António Costa Pinto
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199240906
- eISBN:
- 9780191598869
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199240906.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
The military coup of 25 April 1974 in Portugal initiated the ‘third wave’ of democratic transitions in southern Europe. The transition and subsequent process of democratic consolidation evolved in ...
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The military coup of 25 April 1974 in Portugal initiated the ‘third wave’ of democratic transitions in southern Europe. The transition and subsequent process of democratic consolidation evolved in various stages, each with a corresponding phase of ‘transitional truth and justice’ initiatives and counter-initiatives: the first stage, from 1974 to 1976, was the ‘revolutionary’ period, comprising the downfall of the regime and the crisis of state that followed; the second stage, between 1976 and 1982, was a period of ‘normalization’, constitutionalization and incipient democratic consolidation; during the third stage, from 1982 onwards, the process of democratic consolidation has proceeded apace. This chapter examines these stages in different sections: Introduction; A Portuguese Settling of Accounts; The Purge Process; The Dual Legacy Discourse and the Consolidation of Democracy; and Conclusion.Less
The military coup of 25 April 1974 in Portugal initiated the ‘third wave’ of democratic transitions in southern Europe. The transition and subsequent process of democratic consolidation evolved in various stages, each with a corresponding phase of ‘transitional truth and justice’ initiatives and counter-initiatives: the first stage, from 1974 to 1976, was the ‘revolutionary’ period, comprising the downfall of the regime and the crisis of state that followed; the second stage, between 1976 and 1982, was a period of ‘normalization’, constitutionalization and incipient democratic consolidation; during the third stage, from 1982 onwards, the process of democratic consolidation has proceeded apace. This chapter examines these stages in different sections: Introduction; A Portuguese Settling of Accounts; The Purge Process; The Dual Legacy Discourse and the Consolidation of Democracy; and Conclusion.
Adeed Dawisha
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691157931
- eISBN:
- 9781400846238
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691157931.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
This chapter discusses events following the demise of Iraq's monarchy in 1958. The demise of the monarchy was met with almost universal approval by the Iraqi people. During the first week after the ...
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This chapter discusses events following the demise of Iraq's monarchy in 1958. The demise of the monarchy was met with almost universal approval by the Iraqi people. During the first week after the military coup, huge demonstrations filled the streets of the country's major cities, all proclaiming their devotion and commitment for the infant republic and their support for the new military leaders. While the military's initial political moves suggested a promising proclivity for sharing power with like-minded civilians, it would not be long before those who had a monopoly over coercive force would hold sway over all institutions of the state. For the following decade, the military would radically and consequentially impact the ideas and institutions of governance, democracy, and identity.Less
This chapter discusses events following the demise of Iraq's monarchy in 1958. The demise of the monarchy was met with almost universal approval by the Iraqi people. During the first week after the military coup, huge demonstrations filled the streets of the country's major cities, all proclaiming their devotion and commitment for the infant republic and their support for the new military leaders. While the military's initial political moves suggested a promising proclivity for sharing power with like-minded civilians, it would not be long before those who had a monopoly over coercive force would hold sway over all institutions of the state. For the following decade, the military would radically and consequentially impact the ideas and institutions of governance, democracy, and identity.
David Malone
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198294832
- eISBN:
- 9780191685071
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198294832.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
President Aristide held power in 1991 only from 7 February to 30 September. His own behaviour as a political leader demonstrated that Haiti's political culture remained steeped in fear, intimidation, ...
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President Aristide held power in 1991 only from 7 February to 30 September. His own behaviour as a political leader demonstrated that Haiti's political culture remained steeped in fear, intimidation, and violence. This chapter describes Aristide's government and the military coup that ousted him. The military coup began late on 29 September, when a number of key State installations were seized. Under strong pressure from the Ambassadors of France and the United States, the putschists allowed Aristide to leave the country during the night of 30 September for Caracas. Recognition of the strong support by a majority of Haitians helped sustain commitment within the international community to his restoration. Throughout the crisis, the United States was the single most important player, given its dominant role within the Hemisphere and the fact that nothing significant could be achieved at the OAS or in the UNSC without its leadership or its active concurrence.Less
President Aristide held power in 1991 only from 7 February to 30 September. His own behaviour as a political leader demonstrated that Haiti's political culture remained steeped in fear, intimidation, and violence. This chapter describes Aristide's government and the military coup that ousted him. The military coup began late on 29 September, when a number of key State installations were seized. Under strong pressure from the Ambassadors of France and the United States, the putschists allowed Aristide to leave the country during the night of 30 September for Caracas. Recognition of the strong support by a majority of Haitians helped sustain commitment within the international community to his restoration. Throughout the crisis, the United States was the single most important player, given its dominant role within the Hemisphere and the fact that nothing significant could be achieved at the OAS or in the UNSC without its leadership or its active concurrence.
Adeed Dawisha
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691157931
- eISBN:
- 9781400846238
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691157931.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
This chapter discusses events surrounding the 1936 Bakr Sidqi military coup. On October 29, 1936, planes from the infant Royal Iraqi Air Force circled over Baghdad then dropped leaflets demanding the ...
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This chapter discusses events surrounding the 1936 Bakr Sidqi military coup. On October 29, 1936, planes from the infant Royal Iraqi Air Force circled over Baghdad then dropped leaflets demanding the ouster of nationalist Prime Minister Yasin al-Hashimi, who had taken to characterizing himself as the Bismarck of Iraq. It did not take long for Hashimi to tender his resignation to the young King Ghazi, and along with other senior members of the government, including Nuri al-Sa'id, hurriedly left Iraq. By imposing its will on the political leadership, the army, under the leadership of the notorious, yet at the time popular, Kurdish general Bakr Sidqi had executed a successful military coup, which was to become the precursor for a spate of military coups that bedeviled not only Iraq, but most of the Arab world, over the following four decades. Indeed, it is no exaggeration to say that in the 1936 military coup could be found the seeds of the momentous events that were to usher the end of the monarchical period in July 1958.Less
This chapter discusses events surrounding the 1936 Bakr Sidqi military coup. On October 29, 1936, planes from the infant Royal Iraqi Air Force circled over Baghdad then dropped leaflets demanding the ouster of nationalist Prime Minister Yasin al-Hashimi, who had taken to characterizing himself as the Bismarck of Iraq. It did not take long for Hashimi to tender his resignation to the young King Ghazi, and along with other senior members of the government, including Nuri al-Sa'id, hurriedly left Iraq. By imposing its will on the political leadership, the army, under the leadership of the notorious, yet at the time popular, Kurdish general Bakr Sidqi had executed a successful military coup, which was to become the precursor for a spate of military coups that bedeviled not only Iraq, but most of the Arab world, over the following four decades. Indeed, it is no exaggeration to say that in the 1936 military coup could be found the seeds of the momentous events that were to usher the end of the monarchical period in July 1958.
Sebastian Balfour
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198205074
- eISBN:
- 9780191676482
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198205074.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This book provides a full account of Spain's disastrous war with the United States in 1898, in which she lost the remnants of her old empire. It also gives a comprehensive analysis of the ensuing ...
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This book provides a full account of Spain's disastrous war with the United States in 1898, in which she lost the remnants of her old empire. It also gives a comprehensive analysis of the ensuing political and social crisis in Spain from the loss of empire through the First World War to the military coup of 1923.Less
This book provides a full account of Spain's disastrous war with the United States in 1898, in which she lost the remnants of her old empire. It also gives a comprehensive analysis of the ensuing political and social crisis in Spain from the loss of empire through the First World War to the military coup of 1923.
Adeed Dawisha
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691157931
- eISBN:
- 9781400846238
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691157931.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
This chapter discusses the events following the military coup on July 17, 1968, that ushered in the Ba'thist/Saddamist era. The Ba'thists were in no mood to share power with officers claiming ...
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This chapter discusses the events following the military coup on July 17, 1968, that ushered in the Ba'thist/Saddamist era. The Ba'thists were in no mood to share power with officers claiming fidelity to the nationalist cause but eschewing membership in the Ba'th Party. Particularly adamant on the necessity for the Party to monopolize power was Saddam Husayn. On July 30, a new Cabinet was formed and announced to the Iraqi public. As the names of the Cabinet Ministers were read, no one would have any doubt that this time the Ba'th Party alone would shape the structure, and command the direction, of the Iraqi state.Less
This chapter discusses the events following the military coup on July 17, 1968, that ushered in the Ba'thist/Saddamist era. The Ba'thists were in no mood to share power with officers claiming fidelity to the nationalist cause but eschewing membership in the Ba'th Party. Particularly adamant on the necessity for the Party to monopolize power was Saddam Husayn. On July 30, a new Cabinet was formed and announced to the Iraqi public. As the names of the Cabinet Ministers were read, no one would have any doubt that this time the Ba'th Party alone would shape the structure, and command the direction, of the Iraqi state.
Tanya Harmer
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- July 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780807834954
- eISBN:
- 9781469602721
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/9780807869246_harmer
- Subject:
- History, Latin American History
Fidel Castro described Salvador Allende's democratic election as president of Chile in 1970 as the most important revolutionary triumph in Latin America after the Cuban revolution. Yet celebrations ...
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Fidel Castro described Salvador Allende's democratic election as president of Chile in 1970 as the most important revolutionary triumph in Latin America after the Cuban revolution. Yet celebrations were short lived. In Washington, the Nixon administration vowed to destroy Allende's left-wing government while Chilean opposition forces mobilized against him. The result was a battle for Chile that ended in 1973 with a right-wing military coup and a brutal dictatorship lasting nearly twenty years. This book argues that this battle was part of a dynamic inter-American Cold War struggle to determine Latin America's future, shaped more by the contest between Cuba, Chile, the United States, and Brazil than by a conflict between Moscow and Washington. Drawing on firsthand interviews and recently declassified documents from archives in North America, Europe, and South America—including Chile's Foreign Ministry Archive—the author provides a comprehensive account of Cuban involvement in Latin America in the early 1970s, Chilean foreign relations during Allende's presidency, Brazil's support for counterrevolution in the Southern Cone, and the Nixon administration's Latin American policies. The Cold War in the Americas, she reveals, is best understood as a multidimensional struggle, involving peoples and ideas from across the hemisphere.Less
Fidel Castro described Salvador Allende's democratic election as president of Chile in 1970 as the most important revolutionary triumph in Latin America after the Cuban revolution. Yet celebrations were short lived. In Washington, the Nixon administration vowed to destroy Allende's left-wing government while Chilean opposition forces mobilized against him. The result was a battle for Chile that ended in 1973 with a right-wing military coup and a brutal dictatorship lasting nearly twenty years. This book argues that this battle was part of a dynamic inter-American Cold War struggle to determine Latin America's future, shaped more by the contest between Cuba, Chile, the United States, and Brazil than by a conflict between Moscow and Washington. Drawing on firsthand interviews and recently declassified documents from archives in North America, Europe, and South America—including Chile's Foreign Ministry Archive—the author provides a comprehensive account of Cuban involvement in Latin America in the early 1970s, Chilean foreign relations during Allende's presidency, Brazil's support for counterrevolution in the Southern Cone, and the Nixon administration's Latin American policies. The Cold War in the Americas, she reveals, is best understood as a multidimensional struggle, involving peoples and ideas from across the hemisphere.
Raul Caruso, Jacopo Costa, and Roberto Ricciuti
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- September 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780262026895
- eISBN:
- 9780262321976
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- The MIT Press
- DOI:
- 10.7551/mitpress/9780262026895.003.0006
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Economic Systems
This chapter relates income, ethnic fractionalization, and external threat levels to the probability of military coups in Africa. It shows that per capita income has a negative effect on the ...
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This chapter relates income, ethnic fractionalization, and external threat levels to the probability of military coups in Africa. It shows that per capita income has a negative effect on the probability of military rule, offering support for the “modernization” theory of democracy. Fractionalization also lowers the probability of military rule, while external threats have a lagged positive effect.Less
This chapter relates income, ethnic fractionalization, and external threat levels to the probability of military coups in Africa. It shows that per capita income has a negative effect on the probability of military rule, offering support for the “modernization” theory of democracy. Fractionalization also lowers the probability of military rule, while external threats have a lagged positive effect.
Hazem Kandil
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- December 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780190239206
- eISBN:
- 9780190239237
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190239206.003.0018
- Subject:
- Sociology, Politics, Social Movements and Social Change, Comparative and Historical Sociology
The present study examined the processes of regime change in Iran, Turkey, and Egypt. It began with the coups that founded their various regimes and the division of power between military, security, ...
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The present study examined the processes of regime change in Iran, Turkey, and Egypt. It began with the coups that founded their various regimes and the division of power between military, security, and political institutions. It then traced the collaboration and competition of these institutions across decades, and concluded that regime change is often the by-product of their attempts to modify the power balance. This concluding chapter reviews the literature on coups and compares the Iranian, Turkish, and Egyptian trajectories to consider why one experienced revolution, the other evolved via reform, and the third remains resilient. It argues that understanding the genesis of each new regime and the logic of power it initiates is as important as tracing the shifts and turns that follow. And even though the Iranian, Turkish, and Egyptian regimes continue to change, in one form or another, their history continues to weigh them down.Less
The present study examined the processes of regime change in Iran, Turkey, and Egypt. It began with the coups that founded their various regimes and the division of power between military, security, and political institutions. It then traced the collaboration and competition of these institutions across decades, and concluded that regime change is often the by-product of their attempts to modify the power balance. This concluding chapter reviews the literature on coups and compares the Iranian, Turkish, and Egyptian trajectories to consider why one experienced revolution, the other evolved via reform, and the third remains resilient. It argues that understanding the genesis of each new regime and the logic of power it initiates is as important as tracing the shifts and turns that follow. And even though the Iranian, Turkish, and Egyptian regimes continue to change, in one form or another, their history continues to weigh them down.
Kira D. Jumet
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780190688455
- eISBN:
- 9780190688493
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190688455.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization, Political Economy
This chapter identifies the discrepancy between real and perceived political opportunities and the effect this gap had on political mobilization for the June 30th protests in Egypt. The chapter ...
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This chapter identifies the discrepancy between real and perceived political opportunities and the effect this gap had on political mobilization for the June 30th protests in Egypt. The chapter relies on interview data and fieldwork conducted during the 2012 anti-Morsi protests, the 2013 coup, the months following the coup, and at protests in Tahrir Square and at the Rabaa al-Adawiya sit-in. In addition to outlining the politics surrounding President Morsi’s 2012 constitutional declaration, the subsequent protests, and how the Tamarod movement mobilized mass protests against Morsi that took place on June 30, 2013, the chapter also presents the details and step-by-step process of the 2013 military coup. The chapter explains post-coup politics, including the designation of the Muslim Brotherhood as a terrorist organization, the military’s mobilization of the public against the Muslim Brotherhood, the Rabaa al-Adawiya massacre, the cult of General Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, and the 2014 constitutional referendum and presidential elections.Less
This chapter identifies the discrepancy between real and perceived political opportunities and the effect this gap had on political mobilization for the June 30th protests in Egypt. The chapter relies on interview data and fieldwork conducted during the 2012 anti-Morsi protests, the 2013 coup, the months following the coup, and at protests in Tahrir Square and at the Rabaa al-Adawiya sit-in. In addition to outlining the politics surrounding President Morsi’s 2012 constitutional declaration, the subsequent protests, and how the Tamarod movement mobilized mass protests against Morsi that took place on June 30, 2013, the chapter also presents the details and step-by-step process of the 2013 military coup. The chapter explains post-coup politics, including the designation of the Muslim Brotherhood as a terrorist organization, the military’s mobilization of the public against the Muslim Brotherhood, the Rabaa al-Adawiya massacre, the cult of General Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, and the 2014 constitutional referendum and presidential elections.
Adeed Dawisha
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691157931
- eISBN:
- 9781400846238
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691157931.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
This chapter analyzes the growing divide between political elites in the wake of the military coup. In fact, the aftermath of the Bakr Sidqi coup can be seen as an effort by the out-group to move ...
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This chapter analyzes the growing divide between political elites in the wake of the military coup. In fact, the aftermath of the Bakr Sidqi coup can be seen as an effort by the out-group to move into the center not just politically, but ideationally as well. The ideational orientation of the new political order was immediately evident in the composition and policies of its political elite. The three pillars of the policy-making group were Sidqi (a Kurd), Sulayman (a Turkomen), and Abu al-Timman (a Shi'ite). The government's first statement to the Iraqi public focused almost exclusively on the country's problems, promising to foster national unity and overcome communal divisions. The government's policies aroused the ire of “Arab” nationalists who objected to the seemingly purposeful distancing of Iraq from what they considered to be its natural habitat.Less
This chapter analyzes the growing divide between political elites in the wake of the military coup. In fact, the aftermath of the Bakr Sidqi coup can be seen as an effort by the out-group to move into the center not just politically, but ideationally as well. The ideational orientation of the new political order was immediately evident in the composition and policies of its political elite. The three pillars of the policy-making group were Sidqi (a Kurd), Sulayman (a Turkomen), and Abu al-Timman (a Shi'ite). The government's first statement to the Iraqi public focused almost exclusively on the country's problems, promising to foster national unity and overcome communal divisions. The government's policies aroused the ire of “Arab” nationalists who objected to the seemingly purposeful distancing of Iraq from what they considered to be its natural habitat.
Ozan O. Varol
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- August 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780190626013
- eISBN:
- 9780190626051
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190626013.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Democratization
This chapter defines the key terms used throughout the book: military, military coup, and popular revolution. The military, also known as the armed forces, is the state institution responsible for ...
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This chapter defines the key terms used throughout the book: military, military coup, and popular revolution. The military, also known as the armed forces, is the state institution responsible for defending a nation’s borders. Importantly, the military is a separate institution from the state’s security forces. Although journalistic and historical accounts often conflate the military with the security forces, they serve distinct functions. Although most nations employ various measures to keep the military subservient to the civilian government, those measures are effective only if the military chooses to follow them. When the military disregards those measures and unleashes its coercive power against the sitting head of state, the result is a coup d’état. The definition of a coup ordinarily requires that its perpetrators come from a state institution such as the domestic military. Although many features of coups are also present in revolutions and popular movements, the definition of a military coup excludes these events because they are perpetrated by the masses, not members of the military.Less
This chapter defines the key terms used throughout the book: military, military coup, and popular revolution. The military, also known as the armed forces, is the state institution responsible for defending a nation’s borders. Importantly, the military is a separate institution from the state’s security forces. Although journalistic and historical accounts often conflate the military with the security forces, they serve distinct functions. Although most nations employ various measures to keep the military subservient to the civilian government, those measures are effective only if the military chooses to follow them. When the military disregards those measures and unleashes its coercive power against the sitting head of state, the result is a coup d’état. The definition of a coup ordinarily requires that its perpetrators come from a state institution such as the domestic military. Although many features of coups are also present in revolutions and popular movements, the definition of a military coup excludes these events because they are perpetrated by the masses, not members of the military.
David Roessel
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195143867
- eISBN:
- 9780199871872
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195143867.003.0011
- Subject:
- Literature, 19th-century Literature and Romanticism
This concluding chapter looks at the Greece brought into existence by Henry Miller and Lawrence Durrell. The two authors reinvested modern Greece with meaning by stripping it of all political ...
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This concluding chapter looks at the Greece brought into existence by Henry Miller and Lawrence Durrell. The two authors reinvested modern Greece with meaning by stripping it of all political significance. This occurred when Greece itself was under a dictatorship and under the shadow of the impending war, so that the creation of an idyllic Greece during these years was an act of will by both Miller and Durrell. Those writers who came to Greece in the late 1940s and 1950s carrying the books of Miller and Durrell also persisted in turning their eyes from the internal politics of Greece, despite a bitter civil war between the Left and the Right from 1945 to 1949. Greece became repoliticized in Western eyes by the military coup in 1967, partly because leftist political activism in the West viewed the coup as a cause and partly because the unappealing politics within Greece helped to move lotus land elsewhere.Less
This concluding chapter looks at the Greece brought into existence by Henry Miller and Lawrence Durrell. The two authors reinvested modern Greece with meaning by stripping it of all political significance. This occurred when Greece itself was under a dictatorship and under the shadow of the impending war, so that the creation of an idyllic Greece during these years was an act of will by both Miller and Durrell. Those writers who came to Greece in the late 1940s and 1950s carrying the books of Miller and Durrell also persisted in turning their eyes from the internal politics of Greece, despite a bitter civil war between the Left and the Right from 1945 to 1949. Greece became repoliticized in Western eyes by the military coup in 1967, partly because leftist political activism in the West viewed the coup as a cause and partly because the unappealing politics within Greece helped to move lotus land elsewhere.
Ioannis S. Koliopoulos
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748624782
- eISBN:
- 9780748671267
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748624782.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, Political History
This chapter discusses Venizelos' departure from the Greek political scene, which came about in the same way that he entered it: in the wake of a military coup. Unlike the other great statesman of ...
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This chapter discusses Venizelos' departure from the Greek political scene, which came about in the same way that he entered it: in the wake of a military coup. Unlike the other great statesman of twentieth-century Greece, Constantine Karamanlis, who did everything in his power to abstain from activities that called into question constitutional legality, Venizelos more than once acted under the conviction that political requirement must occasionally be allowed to prevail over legitimate government. Unlike Karamanlis also, who prepared for himself the place in history he thought appropriate for a great statesman, Venizelos did not appear to care much about how posterity would judge his actions. From the point of view of respect for established institutions, then, Venizelos belonged to a set of new men, like Camilo di Cavour and Otto von Bismarck, who believed that their nation's interest justified all means, including revolution against legitimate authority.Less
This chapter discusses Venizelos' departure from the Greek political scene, which came about in the same way that he entered it: in the wake of a military coup. Unlike the other great statesman of twentieth-century Greece, Constantine Karamanlis, who did everything in his power to abstain from activities that called into question constitutional legality, Venizelos more than once acted under the conviction that political requirement must occasionally be allowed to prevail over legitimate government. Unlike Karamanlis also, who prepared for himself the place in history he thought appropriate for a great statesman, Venizelos did not appear to care much about how posterity would judge his actions. From the point of view of respect for established institutions, then, Venizelos belonged to a set of new men, like Camilo di Cavour and Otto von Bismarck, who believed that their nation's interest justified all means, including revolution against legitimate authority.
Martha K. Hugginsv, Mika Haritos-Fatouros, and Philip G. Zimbardo
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520234468
- eISBN:
- 9780520928916
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520234468.003.0006
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Latin American Cultural Anthropology
This chapter lays out the historical foundation for understanding state-sponsored torture and murder in Brazil by weaving violence workers' biographies into the three decades of Brazilian history ...
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This chapter lays out the historical foundation for understanding state-sponsored torture and murder in Brazil by weaving violence workers' biographies into the three decades of Brazilian history from 1964 to 1985, and considers the Brazilian atrocity within the political and social dynamics that nurtured, supported, and excused it. It suggests that some of the events which led to the development of atrocity include the experience of policing Brazil's military coup, the declaration of the military executive's right to rule without congressional consent in the 1960s, and political decompression.Less
This chapter lays out the historical foundation for understanding state-sponsored torture and murder in Brazil by weaving violence workers' biographies into the three decades of Brazilian history from 1964 to 1985, and considers the Brazilian atrocity within the political and social dynamics that nurtured, supported, and excused it. It suggests that some of the events which led to the development of atrocity include the experience of policing Brazil's military coup, the declaration of the military executive's right to rule without congressional consent in the 1960s, and political decompression.
COLIN NEWBURY
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199257812
- eISBN:
- 9780191717864
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199257812.003.12
- Subject:
- History, World Early Modern History
In the Fiji archipelago no chief established paramount authority. From 1871, a constitutional government based on the person and influence of Seru Ebenezer Cakobau, Vunivalu of Bau, began a process ...
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In the Fiji archipelago no chief established paramount authority. From 1871, a constitutional government based on the person and influence of Seru Ebenezer Cakobau, Vunivalu of Bau, began a process of centralization under stipended provincial chiefs and settler officials, until the ‘kingdom’ was annexed by Britain with the agreement of Fijian chiefs. The first governors incorporated the chiefly hierarchy into a structure of provinces and districts, with taxes and laws under Crown Colony government. The early practice of consulting provincial chiefs was institutionalized within ‘Fijian Administration’ and the internal colonization of Viti Levu was completed with Fijian levies. Fijian leaders did not become civil servants and retained considerable initiative in accessing rents from lands and securing posts for subordinates. The whole structure of local government was called into question from the 1960s by advances in elected representation for Fijians and a large Indian population. Ethnic loyalty and deference to chiefs became an important factor in party politics, as Fiji moved towards independence in 1970 and continued to polarize politics up to the military coups of the 1980s.Less
In the Fiji archipelago no chief established paramount authority. From 1871, a constitutional government based on the person and influence of Seru Ebenezer Cakobau, Vunivalu of Bau, began a process of centralization under stipended provincial chiefs and settler officials, until the ‘kingdom’ was annexed by Britain with the agreement of Fijian chiefs. The first governors incorporated the chiefly hierarchy into a structure of provinces and districts, with taxes and laws under Crown Colony government. The early practice of consulting provincial chiefs was institutionalized within ‘Fijian Administration’ and the internal colonization of Viti Levu was completed with Fijian levies. Fijian leaders did not become civil servants and retained considerable initiative in accessing rents from lands and securing posts for subordinates. The whole structure of local government was called into question from the 1960s by advances in elected representation for Fijians and a large Indian population. Ethnic loyalty and deference to chiefs became an important factor in party politics, as Fiji moved towards independence in 1970 and continued to polarize politics up to the military coups of the 1980s.
Nina Schneider
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- January 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780813049908
- eISBN:
- 9780813050362
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813049908.003.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Latin American Studies
This chapter introduces the history of the civilian-military regime, describes its core characteristics, outlines key tenets and ideologies used to legitimize the 1964 coup, and describes the ensuing ...
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This chapter introduces the history of the civilian-military regime, describes its core characteristics, outlines key tenets and ideologies used to legitimize the 1964 coup, and describes the ensuing military reign. It explores the large-scale private propaganda campaigns that paved the way for the coup between 1962 and 1964 and examines the regime's division into different military camps where propaganda was a contested field. Providing a schema for the book's organization, the introduction also briefly discusses the concept of propaganda and introduces new subcategories used throughout the study.Less
This chapter introduces the history of the civilian-military regime, describes its core characteristics, outlines key tenets and ideologies used to legitimize the 1964 coup, and describes the ensuing military reign. It explores the large-scale private propaganda campaigns that paved the way for the coup between 1962 and 1964 and examines the regime's division into different military camps where propaganda was a contested field. Providing a schema for the book's organization, the introduction also briefly discusses the concept of propaganda and introduces new subcategories used throughout the study.
M. Hakan Yavuz
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199927999
- eISBN:
- 9780199980543
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199927999.003.0002
- Subject:
- Religion, Islam
This chapter examines Gülen's life story within the context of larger sociohistorical factors. Gülen's vision and mission are crucially grounded in the prevailing social and historical context of ...
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This chapter examines Gülen's life story within the context of larger sociohistorical factors. Gülen's vision and mission are crucially grounded in the prevailing social and historical context of Eastern Anatolia and Turkey. The most critical factors that shaped his vision are: the frontier conditions of Erzurum and the struggle for dominance by competing empires and ethnic and religious groups. The city was also one of the main destinations for Ottoman Muslims in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries fleeing war and ethnic cleansing. The second critical battleground was between Ottoman Islamic tradition and identity and the radical policies of the new Kemalist Republic to disestablish Islam and create an authoritarian, secular, and homogeneous Turkish state and society. The Kemalist revolution was deeply resisted by the religiously inspired Nur movement of Beddiuzzaman Said Nursi, as struggle for the Turkish soul that continues today. Fethullah Gülen's own life story and worldview are constructed in terms of these critical events and struggles.Less
This chapter examines Gülen's life story within the context of larger sociohistorical factors. Gülen's vision and mission are crucially grounded in the prevailing social and historical context of Eastern Anatolia and Turkey. The most critical factors that shaped his vision are: the frontier conditions of Erzurum and the struggle for dominance by competing empires and ethnic and religious groups. The city was also one of the main destinations for Ottoman Muslims in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries fleeing war and ethnic cleansing. The second critical battleground was between Ottoman Islamic tradition and identity and the radical policies of the new Kemalist Republic to disestablish Islam and create an authoritarian, secular, and homogeneous Turkish state and society. The Kemalist revolution was deeply resisted by the religiously inspired Nur movement of Beddiuzzaman Said Nursi, as struggle for the Turkish soul that continues today. Fethullah Gülen's own life story and worldview are constructed in terms of these critical events and struggles.
Patrick Barr-Melej
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781469632575
- eISBN:
- 9781469632599
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469632575.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, Latin American History
The epilogue briefly pushes the book’s discussion forward in time, into 1974, when countercultural youths faced very different conditions put upon them by a military regime whose leaders were ...
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The epilogue briefly pushes the book’s discussion forward in time, into 1974, when countercultural youths faced very different conditions put upon them by a military regime whose leaders were familiar with anticounterculture discourses, especially those of the Allende years. Upon the military coup (led by General Augusto Pinochet Ugarte) that ended Allende’s presidency and democracy in September 1973, matters turned from troublesome to dismal for many hippies (including Jorge Gómez), Siloists, and countercultural youths in general as the dictatorship forcefully imposed its notion about youth, discipline, and culture.Less
The epilogue briefly pushes the book’s discussion forward in time, into 1974, when countercultural youths faced very different conditions put upon them by a military regime whose leaders were familiar with anticounterculture discourses, especially those of the Allende years. Upon the military coup (led by General Augusto Pinochet Ugarte) that ended Allende’s presidency and democracy in September 1973, matters turned from troublesome to dismal for many hippies (including Jorge Gómez), Siloists, and countercultural youths in general as the dictatorship forcefully imposed its notion about youth, discipline, and culture.
Pirongrong Ramasoota
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- August 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780262016780
- eISBN:
- 9780262298919
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- The MIT Press
- DOI:
- 10.7551/mitpress/9780262016780.003.0005
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Media Studies
This chapter focuses on the Internet filtering evolution in Thailand particularly after the 2006 military coup. Legal measures to control online communication in Thailand after the coup, including ...
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This chapter focuses on the Internet filtering evolution in Thailand particularly after the 2006 military coup. Legal measures to control online communication in Thailand after the coup, including the Computer-Related Offenses Act B.E. 2550, the Council for Democratic Reform’s Order No. 5/2549, and Internal Security Act B.E. 2551, among others, are discussed. The chapter presents the automatic URL filtering technique developed at the Bangkok-based Kasetsart University due to the complaints over lèse-majesté cases used in 2008 and onwards. The chapter presents strategies employed by civil society members to deal with Internet filtering, including increasing security in online use, use of proxy servers, and campaigning for public advocacy on issues related to Internet freedom.Less
This chapter focuses on the Internet filtering evolution in Thailand particularly after the 2006 military coup. Legal measures to control online communication in Thailand after the coup, including the Computer-Related Offenses Act B.E. 2550, the Council for Democratic Reform’s Order No. 5/2549, and Internal Security Act B.E. 2551, among others, are discussed. The chapter presents the automatic URL filtering technique developed at the Bangkok-based Kasetsart University due to the complaints over lèse-majesté cases used in 2008 and onwards. The chapter presents strategies employed by civil society members to deal with Internet filtering, including increasing security in online use, use of proxy servers, and campaigning for public advocacy on issues related to Internet freedom.
