephen M. Saideman
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691159386
- eISBN:
- 9781400848676
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691159386.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter draws on a variety of literatures to model the national determinants of military behavior during multilateral interventions. Theories of principal-agent relations point to the importance ...
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This chapter draws on a variety of literatures to model the national determinants of military behavior during multilateral interventions. Theories of principal-agent relations point to the importance of knowing who are the ultimate decision units having the power to determine how military forces behave when deployed. One cannot know who those ultimate decision makers are without first understanding the domestic political institutions of the relevant nations. Domestic political institutions can either empower a single individual, as is the case with presidential or single-party parliamentary governments, or they can empower a collective body to make decisions, as is the case in parliamentary coalition governments. However, to understand the preferences of various principals requires understanding either their political ideology (in the case of collective principals) or how their previous experiences shape their current and future behaviors (in the case of single principals).Less
This chapter draws on a variety of literatures to model the national determinants of military behavior during multilateral interventions. Theories of principal-agent relations point to the importance of knowing who are the ultimate decision units having the power to determine how military forces behave when deployed. One cannot know who those ultimate decision makers are without first understanding the domestic political institutions of the relevant nations. Domestic political institutions can either empower a single individual, as is the case with presidential or single-party parliamentary governments, or they can empower a collective body to make decisions, as is the case in parliamentary coalition governments. However, to understand the preferences of various principals requires understanding either their political ideology (in the case of collective principals) or how their previous experiences shape their current and future behaviors (in the case of single principals).
David P. Auerswald and Stephen M. Saideman
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691159386
- eISBN:
- 9781400848676
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691159386.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This concluding chapter identifies the implications of this book's study for both future research and policy makers. One implication of this study is the shedding of light on the forum-shopping ...
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This concluding chapter identifies the implications of this book's study for both future research and policy makers. One implication of this study is the shedding of light on the forum-shopping process associated with military interventions. Forum shopping occurs when countries have more than one option from which to choose when deciding whether and how to intervene. The experiences of Afghanistan and Libya show that while there may be other outlets for multilateral military operations, NATO, despite its limitations, is almost always the preferred intervention forum for its member states. The second set of implications deals with the use of principal-agency theory in civil–military relations. Ultimately, the cases of Afghanistan and Libya are ideal for comparative analysis on how countries react to various domestic and international pressures.Less
This concluding chapter identifies the implications of this book's study for both future research and policy makers. One implication of this study is the shedding of light on the forum-shopping process associated with military interventions. Forum shopping occurs when countries have more than one option from which to choose when deciding whether and how to intervene. The experiences of Afghanistan and Libya show that while there may be other outlets for multilateral military operations, NATO, despite its limitations, is almost always the preferred intervention forum for its member states. The second set of implications deals with the use of principal-agency theory in civil–military relations. Ultimately, the cases of Afghanistan and Libya are ideal for comparative analysis on how countries react to various domestic and international pressures.
Gillian Brock
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199230938
- eISBN:
- 9780191710957
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199230938.003.0007
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy, Moral Philosophy
This chapter argues that military intervention to support the goals of global justice can be defensible in the extreme cases in which people's abilities to meet their most basic needs and protect ...
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This chapter argues that military intervention to support the goals of global justice can be defensible in the extreme cases in which people's abilities to meet their most basic needs and protect their basic freedoms are not adequately attended to by the governments of those citizens. Reconceptualizing sovereignty as responsibility allows us to circumvent problems thought to attend such proposals, for instance, that intervention would interfere unjustly with the sovereignty of nations. Protections against abuse provide the assurances we need and constitute an important part of the justification for legitimate interventions. The findings of the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty discussed in this chapter provide reason for optimism about future possibilities for acting decisively as humanitarian crises unfold, especially as the core idea of a responsibility to protect now enjoys widespread endorsement.Less
This chapter argues that military intervention to support the goals of global justice can be defensible in the extreme cases in which people's abilities to meet their most basic needs and protect their basic freedoms are not adequately attended to by the governments of those citizens. Reconceptualizing sovereignty as responsibility allows us to circumvent problems thought to attend such proposals, for instance, that intervention would interfere unjustly with the sovereignty of nations. Protections against abuse provide the assurances we need and constitute an important part of the justification for legitimate interventions. The findings of the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty discussed in this chapter provide reason for optimism about future possibilities for acting decisively as humanitarian crises unfold, especially as the core idea of a responsibility to protect now enjoys widespread endorsement.
Davide Rodogno
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691151335
- eISBN:
- 9781400840014
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691151335.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
This chapter examines the international context of humanitarian interventions during the nineteenth century in order to understand why humanitarian intervention emerged as an international practice ...
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This chapter examines the international context of humanitarian interventions during the nineteenth century in order to understand why humanitarian intervention emerged as an international practice in the Ottoman Empire. It also sets the geopolitical context of humanitarian intervention, when Ottoman Christians were victims of massacre, atrocities, and extermination. The chapter begins with a discussion of the concept and practice of intervention in nineteenth-century international relations, explaining the term “intervention.” It then provides a brief overview of the history of the Eastern Question—the question of the survival or the death of the “sick Man of Europe”—before contextualizing the meaning of “massacre,” “atrocity,” and “extermination.” It also distinguishes between the Capitulations and intervention and concludes with an analysis of the extent to which military interventions against massacre built on the Capitulations.Less
This chapter examines the international context of humanitarian interventions during the nineteenth century in order to understand why humanitarian intervention emerged as an international practice in the Ottoman Empire. It also sets the geopolitical context of humanitarian intervention, when Ottoman Christians were victims of massacre, atrocities, and extermination. The chapter begins with a discussion of the concept and practice of intervention in nineteenth-century international relations, explaining the term “intervention.” It then provides a brief overview of the history of the Eastern Question—the question of the survival or the death of the “sick Man of Europe”—before contextualizing the meaning of “massacre,” “atrocity,” and “extermination.” It also distinguishes between the Capitulations and intervention and concludes with an analysis of the extent to which military interventions against massacre built on the Capitulations.
Davide Rodogno
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691151335
- eISBN:
- 9781400840014
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691151335.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
This chapter examines the European powers' military intervention in Ottoman Lebanon and Syria during the period 1860–1861. It first considers the local and international context prior to the ...
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This chapter examines the European powers' military intervention in Ottoman Lebanon and Syria during the period 1860–1861. It first considers the local and international context prior to the intervention, focusing on Mount Lebanon, an autonomous administrative Ottoman entity distinct from the province of Syria, before discussing how Europeans saw themselves compared to how they portrayed Mount Lebanon's populations. It then analyzes the conditions that brought about the massacre of the Ottoman Christians in 1860, along with the European governments' reaction and the motives of their intervention. It also looks at the Paris Conference that was set up to clarify the nature and modalities of the humanitarian intervention. Finally, it explores the questions addressed by the European Commission, including the case of the thousands of refugees amassed in Beirut, and the consequences of the intervention.Less
This chapter examines the European powers' military intervention in Ottoman Lebanon and Syria during the period 1860–1861. It first considers the local and international context prior to the intervention, focusing on Mount Lebanon, an autonomous administrative Ottoman entity distinct from the province of Syria, before discussing how Europeans saw themselves compared to how they portrayed Mount Lebanon's populations. It then analyzes the conditions that brought about the massacre of the Ottoman Christians in 1860, along with the European governments' reaction and the motives of their intervention. It also looks at the Paris Conference that was set up to clarify the nature and modalities of the humanitarian intervention. Finally, it explores the questions addressed by the European Commission, including the case of the thousands of refugees amassed in Beirut, and the consequences of the intervention.
Austin Carson
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780691181769
- eISBN:
- 9780691184241
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691181769.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter argues that escalation control and a shared desire to limit war can motivate covert intervention up front, collusion by major powers that detect it, and official non-acknowledgment if it ...
More
This chapter argues that escalation control and a shared desire to limit war can motivate covert intervention up front, collusion by major powers that detect it, and official non-acknowledgment if it is widely exposed. Since World War I, large-scale escalation of war has become unacceptably costly, yet leader control of the escalation process has been simultaneously weakened. While a range of factors influence the escalation potential for war, this chapter focuses on two specific escalation-control problems: constraints created by domestic hawks and misunderstandings among adversaries about the value of limited war. It claims that backstaging military intervention allows rival leaders to insulate themselves and one another from domestic hawkish constraints. In addition, embracing the backstage communicates shared interest in keeping war limited. This basic relationship provides a unifying logic for the initial decision to intervene covertly, a detector's decision to collude after detection, and an intervener's continuing non-acknowledgment of a widely exposed intervention.Less
This chapter argues that escalation control and a shared desire to limit war can motivate covert intervention up front, collusion by major powers that detect it, and official non-acknowledgment if it is widely exposed. Since World War I, large-scale escalation of war has become unacceptably costly, yet leader control of the escalation process has been simultaneously weakened. While a range of factors influence the escalation potential for war, this chapter focuses on two specific escalation-control problems: constraints created by domestic hawks and misunderstandings among adversaries about the value of limited war. It claims that backstaging military intervention allows rival leaders to insulate themselves and one another from domestic hawkish constraints. In addition, embracing the backstage communicates shared interest in keeping war limited. This basic relationship provides a unifying logic for the initial decision to intervene covertly, a detector's decision to collude after detection, and an intervener's continuing non-acknowledgment of a widely exposed intervention.
