Otto Kircheimer
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691134130
- eISBN:
- 9781400846467
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691134130.003.0021
- Subject:
- History, Military History
This chapter discusses the administration of criminal justice in Germany under military government. The report claims that German criminal law conflicts in many respects not only with the theories ...
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This chapter discusses the administration of criminal justice in Germany under military government. The report claims that German criminal law conflicts in many respects not only with the theories and practices for which German criminal law had previously stood, but also with the theories which, in Anglo-American countries, are traditionally linked to the functions of criminal law. This conflict alone does not suffice to impose upon military government a duty to revise or revoke criminal legislation. The chapter considers changes in the German criminal justice system which are necessary not only for the security of the occupying army and the orderly development of German political and social life, but also for the execution of the policies and purposes of the United Nations. It also makes a number of recommendations with respect to military government's approach to criminal law, substantive law, procedural law, problems of jurisdiction, amnesty problems, prosecution of Nazi offenders against German citizens, and problems of administration.Less
This chapter discusses the administration of criminal justice in Germany under military government. The report claims that German criminal law conflicts in many respects not only with the theories and practices for which German criminal law had previously stood, but also with the theories which, in Anglo-American countries, are traditionally linked to the functions of criminal law. This conflict alone does not suffice to impose upon military government a duty to revise or revoke criminal legislation. The chapter considers changes in the German criminal justice system which are necessary not only for the security of the occupying army and the orderly development of German political and social life, but also for the execution of the policies and purposes of the United Nations. It also makes a number of recommendations with respect to military government's approach to criminal law, substantive law, procedural law, problems of jurisdiction, amnesty problems, prosecution of Nazi offenders against German citizens, and problems of administration.
Alan Angell
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199243754
- eISBN:
- 9780191600333
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199243751.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
The advent of military government in Chile, following the coup of September 1973, stimulated a substantial emigration of political opponents seeking safety in exile overseas from persecution at home. ...
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The advent of military government in Chile, following the coup of September 1973, stimulated a substantial emigration of political opponents seeking safety in exile overseas from persecution at home. This chapter details the extent of the emigration and the influence that exiled political parties managed to continue to exert on political life in Chile, and on the international relations of the Pinochet regime. The period under discussion provides a useful case study of the interplay between internal (consent) and external (control) factors in the struggle for democratization, and of such struggle as involving an attempted redefinition of the country's national and international identity. Even today, the links between Chilean political parties and their counterparts overseas remain active and influential, and Chilean politics will continue to have a strong international dimension.Less
The advent of military government in Chile, following the coup of September 1973, stimulated a substantial emigration of political opponents seeking safety in exile overseas from persecution at home. This chapter details the extent of the emigration and the influence that exiled political parties managed to continue to exert on political life in Chile, and on the international relations of the Pinochet regime. The period under discussion provides a useful case study of the interplay between internal (consent) and external (control) factors in the struggle for democratization, and of such struggle as involving an attempted redefinition of the country's national and international identity. Even today, the links between Chilean political parties and their counterparts overseas remain active and influential, and Chilean politics will continue to have a strong international dimension.
LUIS RONIGER and MARIO SZNAJDER
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198296157
- eISBN:
- 9780191685200
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198296157.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter examines the restructuring of the public sphere in Southern Cone societies in democratic terms after the end of the rule of military governments in Argentina, Uruguay, and Chile. This ...
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This chapter examines the restructuring of the public sphere in Southern Cone societies in democratic terms after the end of the rule of military governments in Argentina, Uruguay, and Chile. This restructuring involved the recognition of the centrality of legal principles or basic human and civil rights, and of the possibility of autonomous actions by citizens. After this, all the issues suppressed during military rule came to the fore, triggering confrontation and debate around the legacy of human rights violations, attainment of public knowledge, and accountability.Less
This chapter examines the restructuring of the public sphere in Southern Cone societies in democratic terms after the end of the rule of military governments in Argentina, Uruguay, and Chile. This restructuring involved the recognition of the centrality of legal principles or basic human and civil rights, and of the possibility of autonomous actions by citizens. After this, all the issues suppressed during military rule came to the fore, triggering confrontation and debate around the legacy of human rights violations, attainment of public knowledge, and accountability.
Seyyed Vali Reza Nasr
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195144260
- eISBN:
- 9780199833931
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195144260.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Malaysia and Pakistan sought to address their problems through economic growth and the management of ethnic tensions. Malaysia pursued the New Economic Policy (NEP) to favor Malay bumiputras (sons of ...
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Malaysia and Pakistan sought to address their problems through economic growth and the management of ethnic tensions. Malaysia pursued the New Economic Policy (NEP) to favor Malay bumiputras (sons of the soil), and Pakistan, under a military government, pursued aggressive economic growth. However, these strategies did not resolve ethnic tensions as in Malaysia it did not alleviate the economic problems facing Malays, and in Pakistan it favored Punjab at the cost of other provinces, especially East Pakistan. Both states continued to experience serious challenges to their authorities in the form of racial tensions in Malaysia and the Bangladesh movement in Pakistan.Less
Malaysia and Pakistan sought to address their problems through economic growth and the management of ethnic tensions. Malaysia pursued the New Economic Policy (NEP) to favor Malay bumiputras (sons of the soil), and Pakistan, under a military government, pursued aggressive economic growth. However, these strategies did not resolve ethnic tensions as in Malaysia it did not alleviate the economic problems facing Malays, and in Pakistan it favored Punjab at the cost of other provinces, especially East Pakistan. Both states continued to experience serious challenges to their authorities in the form of racial tensions in Malaysia and the Bangladesh movement in Pakistan.
Otto Kircheimer
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691134130
- eISBN:
- 9781400846467
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691134130.003.0020
- Subject:
- History, Military History
This chapter discusses the general principles of government administration and Civil Service in Germany. It begins with an overview of the administrative problems facing military government as well ...
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This chapter discusses the general principles of government administration and Civil Service in Germany. It begins with an overview of the administrative problems facing military government as well as the characteristics of the present-day administration. In particular, it considers the two features of the German administrative organization: the emergence of the Ministerial Council for the Defense of the Reich as supreme governmental authority, and the cropping up of numerous special commissioners, who are appointed whenever regular agencies fail or new urgent tasks arise. The chapter proceeds by assessing the fate of the German central agencies, the German Civil Service, and the problem of Civil Service replacements. It concludes with recommendations regarding the policy towards German agencies.Less
This chapter discusses the general principles of government administration and Civil Service in Germany. It begins with an overview of the administrative problems facing military government as well as the characteristics of the present-day administration. In particular, it considers the two features of the German administrative organization: the emergence of the Ministerial Council for the Defense of the Reich as supreme governmental authority, and the cropping up of numerous special commissioners, who are appointed whenever regular agencies fail or new urgent tasks arise. The chapter proceeds by assessing the fate of the German central agencies, the German Civil Service, and the problem of Civil Service replacements. It concludes with recommendations regarding the policy towards German agencies.
Franz Neumann
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691134130
- eISBN:
- 9781400846467
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691134130.003.0024
- Subject:
- History, Military History
This chapter offers suggestions for the revival of German political and constitutional life under military government, with a view to providing an environment in which cooperation of the United ...
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This chapter offers suggestions for the revival of German political and constitutional life under military government, with a view to providing an environment in which cooperation of the United States, United Kingdom, and the Soviet Union could be maximized. It examines a number of issues, such as the dismissal or retention of an existing German government; the appointment of a temporary central German authority by military government; the political, social, and economic policies to be pursued in Germany; the time and conditions under which local and national elections are to be held; and the time and method of the disestablishment of military government. The chapter considers the legal continuity of a German government existing at the time of occupation, the policy of military government toward a German government, and the establishment of a central German administrative authority. It also discusses basic issues in German politics under military government and the problem of elections.Less
This chapter offers suggestions for the revival of German political and constitutional life under military government, with a view to providing an environment in which cooperation of the United States, United Kingdom, and the Soviet Union could be maximized. It examines a number of issues, such as the dismissal or retention of an existing German government; the appointment of a temporary central German authority by military government; the political, social, and economic policies to be pursued in Germany; the time and conditions under which local and national elections are to be held; and the time and method of the disestablishment of military government. The chapter considers the legal continuity of a German government existing at the time of occupation, the policy of military government toward a German government, and the establishment of a central German administrative authority. It also discusses basic issues in German politics under military government and the problem of elections.
Adeed Dawisha
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691157931
- eISBN:
- 9781400846238
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691157931.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
This chapter discusses events following the demise of Iraq's monarchy in 1958. The demise of the monarchy was met with almost universal approval by the Iraqi people. During the first week after the ...
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This chapter discusses events following the demise of Iraq's monarchy in 1958. The demise of the monarchy was met with almost universal approval by the Iraqi people. During the first week after the military coup, huge demonstrations filled the streets of the country's major cities, all proclaiming their devotion and commitment for the infant republic and their support for the new military leaders. While the military's initial political moves suggested a promising proclivity for sharing power with like-minded civilians, it would not be long before those who had a monopoly over coercive force would hold sway over all institutions of the state. For the following decade, the military would radically and consequentially impact the ideas and institutions of governance, democracy, and identity.Less
This chapter discusses events following the demise of Iraq's monarchy in 1958. The demise of the monarchy was met with almost universal approval by the Iraqi people. During the first week after the military coup, huge demonstrations filled the streets of the country's major cities, all proclaiming their devotion and commitment for the infant republic and their support for the new military leaders. While the military's initial political moves suggested a promising proclivity for sharing power with like-minded civilians, it would not be long before those who had a monopoly over coercive force would hold sway over all institutions of the state. For the following decade, the military would radically and consequentially impact the ideas and institutions of governance, democracy, and identity.
Thomas J. Laub
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199539321
- eISBN:
- 9780191715808
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199539321.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Military History, European Modern History
After signing an armistice agreement on 22 June 1940, Adolf Hitler placed the German army in charge of occupied France and ordered the military government to supervise the Vichy regime and maintain ...
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After signing an armistice agreement on 22 June 1940, Adolf Hitler placed the German army in charge of occupied France and ordered the military government to supervise the Vichy regime and maintain security. Viewing World War II as a struggle between nation‐states, the military commander in France, Otto von Stülpnagel, cultivated French support, placed industrial resources at the disposal of the German war effort, and maintained ‘security’ by capturing enemy soldiers and Allied spies. Initially barred from the Hexagon, Göring's Office of the Four Year Plan, Himmler's SS, and Ribbentrop's Foreign Office adopted an expanded definition of security, argued that the Reich had to combat the so‐called Jewish conspiracy to maintain order, and secured Hitler's favor. In conjunction with Alfred Rosenberg and the French government, they launched an anti‐Semitic campaign of defamation, discrimination, and despoliation. Hitler used assassinations as a pretext for genocide and ordered subordinates to answer resistance activity with deadly reprisals and massive deportations that focused on Jews. Stülpnagel condemned anti‐Semitic measures and disproportionate hostage executions as impolitic distractions and resigned his command. Astute political tactics helped the Himmler seize control of German security forces but alienated the military government and, later, the Vichy regime. With limited support from French and German colleagues, the SS could only deport 75,000 French Jews: Fritz Sauckel's labor organization impressed approximately 850,000 workers into the German war economy by cooperating with French and German colleagues. Accommodation explains divergent results of select German policies, clarifies the inner workings of the Nazi regime, and elucidates decisions made by Prime Ministers Pierre Laval and François Darlan.Less
After signing an armistice agreement on 22 June 1940, Adolf Hitler placed the German army in charge of occupied France and ordered the military government to supervise the Vichy regime and maintain security. Viewing World War II as a struggle between nation‐states, the military commander in France, Otto von Stülpnagel, cultivated French support, placed industrial resources at the disposal of the German war effort, and maintained ‘security’ by capturing enemy soldiers and Allied spies. Initially barred from the Hexagon, Göring's Office of the Four Year Plan, Himmler's SS, and Ribbentrop's Foreign Office adopted an expanded definition of security, argued that the Reich had to combat the so‐called Jewish conspiracy to maintain order, and secured Hitler's favor. In conjunction with Alfred Rosenberg and the French government, they launched an anti‐Semitic campaign of defamation, discrimination, and despoliation. Hitler used assassinations as a pretext for genocide and ordered subordinates to answer resistance activity with deadly reprisals and massive deportations that focused on Jews. Stülpnagel condemned anti‐Semitic measures and disproportionate hostage executions as impolitic distractions and resigned his command. Astute political tactics helped the Himmler seize control of German security forces but alienated the military government and, later, the Vichy regime. With limited support from French and German colleagues, the SS could only deport 75,000 French Jews: Fritz Sauckel's labor organization impressed approximately 850,000 workers into the German war economy by cooperating with French and German colleagues. Accommodation explains divergent results of select German policies, clarifies the inner workings of the Nazi regime, and elucidates decisions made by Prime Ministers Pierre Laval and François Darlan.
Peter M. R. Stirk
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748636716
- eISBN:
- 9780748652754
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748636716.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter deals with forms of military government, a government instituted by military officers through a military chain of command. Military government readily appears archaic and not merely ...
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This chapter deals with forms of military government, a government instituted by military officers through a military chain of command. Military government readily appears archaic and not merely because of the increasing preference for such terms as civil administration and international territorial administration to refer to what are in fact instances of military occupation. It appears archaic because of the increasing reality of the involvement of civilians and civilian agencies in military occupation. Military government also appears archaic because the isolation of the occupier from the occupied inherent in the definition of military occupation gives it a caste-like character that is at odds with a world in which it is common to speak of global ‘governance’.Less
This chapter deals with forms of military government, a government instituted by military officers through a military chain of command. Military government readily appears archaic and not merely because of the increasing preference for such terms as civil administration and international territorial administration to refer to what are in fact instances of military occupation. It appears archaic because of the increasing reality of the involvement of civilians and civilian agencies in military occupation. Military government also appears archaic because the isolation of the occupier from the occupied inherent in the definition of military occupation gives it a caste-like character that is at odds with a world in which it is common to speak of global ‘governance’.
Walter M. Hudson
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- September 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780813160979
- eISBN:
- 9780813165448
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813160979.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, Military History
Chapter 2 establishes how formal US Army doctrine influenced eventual planning for and implementation of US military government. Most notably, the publication of US Army doctrine, primarily in the ...
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Chapter 2 establishes how formal US Army doctrine influenced eventual planning for and implementation of US military government. Most notably, the publication of US Army doctrine, primarily in the form of Field Manual (FM) 27–5: Military Government, provided the seminal guidance on how to train, to plan, and eventually to implement military government. In particular, FM 27–5’s unyielding insistence on military necessity as the guiding principle for postwar occupation governance profoundly informed and influenced subsequent military governments. Doctrine led to training, and FM 27–5 served as the official basis for establishing the School of Military Government where thousands of military government officials were trained during the war years in anticipation of postwar occupation roles. Finally, along with the development of doctrine and education came the formation of military government units that would administer postwar American occupation and the creation of a military government bureaucracy within the War Department that would influence postwar occupation decision making within and outside the army.Less
Chapter 2 establishes how formal US Army doctrine influenced eventual planning for and implementation of US military government. Most notably, the publication of US Army doctrine, primarily in the form of Field Manual (FM) 27–5: Military Government, provided the seminal guidance on how to train, to plan, and eventually to implement military government. In particular, FM 27–5’s unyielding insistence on military necessity as the guiding principle for postwar occupation governance profoundly informed and influenced subsequent military governments. Doctrine led to training, and FM 27–5 served as the official basis for establishing the School of Military Government where thousands of military government officials were trained during the war years in anticipation of postwar occupation roles. Finally, along with the development of doctrine and education came the formation of military government units that would administer postwar American occupation and the creation of a military government bureaucracy within the War Department that would influence postwar occupation decision making within and outside the army.
Walter M. Hudson
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- September 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780813160979
- eISBN:
- 9780813165448
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813160979.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Military History
Army Diplomacy demonstrates how, in the immediate aftermath of World War II, the United States Army became the principal agent of American foreign policy. The army designed, implemented, and ...
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Army Diplomacy demonstrates how, in the immediate aftermath of World War II, the United States Army became the principal agent of American foreign policy. The army designed, implemented, and administered the occupations of the defeated Axis powers Germany and Japan, as well as many other nations. Generals such as Lucius Clay in Germany, Mark Clark in Austria, and John Hodge in Korea presided over these territories as proconsuls, and at the beginning of the Cold War more than 300 million people lived under some form of US military authority. This massive occupation effort had roots in a century of army practice, especially influenced by the army’s Rhineland occupation. The army policies in the occupied nations also represented the culmination of more than a century of military doctrine. Army Diplomacy relies upon institutional history, military sociology, and international relations theory to show how the army’s institutional history and doctrine led to development of post–World War II occupation governance that reflected the particular imperatives of the US Army, especially the army’s requirement that all matters of governance be subordinate to requirements of military necessity. Army Diplomacy further shows the army’s bureaucratic skill in winning the intergovernmental debate over postwar governance against other US government rivals. Finally, Army Diplomacy reveals how the implementation of military government in postwar Germany, Austria, and Korea not only informed but also profoundly influenced early US Cold War policy.Less
Army Diplomacy demonstrates how, in the immediate aftermath of World War II, the United States Army became the principal agent of American foreign policy. The army designed, implemented, and administered the occupations of the defeated Axis powers Germany and Japan, as well as many other nations. Generals such as Lucius Clay in Germany, Mark Clark in Austria, and John Hodge in Korea presided over these territories as proconsuls, and at the beginning of the Cold War more than 300 million people lived under some form of US military authority. This massive occupation effort had roots in a century of army practice, especially influenced by the army’s Rhineland occupation. The army policies in the occupied nations also represented the culmination of more than a century of military doctrine. Army Diplomacy relies upon institutional history, military sociology, and international relations theory to show how the army’s institutional history and doctrine led to development of post–World War II occupation governance that reflected the particular imperatives of the US Army, especially the army’s requirement that all matters of governance be subordinate to requirements of military necessity. Army Diplomacy further shows the army’s bureaucratic skill in winning the intergovernmental debate over postwar governance against other US government rivals. Finally, Army Diplomacy reveals how the implementation of military government in postwar Germany, Austria, and Korea not only informed but also profoundly influenced early US Cold War policy.
Franz Neumann
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691134130
- eISBN:
- 9781400846467
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691134130.003.0025
- Subject:
- History, Military History
This chapter considers a variety of methods of treating Germany. The main objective of the United Nations in the treatment of Germany is to prevent it from ever again becoming a threat to the ...
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This chapter considers a variety of methods of treating Germany. The main objective of the United Nations in the treatment of Germany is to prevent it from ever again becoming a threat to the security of the world. The problem of securing this objective could be approached through destruction of Germany's industrial potential, destruction of Germany as a political entity, and removal from German society of the causes of aggression. The chapter shows that the first two solutions should be deferred until it is clear that the third alternative proves unworkable. In order to eliminate the causes of aggressiveness in German society, temporary and long-term disabilities should be imposed upon Germany. The chapter also examines the causes of German aggression, the United States' policy toward Germany, short-term measures during the period of military government, conditional measures during the probationary period, and permanent impositions upon Germany.Less
This chapter considers a variety of methods of treating Germany. The main objective of the United Nations in the treatment of Germany is to prevent it from ever again becoming a threat to the security of the world. The problem of securing this objective could be approached through destruction of Germany's industrial potential, destruction of Germany as a political entity, and removal from German society of the causes of aggression. The chapter shows that the first two solutions should be deferred until it is clear that the third alternative proves unworkable. In order to eliminate the causes of aggressiveness in German society, temporary and long-term disabilities should be imposed upon Germany. The chapter also examines the causes of German aggression, the United States' policy toward Germany, short-term measures during the period of military government, conditional measures during the probationary period, and permanent impositions upon Germany.
William Michael Schmidli
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801451966
- eISBN:
- 9780801469626
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801451966.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, Latin American History
This chapter looks at the U.S.-Argentine relations in 1960–1976. In the early 1960s, Argentine military leaders looked to the French, rather than the Americans, for military assistance and training. ...
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This chapter looks at the U.S.-Argentine relations in 1960–1976. In the early 1960s, Argentine military leaders looked to the French, rather than the Americans, for military assistance and training. Although recognizing the potential benefits of the Argentine–French anticommunist initiative, U.S. policymakers set out to significantly increase U.S. ties with the Argentine military, enticing the armed forces more fully into the internal security role envisioned by the Alliance for Progress. By the second half of the decade, the United States had displaced the French as the primary military influence on the Argentine armed forces and established a close relationship with the military government led by the army commander in chief Juan Carlos Onganía. As Cold War ties between the two nations solidified, U.S. military training and aid played a defining role in the formulation of the Argentine military’s national security doctrine.Less
This chapter looks at the U.S.-Argentine relations in 1960–1976. In the early 1960s, Argentine military leaders looked to the French, rather than the Americans, for military assistance and training. Although recognizing the potential benefits of the Argentine–French anticommunist initiative, U.S. policymakers set out to significantly increase U.S. ties with the Argentine military, enticing the armed forces more fully into the internal security role envisioned by the Alliance for Progress. By the second half of the decade, the United States had displaced the French as the primary military influence on the Argentine armed forces and established a close relationship with the military government led by the army commander in chief Juan Carlos Onganía. As Cold War ties between the two nations solidified, U.S. military training and aid played a defining role in the formulation of the Argentine military’s national security doctrine.
Peter M. R. Stirk
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748636716
- eISBN:
- 9780748652754
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748636716.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter deals with the problem of defining military occupation. This might seem a simple task, and some accounts of military occupation presume that it is. It is not. The concept of military ...
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This chapter deals with the problem of defining military occupation. This might seem a simple task, and some accounts of military occupation presume that it is. It is not. The concept of military occupation only gained clarity slowly, in distinction from the concept of conquest, and was subsequently muddied by the attempts of occupiers to evade that status. The definition of military occupation is important because it potentially gives greater clarity about the moral status of military occupiers as well as the range of instances covered by the term. However, it tells us little about the contours of military government itself.Less
This chapter deals with the problem of defining military occupation. This might seem a simple task, and some accounts of military occupation presume that it is. It is not. The concept of military occupation only gained clarity slowly, in distinction from the concept of conquest, and was subsequently muddied by the attempts of occupiers to evade that status. The definition of military occupation is important because it potentially gives greater clarity about the moral status of military occupiers as well as the range of instances covered by the term. However, it tells us little about the contours of military government itself.
Peter M. R. Stirk
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748636716
- eISBN:
- 9780748652754
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748636716.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter offers some final reflections on the difficulties inherent in trying to understand military occupation as a political phenomenon and the nature of the challenges it poses to those ...
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This chapter offers some final reflections on the difficulties inherent in trying to understand military occupation as a political phenomenon and the nature of the challenges it poses to those engaged in it. Military occupation pushes sovereignty to the point at which its existence and meaning are precarious. All that is left is a hollow shell whose significance lies in a negative fact: the occupier is not sovereign. The desperation to deny this lies behind the frenetic efforts of ousted elites to demonstrate the efficacy of their legitimacy, and behind calls for the occupier to return sovereignty to the people, as if it were something in the occupier's possession. The structure of military government also matters because it can be used to flatten indigenous institutions, to substantially undermine the very potential of the society subject to occupation to exist as a political entity.Less
This chapter offers some final reflections on the difficulties inherent in trying to understand military occupation as a political phenomenon and the nature of the challenges it poses to those engaged in it. Military occupation pushes sovereignty to the point at which its existence and meaning are precarious. All that is left is a hollow shell whose significance lies in a negative fact: the occupier is not sovereign. The desperation to deny this lies behind the frenetic efforts of ousted elites to demonstrate the efficacy of their legitimacy, and behind calls for the occupier to return sovereignty to the people, as if it were something in the occupier's possession. The structure of military government also matters because it can be used to flatten indigenous institutions, to substantially undermine the very potential of the society subject to occupation to exist as a political entity.
Herbert Marcuse
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691134130
- eISBN:
- 9781400846467
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691134130.003.0019
- Subject:
- History, Military History
This chapter focuses on the policy toward the revival of old political parties and the establishment of new ones in post-war Germany from the point of view of the security of the occupying forces and ...
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This chapter focuses on the policy toward the revival of old political parties and the establishment of new ones in post-war Germany from the point of view of the security of the occupying forces and the elimination of Nazism. It evaluates the prospective parties according to their probable attitude toward these two objectives of Allied military government. It also makes recommendations solely on the basis of these objectives. It is assumed, however, that the elimination of Nazism, as one of the purposes of the military occupation of Germany, includes the gradual restoration to the German people of the liberties necessary for the reconstruction of their society in a democratic form, which alone can eliminate the roots of Nazism in Germany. Accordingly, the parties and organizations which may be expected to oppose a democratic reconstruction of Germany are considered in relation to a possible revival of Nazism.Less
This chapter focuses on the policy toward the revival of old political parties and the establishment of new ones in post-war Germany from the point of view of the security of the occupying forces and the elimination of Nazism. It evaluates the prospective parties according to their probable attitude toward these two objectives of Allied military government. It also makes recommendations solely on the basis of these objectives. It is assumed, however, that the elimination of Nazism, as one of the purposes of the military occupation of Germany, includes the gradual restoration to the German people of the liberties necessary for the reconstruction of their society in a democratic form, which alone can eliminate the roots of Nazism in Germany. Accordingly, the parties and organizations which may be expected to oppose a democratic reconstruction of Germany are considered in relation to a possible revival of Nazism.
Patrick Major
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198206934
- eISBN:
- 9780191677397
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198206934.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History, Political History
This chapter examines the Anglo-American containment policy towards the Kommunistische Partei Deutschlands (KPD) during the period from 1945 to ...
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This chapter examines the Anglo-American containment policy towards the Kommunistische Partei Deutschlands (KPD) during the period from 1945 to 1950. It traces and compares the Anglo-American attitudes to German Communism on the ground, as opposed to at the negotiating table, in the form of local military government. This chapter also examines the popular receptivity to anti-communism among the West German general public and the role of the Federal authorities in Bonn.Less
This chapter examines the Anglo-American containment policy towards the Kommunistische Partei Deutschlands (KPD) during the period from 1945 to 1950. It traces and compares the Anglo-American attitudes to German Communism on the ground, as opposed to at the negotiating table, in the form of local military government. This chapter also examines the popular receptivity to anti-communism among the West German general public and the role of the Federal authorities in Bonn.
Adeed Dawisha
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691157931
- eISBN:
- 9781400846238
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691157931.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
This chapter analyzes political developments in Iraq from 1936 to 1958. Any growth of democratic ideas and institutions that had been achieved earlier came to an abrupt halt in 1936 following the ...
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This chapter analyzes political developments in Iraq from 1936 to 1958. Any growth of democratic ideas and institutions that had been achieved earlier came to an abrupt halt in 1936 following the military coup. Army officers, custodians of political power between 1936 and 1941, cared little, if at all, about democratic institutions and practices. They were succeeded by civilian governments, openly abetted by the Palace, which systematically interfered in the workings of the country's supposed representative institutions. Political parties and groupings operating within the straitjacket of military government and martial law had all but disappeared from the political scene. And successive governments made certain to emasculate Parliament of even the flimsiest pretense of independence and impartiality.Less
This chapter analyzes political developments in Iraq from 1936 to 1958. Any growth of democratic ideas and institutions that had been achieved earlier came to an abrupt halt in 1936 following the military coup. Army officers, custodians of political power between 1936 and 1941, cared little, if at all, about democratic institutions and practices. They were succeeded by civilian governments, openly abetted by the Palace, which systematically interfered in the workings of the country's supposed representative institutions. Political parties and groupings operating within the straitjacket of military government and martial law had all but disappeared from the political scene. And successive governments made certain to emasculate Parliament of even the flimsiest pretense of independence and impartiality.
Hillel Cohen
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520257672
- eISBN:
- 9780520944886
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520257672.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
Letters informing on compatriots were not unusual in Israel's Arab villages in the 1950s and 1960s. Some reported on people who provided safe houses for infiltrators, and others turned in Arabs who ...
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Letters informing on compatriots were not unusual in Israel's Arab villages in the 1950s and 1960s. Some reported on people who provided safe houses for infiltrators, and others turned in Arabs who owned weapons. On occasion, such letters were sent by known collaborators who sought to prove their efficacy or by Arabs who wanted to ingratiate themselves with the authorities. The security or political charges the letters contained were intended to prompt police action. The Communists' overt opposition to the military government and its laws, their fundamental position that Israel should withdraw to the 1947 partition borders, and the systematic way they recruited supporters all made them the major rival of Mapai (and the security agencies, which were in the hands of Mapai) in the Arab public. The Israeli establishment thus viewed them as a clear and present danger to the Jewish state. Clashes between Communist activists and the police and military government became routine. Two Arab personages who enjoyed the support of the Israeli establishment in their contention with the Communists were Mutran Hakim and Muhammad Nimer al-Hawwari.Less
Letters informing on compatriots were not unusual in Israel's Arab villages in the 1950s and 1960s. Some reported on people who provided safe houses for infiltrators, and others turned in Arabs who owned weapons. On occasion, such letters were sent by known collaborators who sought to prove their efficacy or by Arabs who wanted to ingratiate themselves with the authorities. The security or political charges the letters contained were intended to prompt police action. The Communists' overt opposition to the military government and its laws, their fundamental position that Israel should withdraw to the 1947 partition borders, and the systematic way they recruited supporters all made them the major rival of Mapai (and the security agencies, which were in the hands of Mapai) in the Arab public. The Israeli establishment thus viewed them as a clear and present danger to the Jewish state. Clashes between Communist activists and the police and military government became routine. Two Arab personages who enjoyed the support of the Israeli establishment in their contention with the Communists were Mutran Hakim and Muhammad Nimer al-Hawwari.
Gholam R. Afkhami
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520253285
- eISBN:
- 9780520942165
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520253285.003.0021
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
The shah had said on several occasions that he had expected turmoil as the price of liberalization, but it was a passing political spasm and the country would soon return to calm and tranquility. The ...
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The shah had said on several occasions that he had expected turmoil as the price of liberalization, but it was a passing political spasm and the country would soon return to calm and tranquility. The Americans, particularly President Carter, generally encouraged the shah along these lines. The Americans had monitored the gradual increase of violence since 1 January 1978, when President Carter had last been in Tehran. On 5 November 1978 Tehran was on fire. Rebellion enveloped the city. Major companies, cinemas, liquor stores, buses, and cars were vandalized and burned, but banks were the primary targets. The shah was caught between his military commanders, who advised him to show an iron fist, and civilians whose sense of guilt foreshadowed and encouraged his, advising him the opposite. On 29 December 1978 the shah asked Bakhtiar to form a government.Less
The shah had said on several occasions that he had expected turmoil as the price of liberalization, but it was a passing political spasm and the country would soon return to calm and tranquility. The Americans, particularly President Carter, generally encouraged the shah along these lines. The Americans had monitored the gradual increase of violence since 1 January 1978, when President Carter had last been in Tehran. On 5 November 1978 Tehran was on fire. Rebellion enveloped the city. Major companies, cinemas, liquor stores, buses, and cars were vandalized and burned, but banks were the primary targets. The shah was caught between his military commanders, who advised him to show an iron fist, and civilians whose sense of guilt foreshadowed and encouraged his, advising him the opposite. On 29 December 1978 the shah asked Bakhtiar to form a government.