C. T. Sandars
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198296874
- eISBN:
- 9780191685293
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198296874.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter discusses U.S. alliance with countries in the Mediterranean Region after World War II. The U.S. was able to successfully establish alliance with Spain, Turkey, and Greece. It had ...
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This chapter discusses U.S. alliance with countries in the Mediterranean Region after World War II. The U.S. was able to successfully establish alliance with Spain, Turkey, and Greece. It had difficulty negotiating basing rights with Spain because of Francisco Franco's efforts to avoid an American security commitment and Spain's close ties with the Arab world, but it was able to secure five-year terms for American military bases. The alliance with Turkey and Greece was prompted by Soviet pressure in the Eastern Mediterranean immediately after the war.Less
This chapter discusses U.S. alliance with countries in the Mediterranean Region after World War II. The U.S. was able to successfully establish alliance with Spain, Turkey, and Greece. It had difficulty negotiating basing rights with Spain because of Francisco Franco's efforts to avoid an American security commitment and Spain's close ties with the Arab world, but it was able to secure five-year terms for American military bases. The alliance with Turkey and Greece was prompted by Soviet pressure in the Eastern Mediterranean immediately after the war.
C. T. Sandars
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198296874
- eISBN:
- 9780191685293
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198296874.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter discusses the neo-colonial bases established by the U.S. after World War II. In search of suitable overseas military bases after the war, the U.S. retained military facilities in other ...
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This chapter discusses the neo-colonial bases established by the U.S. after World War II. In search of suitable overseas military bases after the war, the U.S. retained military facilities in other countries where it had enjoyed colonial or quasi-colonial rights. The Philippines and the Panama Canal Zone were high on their priority list. The U.S. also retained the naval base at Guantanamo in Cuba. The U.S. retained extensive military in both Panama and the Philippines throughout the Cold War period. By contrast, Great Britain retained no military facilities in Pakistan or India when these countries were granted independence in 1947.Less
This chapter discusses the neo-colonial bases established by the U.S. after World War II. In search of suitable overseas military bases after the war, the U.S. retained military facilities in other countries where it had enjoyed colonial or quasi-colonial rights. The Philippines and the Panama Canal Zone were high on their priority list. The U.S. also retained the naval base at Guantanamo in Cuba. The U.S. retained extensive military in both Panama and the Philippines throughout the Cold War period. By contrast, Great Britain retained no military facilities in Pakistan or India when these countries were granted independence in 1947.
C. T. Sandars
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198296874
- eISBN:
- 9780191685293
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198296874.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter discusses the U.S. government's efforts to revive wartime agreements after the end of World War II. The U.S. invested much in the construction of a worldwide network of military bases ...
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This chapter discusses the U.S. government's efforts to revive wartime agreements after the end of World War II. The U.S. invested much in the construction of a worldwide network of military bases during the war and felt that it was owed some return on this investment. However, after the war the U.S. was asked to leave its bases in Greenland, Iceland, and the Azores, which were considered as stepping stones across the Atlantic. To address the problem, the U.S. issued a unilateral invitation to several European countries including Portugal, Iceland, and Denmark to join the North Atlantic Treaty in April 1949, paving the way for the return of American forces to Greenland, Iceland, and the Azores in the interest of common defence.Less
This chapter discusses the U.S. government's efforts to revive wartime agreements after the end of World War II. The U.S. invested much in the construction of a worldwide network of military bases during the war and felt that it was owed some return on this investment. However, after the war the U.S. was asked to leave its bases in Greenland, Iceland, and the Azores, which were considered as stepping stones across the Atlantic. To address the problem, the U.S. issued a unilateral invitation to several European countries including Portugal, Iceland, and Denmark to join the North Atlantic Treaty in April 1949, paving the way for the return of American forces to Greenland, Iceland, and the Azores in the interest of common defence.
C. T. Sandars
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198296874
- eISBN:
- 9780191685293
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198296874.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter discusses the U.S. government's determination to take sole control of Japan and the Pacific region after World War II. The U.S. was determined to keep other allies, particularly Russia, ...
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This chapter discusses the U.S. government's determination to take sole control of Japan and the Pacific region after World War II. The U.S. was determined to keep other allies, particularly Russia, out of Japan, to prevent their development of offensive bases on the home islands. The Joint Chiefs of Staff were keen on building military bases on the Ryukyus Islands and in Okinawa, but not on a long-term basis. However, they were compelled to maintain a permanent presence on the mainland and home islands to ensure peace and stability along the areas bordering the Yellow Sea and because of the outbreak of the Korean War.Less
This chapter discusses the U.S. government's determination to take sole control of Japan and the Pacific region after World War II. The U.S. was determined to keep other allies, particularly Russia, out of Japan, to prevent their development of offensive bases on the home islands. The Joint Chiefs of Staff were keen on building military bases on the Ryukyus Islands and in Okinawa, but not on a long-term basis. However, they were compelled to maintain a permanent presence on the mainland and home islands to ensure peace and stability along the areas bordering the Yellow Sea and because of the outbreak of the Korean War.
C. T. Sandars
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198296874
- eISBN:
- 9780191685293
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198296874.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter discusses the failure of the U.S. to establish military presence and bases in the Middle East. This region has been the key area of rivalry between the traditional colonial empire of ...
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This chapter discusses the failure of the U.S. to establish military presence and bases in the Middle East. This region has been the key area of rivalry between the traditional colonial empire of Britain and the new leasehold empire of the U.S. The U.S. was initially prepared to accept Britain's dominant position in the Middle East after the war, but it increasingly came to challenge this for commercial and strategic reasons. America's initial interests in the region involve providing military support for Israel and for security of oil supplies.Less
This chapter discusses the failure of the U.S. to establish military presence and bases in the Middle East. This region has been the key area of rivalry between the traditional colonial empire of Britain and the new leasehold empire of the U.S. The U.S. was initially prepared to accept Britain's dominant position in the Middle East after the war, but it increasingly came to challenge this for commercial and strategic reasons. America's initial interests in the region involve providing military support for Israel and for security of oil supplies.
Jill Edwards
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198228714
- eISBN:
- 9780191678813
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198228714.003.0014
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
For Dean Acheson and Harry S. Truman, the ascendancy of military planners appeared to mark an admission of defeat on the Spanish question. The removal of the United Nations recommended sanctions on ...
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For Dean Acheson and Harry S. Truman, the ascendancy of military planners appeared to mark an admission of defeat on the Spanish question. The removal of the United Nations recommended sanctions on Spain facilitated the United States' pursuit of negotiations with Spanish leader Francisco Franco. Britain's negative response about the possible role of Spain in relation to the general defence of Western Europe was not simply a matter of socio-political factors, but military and economic as well. British defence chiefs placed the importance of Iberia high in the new NATO defence structure, but had more immediate and engrossing considerations in the Mediterranean than popular opinion or union pressure, had it so endeavoured, could alone have influenced. Like their American counterparts they had the politico-strategic dilemma presented by Spain under constant review. This chapter looks at the issue of military bases, accords, and the British armament industry in relation to Spain.Less
For Dean Acheson and Harry S. Truman, the ascendancy of military planners appeared to mark an admission of defeat on the Spanish question. The removal of the United Nations recommended sanctions on Spain facilitated the United States' pursuit of negotiations with Spanish leader Francisco Franco. Britain's negative response about the possible role of Spain in relation to the general defence of Western Europe was not simply a matter of socio-political factors, but military and economic as well. British defence chiefs placed the importance of Iberia high in the new NATO defence structure, but had more immediate and engrossing considerations in the Mediterranean than popular opinion or union pressure, had it so endeavoured, could alone have influenced. Like their American counterparts they had the politico-strategic dilemma presented by Spain under constant review. This chapter looks at the issue of military bases, accords, and the British armament industry in relation to Spain.
Jill Edwards
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198228714
- eISBN:
- 9780191678813
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198228714.003.0015
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
After successfully blocking United States economic aid to Spain for some time, President Harry S. Truman finally authorized credit for Spain, whittled down from the original proposal of $100 million ...
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After successfully blocking United States economic aid to Spain for some time, President Harry S. Truman finally authorized credit for Spain, whittled down from the original proposal of $100 million to $62.5 million. United States military and commercial interest in Spain was now undisguised, and Truman's stance on the issue was ever more isolated in the context of current formulation of American foreign policy as a whole. Since the beginning of 1949, the State Department had been conducting detailed negotiations with France for base rights in French territory in Mediterranean and North African areas. Agreements signed in September 1953 were a series of twenty-seven accords or pacts covering Defense, Economic Aid, and Mutual Defense Assistance. This chapter examines Britain's reaction to the military bases agreements signed by the United States with other countries, the rise to power of the Conservative Party in British politics, and the aftermath of the base agreements.Less
After successfully blocking United States economic aid to Spain for some time, President Harry S. Truman finally authorized credit for Spain, whittled down from the original proposal of $100 million to $62.5 million. United States military and commercial interest in Spain was now undisguised, and Truman's stance on the issue was ever more isolated in the context of current formulation of American foreign policy as a whole. Since the beginning of 1949, the State Department had been conducting detailed negotiations with France for base rights in French territory in Mediterranean and North African areas. Agreements signed in September 1953 were a series of twenty-seven accords or pacts covering Defense, Economic Aid, and Mutual Defense Assistance. This chapter examines Britain's reaction to the military bases agreements signed by the United States with other countries, the rise to power of the Conservative Party in British politics, and the aftermath of the base agreements.
Alexander Cooley
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199929825
- eISBN:
- 9780199950485
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199929825.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Chapter 4 examines the strategic evolution and dilemmas of Russia, the region's former imperial power and continued privileged partner. The chapter analyzes Moscow's broad range of levers of ...
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Chapter 4 examines the strategic evolution and dilemmas of Russia, the region's former imperial power and continued privileged partner. The chapter analyzes Moscow's broad range of levers of influence, and traces its efforts to lock in its dominance by creating new regional organizations such as the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) and the Eurasian Economic Community (EurAsEC). At the same time, Moscow's regional policies and tactics have remained unstable and reactive, subject to Russia's self-image as a great power and its prevailing relations with the United States and China. An initial period of close U.S.-Russian cooperation immediately following 9/11 soon after deteriorated into a more competitive dynamic, fueled by the Western-backed Color Revolutions and Russian perceptions that U.S. military bases were becoming permanent. Despite its numerous instruments of influence, Moscow still must confront the political challenges of the region's intraregional tensions, the desire of states to pursue multidirectional foreign policies, and a rising China.Less
Chapter 4 examines the strategic evolution and dilemmas of Russia, the region's former imperial power and continued privileged partner. The chapter analyzes Moscow's broad range of levers of influence, and traces its efforts to lock in its dominance by creating new regional organizations such as the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) and the Eurasian Economic Community (EurAsEC). At the same time, Moscow's regional policies and tactics have remained unstable and reactive, subject to Russia's self-image as a great power and its prevailing relations with the United States and China. An initial period of close U.S.-Russian cooperation immediately following 9/11 soon after deteriorated into a more competitive dynamic, fueled by the Western-backed Color Revolutions and Russian perceptions that U.S. military bases were becoming permanent. Despite its numerous instruments of influence, Moscow still must confront the political challenges of the region's intraregional tensions, the desire of states to pursue multidirectional foreign policies, and a rising China.
Adam Moore
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781501742170
- eISBN:
- 9781501716393
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501742170.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Security Studies
This chapter examines stark differences in pay, perks, and working conditions between those employed by prime contractors or subcontractors, and ways that race, nationality, and gender shape ...
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This chapter examines stark differences in pay, perks, and working conditions between those employed by prime contractors or subcontractors, and ways that race, nationality, and gender shape relations and hierarchies among workers and between workers and service members on bases. It examines two social fields that significantly influence the experiences of the military's third country nations (TCN) workforce, which in their most basic form can be referred to as company and identity. Perhaps the most important influence on life on a military base in a warzone concerns the type of company that one works for. The chapter further emphasizes how important employment with a prime contractor or subcontractor is in determining pay and privileges, as well as relations among workers, and between workers and service members. It also discusses in further detail the introduction of tiered contracts by Fluor and DynCorp in Afghanistan, which has blurred the distinction between prime contractors and subcontractors in recent years.Less
This chapter examines stark differences in pay, perks, and working conditions between those employed by prime contractors or subcontractors, and ways that race, nationality, and gender shape relations and hierarchies among workers and between workers and service members on bases. It examines two social fields that significantly influence the experiences of the military's third country nations (TCN) workforce, which in their most basic form can be referred to as company and identity. Perhaps the most important influence on life on a military base in a warzone concerns the type of company that one works for. The chapter further emphasizes how important employment with a prime contractor or subcontractor is in determining pay and privileges, as well as relations among workers, and between workers and service members. It also discusses in further detail the introduction of tiered contracts by Fluor and DynCorp in Afghanistan, which has blurred the distinction between prime contractors and subcontractors in recent years.
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- March 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226644615
- eISBN:
- 9780226644592
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226644592.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter examines the circumstances under which Americans favor or oppose the use of military force, with special attention to the roles of multilateral cooperation and of international ...
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This chapter examines the circumstances under which Americans favor or oppose the use of military force, with special attention to the roles of multilateral cooperation and of international organizations like the United Nations and NATO. It also considers policy preferences concerning military capabilities, including defense spending and bases abroad.Less
This chapter examines the circumstances under which Americans favor or oppose the use of military force, with special attention to the roles of multilateral cooperation and of international organizations like the United Nations and NATO. It also considers policy preferences concerning military capabilities, including defense spending and bases abroad.
Laura Jeffery
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719084300
- eISBN:
- 9781781702451
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719084300.003.0003
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Ethical Issues and Debates
This chapter describes the mobilisation of Chagos islanders in Mauritius. Chagossian groups have historically been united concerning their desired ends, with a shared focus on compensation and the ...
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This chapter describes the mobilisation of Chagos islanders in Mauritius. Chagossian groups have historically been united concerning their desired ends, with a shared focus on compensation and the right to return to the Chagos Archipelago. Competing Chagossian groups have, however, disagreed on whether negotiation or litigation is the best means to achieve these aims. The chapter outlines these tensions before focusing on the ideological and pragmatic disagreements within and beyond the community concerning two key issues. The first is debates about whether Chagos should be under British or Mauritian sovereignty. The second is debates about the legitimacy or otherwise of the US military base on Diego Garcia, which is seen by some as a necessary opportunity for employment and by others as conflicting with their visions for the resettlement of Chagos.Less
This chapter describes the mobilisation of Chagos islanders in Mauritius. Chagossian groups have historically been united concerning their desired ends, with a shared focus on compensation and the right to return to the Chagos Archipelago. Competing Chagossian groups have, however, disagreed on whether negotiation or litigation is the best means to achieve these aims. The chapter outlines these tensions before focusing on the ideological and pragmatic disagreements within and beyond the community concerning two key issues. The first is debates about whether Chagos should be under British or Mauritian sovereignty. The second is debates about the legitimacy or otherwise of the US military base on Diego Garcia, which is seen by some as a necessary opportunity for employment and by others as conflicting with their visions for the resettlement of Chagos.
Adam Moore
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781501742170
- eISBN:
- 9781501716393
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501742170.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Security Studies
This chapter analyzes the hidden dynamics of labor activism on military bases in Iraq and Afghanistan. It focuses on three strategies: protests, strikes, and “jumping” from one company to another. ...
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This chapter analyzes the hidden dynamics of labor activism on military bases in Iraq and Afghanistan. It focuses on three strategies: protests, strikes, and “jumping” from one company to another. This chapter describes the motivations of workers who engage in these actions, as well as the risks, and the coercive measures employed by companies to suppress them. The first action of foreign workers in the event of labor struggles is a “don't rock the boat” approach. That is, keep one's head down and continue to work without complaining or trying to change conditions. A second option is to return home. The problem is that this is a road to economic ruin if one paid exorbitant recruiting fees and still owes money to loan sharks, as many workers do. Finally, workers can decide to engage in labor activism. The rest of the chapter examines when, why, and to what effect workers choose labor activism.Less
This chapter analyzes the hidden dynamics of labor activism on military bases in Iraq and Afghanistan. It focuses on three strategies: protests, strikes, and “jumping” from one company to another. This chapter describes the motivations of workers who engage in these actions, as well as the risks, and the coercive measures employed by companies to suppress them. The first action of foreign workers in the event of labor struggles is a “don't rock the boat” approach. That is, keep one's head down and continue to work without complaining or trying to change conditions. A second option is to return home. The problem is that this is a road to economic ruin if one paid exorbitant recruiting fees and still owes money to loan sharks, as many workers do. Finally, workers can decide to engage in labor activism. The rest of the chapter examines when, why, and to what effect workers choose labor activism.
Melanie M. Ziegler
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813030876
- eISBN:
- 9780813039701
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813030876.003.0005
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Latin American Studies
Since its establishment, the U.S. Naval Station at Guantánamo Bay (Gitmo) has been a constant and major irritant to many Cuban nationalists. Formally established in 1901, the naval base is the oldest ...
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Since its establishment, the U.S. Naval Station at Guantánamo Bay (Gitmo) has been a constant and major irritant to many Cuban nationalists. Formally established in 1901, the naval base is the oldest of all U.S. overseas military bases and is the only U.S. base located in a Communist country and with an infinite lease. Fidel Castro once said that Gitmo is a dagger plunge deep into the heart of the Cuban soil. This chapter discusses the cooperation between U.S and Cuban military on the issue surrounding the operations at the Guantánamo Naval Base. The chapter provides an overview and history of how the U.S. gained access and control on the area including the role of the base during and after the Cuban revolution as well as its continuing importance to the U.S. on issues regarding illegal migration and exile. The chapter also discusses the base-related conflicts that have escalated since the end of the Cuban revolution. It also discusses the unilateral and bilateral efforts of the two countries which resulted in the reduction of the conflict and tension concerning the use and operations of the base. Chapter 4 concludes with an analysis of the 1990s cooperative efforts and George W. Bush's base relations policies.Less
Since its establishment, the U.S. Naval Station at Guantánamo Bay (Gitmo) has been a constant and major irritant to many Cuban nationalists. Formally established in 1901, the naval base is the oldest of all U.S. overseas military bases and is the only U.S. base located in a Communist country and with an infinite lease. Fidel Castro once said that Gitmo is a dagger plunge deep into the heart of the Cuban soil. This chapter discusses the cooperation between U.S and Cuban military on the issue surrounding the operations at the Guantánamo Naval Base. The chapter provides an overview and history of how the U.S. gained access and control on the area including the role of the base during and after the Cuban revolution as well as its continuing importance to the U.S. on issues regarding illegal migration and exile. The chapter also discusses the base-related conflicts that have escalated since the end of the Cuban revolution. It also discusses the unilateral and bilateral efforts of the two countries which resulted in the reduction of the conflict and tension concerning the use and operations of the base. Chapter 4 concludes with an analysis of the 1990s cooperative efforts and George W. Bush's base relations policies.
Ali E. Hillal Dessouki
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198202417
- eISBN:
- 9780191675348
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198202417.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Middle East History
This chapter judges that Nasser was representative of his generation of Egyptian nationalists whose formative experience was the British occupation of their country. Foreign troops and military bases ...
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This chapter judges that Nasser was representative of his generation of Egyptian nationalists whose formative experience was the British occupation of their country. Foreign troops and military bases shaped the Egyptian national consciousness. This danger did not cease to exist in 1954 when British troops began to withdraw from the Canal Zone. Nasser wished to break the economic grip of the European powers in the Middle East and to neutralize or destroy the military alliance known as the Baghdad Pact consisting of Britain, Iraq, Turkey, Iran, and Pakistan. In his quest for a pan-Arab movement, Nasser made a populist appeal, over the heads of the leaders of the countries of the pact, to Arabs throughout the Middle East.Less
This chapter judges that Nasser was representative of his generation of Egyptian nationalists whose formative experience was the British occupation of their country. Foreign troops and military bases shaped the Egyptian national consciousness. This danger did not cease to exist in 1954 when British troops began to withdraw from the Canal Zone. Nasser wished to break the economic grip of the European powers in the Middle East and to neutralize or destroy the military alliance known as the Baghdad Pact consisting of Britain, Iraq, Turkey, Iran, and Pakistan. In his quest for a pan-Arab movement, Nasser made a populist appeal, over the heads of the leaders of the countries of the pact, to Arabs throughout the Middle East.
Mordechai Bar-On
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198202417
- eISBN:
- 9780191675348
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198202417.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Middle East History
This chapter examines the question of collusion, which the author of this chapter witnessed at Sèvres as one of Ben-Gurion's military assistants. Ben-Gurion's purpose is brought into clear focus. He ...
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This chapter examines the question of collusion, which the author of this chapter witnessed at Sèvres as one of Ben-Gurion's military assistants. Ben-Gurion's purpose is brought into clear focus. He was certain that Nasser would attack Israel as soon as he could; he knew that the French wished to launch an attack on Nasser to quash the Algerian rebellion; but he harboured a deep mistrust of the British: he believed that they would encourage Jordanian annexation of the southern part of Israel, the Negev, to establish a British military base as a substitute for the Suez installations. This chapter systematically analyses the collaborative arrangement arrived at by the three parties at Sèvres on 22–4 October 1956.Less
This chapter examines the question of collusion, which the author of this chapter witnessed at Sèvres as one of Ben-Gurion's military assistants. Ben-Gurion's purpose is brought into clear focus. He was certain that Nasser would attack Israel as soon as he could; he knew that the French wished to launch an attack on Nasser to quash the Algerian rebellion; but he harboured a deep mistrust of the British: he believed that they would encourage Jordanian annexation of the southern part of Israel, the Negev, to establish a British military base as a substitute for the Suez installations. This chapter systematically analyses the collaborative arrangement arrived at by the three parties at Sèvres on 22–4 October 1956.
DAVID CLARK and GERARD McCOY
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780198265849
- eISBN:
- 9780191715280
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198265849.003.0006
- Subject:
- Law, Human Rights and Immigration, Philosophy of Law
This chapter considers the territorial or geo-juridical reach of the remedy of habeas corpus. The basic principle is that once a detainee has physically left a jurisdiction, no court within that ...
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This chapter considers the territorial or geo-juridical reach of the remedy of habeas corpus. The basic principle is that once a detainee has physically left a jurisdiction, no court within that jurisdiction can issue the writ in relation to him or her. However, this is now subject to emerging exceptions. The reach of the writ in unitary and federal legal systems is examined, along with how it has been made to work when the detainee has left the jurisdiction. The chapter also looks at cases of child abduction or retention, international kidnapping by the executive, foreign expulsions by governments, and detentions on military bases in foreign countries.Less
This chapter considers the territorial or geo-juridical reach of the remedy of habeas corpus. The basic principle is that once a detainee has physically left a jurisdiction, no court within that jurisdiction can issue the writ in relation to him or her. However, this is now subject to emerging exceptions. The reach of the writ in unitary and federal legal systems is examined, along with how it has been made to work when the detainee has left the jurisdiction. The chapter also looks at cases of child abduction or retention, international kidnapping by the executive, foreign expulsions by governments, and detentions on military bases in foreign countries.
Jana Lipman
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520255395
- eISBN:
- 9780520942370
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520255395.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
Guantánamo has become a symbol of what has gone wrong in the War on Terror. Yet Guantánamo is more than a U.S. naval base and prison in Cuba, it is a town, and our military occupation there has ...
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Guantánamo has become a symbol of what has gone wrong in the War on Terror. Yet Guantánamo is more than a U.S. naval base and prison in Cuba, it is a town, and our military occupation there has required more than soldiers and sailors—it has required workers. This revealing history of the women and men who worked on the U.S. naval base in Guantánamo Bay tells the story of U.S.-Cuban relations from a new perspective, and at the same time, shows how neocolonialism, empire, and revolution transformed the lives of everyday people. Drawing from rich oral histories and little-explored Cuban archives, the author analyzes how the Cold War and the Cuban revolution made the naval base a place devoid of law and accountability. The result is a narrative filled with danger, intrigue, and exploitation throughout the twentieth century. Opening a new window onto the history of U.S. imperialism in the Caribbean and labor history in the region, the book tells how events in Guantánamo and the base created an ominous precedent likely to inform the functioning of U.S. military bases around the world.Less
Guantánamo has become a symbol of what has gone wrong in the War on Terror. Yet Guantánamo is more than a U.S. naval base and prison in Cuba, it is a town, and our military occupation there has required more than soldiers and sailors—it has required workers. This revealing history of the women and men who worked on the U.S. naval base in Guantánamo Bay tells the story of U.S.-Cuban relations from a new perspective, and at the same time, shows how neocolonialism, empire, and revolution transformed the lives of everyday people. Drawing from rich oral histories and little-explored Cuban archives, the author analyzes how the Cold War and the Cuban revolution made the naval base a place devoid of law and accountability. The result is a narrative filled with danger, intrigue, and exploitation throughout the twentieth century. Opening a new window onto the history of U.S. imperialism in the Caribbean and labor history in the region, the book tells how events in Guantánamo and the base created an ominous precedent likely to inform the functioning of U.S. military bases around the world.
David G. Havlick
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- September 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780226547541
- eISBN:
- 9780226547688
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226547688.003.0002
- Subject:
- Biology, Biodiversity / Conservation Biology
Since the 1980s, a series of military base closures in the United States has generated opportunities for new kinds of land use across vast areas of land. Many of these sites are now managed as ...
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Since the 1980s, a series of military base closures in the United States has generated opportunities for new kinds of land use across vast areas of land. Many of these sites are now managed as national wildlife refuges, dedicated to new purposes of habitat and wildlife conservation. These changes create opportunities for land managers and environmental protection, but can also obscure damage created by military uses and erase meaningful histories from some of these lands. The chapter evaluates the tensions, challenges, and opportunities that come with military-to-wildlife transitions, and highlights examples at sites in Colorado, Indiana, Massachusetts, and other locations where these changes are occurring.Less
Since the 1980s, a series of military base closures in the United States has generated opportunities for new kinds of land use across vast areas of land. Many of these sites are now managed as national wildlife refuges, dedicated to new purposes of habitat and wildlife conservation. These changes create opportunities for land managers and environmental protection, but can also obscure damage created by military uses and erase meaningful histories from some of these lands. The chapter evaluates the tensions, challenges, and opportunities that come with military-to-wildlife transitions, and highlights examples at sites in Colorado, Indiana, Massachusetts, and other locations where these changes are occurring.
Andrea Kelley
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- September 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780520291508
- eISBN:
- 9780520965263
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520291508.003.0003
- Subject:
- Film, Television and Radio, Film
This chapter, by Andrea Kelley, examines the U.S. military’s integration of new screen technologies at military sites during World War II through a study of the Mills Novelty Panoram, a 16mm film ...
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This chapter, by Andrea Kelley, examines the U.S. military’s integration of new screen technologies at military sites during World War II through a study of the Mills Novelty Panoram, a 16mm film jukebox machine. Through specific considerations of the Panoram at Air Force base libraries, intelligence “war room” facilities, and veterans hospitals, this chapter evaluates wartime discourses of training and therapy and how they are articulated to Panoram viewing practices. The integration of the Panoram into military life in the 1940s normalized small-screen interactions for soldiers and presaged emerging trends in postwar U.S. culture, including consumer desire for adaptable, portable, and self-operating film machines and for multiple small-screen engagements.Less
This chapter, by Andrea Kelley, examines the U.S. military’s integration of new screen technologies at military sites during World War II through a study of the Mills Novelty Panoram, a 16mm film jukebox machine. Through specific considerations of the Panoram at Air Force base libraries, intelligence “war room” facilities, and veterans hospitals, this chapter evaluates wartime discourses of training and therapy and how they are articulated to Panoram viewing practices. The integration of the Panoram into military life in the 1940s normalized small-screen interactions for soldiers and presaged emerging trends in postwar U.S. culture, including consumer desire for adaptable, portable, and self-operating film machines and for multiple small-screen engagements.
Christina Elizabeth Firpo
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9781501752650
- eISBN:
- 9781501752674
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501752650.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, Asian History
This chapter is a spatial analysis of Tonkin's black market sex industry. It investigates how the area's physical, administrative, economic, and political geography shaped the ways that unregistered ...
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This chapter is a spatial analysis of Tonkin's black market sex industry. It investigates how the area's physical, administrative, economic, and political geography shaped the ways that unregistered sex was sold in Tonkin. Some of the areas discussed here include the Red River Delta, Hanoi, Hanoi's suburbs, Hai Phong City, the military bases, the border towns, and the coast of Tonkin. The chapter discusses how the geographic and political landscape of Tonkin enabled traffickers and clandestine sex workers to evade colonial police. It talks about how colonial land policies, the tax system, and the government's neglect of the suburbs further impoverished peasants, leading women to seek alternative income through sex work.Less
This chapter is a spatial analysis of Tonkin's black market sex industry. It investigates how the area's physical, administrative, economic, and political geography shaped the ways that unregistered sex was sold in Tonkin. Some of the areas discussed here include the Red River Delta, Hanoi, Hanoi's suburbs, Hai Phong City, the military bases, the border towns, and the coast of Tonkin. The chapter discusses how the geographic and political landscape of Tonkin enabled traffickers and clandestine sex workers to evade colonial police. It talks about how colonial land policies, the tax system, and the government's neglect of the suburbs further impoverished peasants, leading women to seek alternative income through sex work.