Annica Kronsell
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199846061
- eISBN:
- 9780199933099
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199846061.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This book explores the post-national defense and its gender implications. A characteristic of the post-national defense is that less attention is paid to the defense of the territory and more to the ...
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This book explores the post-national defense and its gender implications. A characteristic of the post-national defense is that less attention is paid to the defense of the territory and more to the security situation outside its borders, often in cooperation with other states. It is exemplified with Sweden and the EU as empirical cases. The main research question is how gender aspects and UN SCR 1325 has influenced the way that the post-national defense organizes its practices and the policies pursued? A feminist constructivist institutional approach is the theoretical base. By combining theories on gender, masculinity, militarism, and cosmopolitanism in rich case studies it improves the theory’s complexity and shows its applicability. UN SCR 1325 has been integrated in training and education of the troops of the post-national defense. Gender has been mainstreamed in post-national military practice but at the same time re-interpreted as meaning women, often also women in distant places. This book also shows how militaries have used (hetero)sexuality as an important resource in combat effectiveness. This is a challenge for the post-national defense that engages in peace tasks because military organizations have the use of weapons and violence as its core professional skills. Furthermore, this military training has been tightly connected with masculinity. When gender is equated with women it becomes difficult to raise issues about masculinity, violence and sexuality, an equally important aspect in a gender analysis of the post-national defense.Less
This book explores the post-national defense and its gender implications. A characteristic of the post-national defense is that less attention is paid to the defense of the territory and more to the security situation outside its borders, often in cooperation with other states. It is exemplified with Sweden and the EU as empirical cases. The main research question is how gender aspects and UN SCR 1325 has influenced the way that the post-national defense organizes its practices and the policies pursued? A feminist constructivist institutional approach is the theoretical base. By combining theories on gender, masculinity, militarism, and cosmopolitanism in rich case studies it improves the theory’s complexity and shows its applicability. UN SCR 1325 has been integrated in training and education of the troops of the post-national defense. Gender has been mainstreamed in post-national military practice but at the same time re-interpreted as meaning women, often also women in distant places. This book also shows how militaries have used (hetero)sexuality as an important resource in combat effectiveness. This is a challenge for the post-national defense that engages in peace tasks because military organizations have the use of weapons and violence as its core professional skills. Furthermore, this military training has been tightly connected with masculinity. When gender is equated with women it becomes difficult to raise issues about masculinity, violence and sexuality, an equally important aspect in a gender analysis of the post-national defense.
Sudhir Hazareesingh
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199247943
- eISBN:
- 9780191599446
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199247943.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Concludes with an examination of the political thought of Jules Barni, one of the leading republican philosophers of his generation. Barni was the French translator of the works of Kant, and during ...
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Concludes with an examination of the political thought of Jules Barni, one of the leading republican philosophers of his generation. Barni was the French translator of the works of Kant, and during the 1850s and 1860s his republicanism was deeply influenced by Kantian principles (notably in his commitment to international peace and anti‐militarism). In the 1870s Barni's writings played an important role in the emergence of the doctrine of ‘republican municipalism’, which underpinned the new political order in France.Less
Concludes with an examination of the political thought of Jules Barni, one of the leading republican philosophers of his generation. Barni was the French translator of the works of Kant, and during the 1850s and 1860s his republicanism was deeply influenced by Kantian principles (notably in his commitment to international peace and anti‐militarism). In the 1870s Barni's writings played an important role in the emergence of the doctrine of ‘republican municipalism’, which underpinned the new political order in France.
James L. Marsh and Anna Brown (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780823239825
- eISBN:
- 9780823239863
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fordham/9780823239825.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
The book presents Daniel Berrigan’s contributions and challenge to Catholic social thought. His contribution lies in his consistent, comprehensive, theoretical, and practical approach to issues of ...
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The book presents Daniel Berrigan’s contributions and challenge to Catholic social thought. His contribution lies in his consistent, comprehensive, theoretical, and practical approach to issues of peace and justice over the last fifty years. His challenge lies in his criticism of capitalism, imperialism, and militarism, inviting Catholic activists and thinkers to undertake not just a reformist but a radical critique and alternative to these realities. The aim of this book is, for the first time, to make Berrigan’s thought and life available to the Catholic academic community, so that a fruitful interaction takes place. How does his work enlighten and challenge such a community? How can this community enrich and criticize his work? To these ends, the editors have recruited thinkers, scholars, thinker-activists already familiar with and sympathetic with Berrigan’s work and those who are less so identified. The result is a rich, receptive, and critical treatment of the meaning nd impact of his work. What kind of challenge does he present to academic business-as-usual in Catholic universities? How can the life and work of individual Catholic academics be transformed if such persons took Berrigan’s work seriously, theoretically and practically? Do Catholic universities need Berrigan’s vision to fulfill more integrally and completely their own mission? Does the self-knowing subject and theorist need to become a radical subject and theorist? In light of the world’s current social, political, economic, and environmental crises, doesn’t Berrigan’s call for a pacific and prophetic community of justice rooted in the Good News of the Gospel make compelling sense?Less
The book presents Daniel Berrigan’s contributions and challenge to Catholic social thought. His contribution lies in his consistent, comprehensive, theoretical, and practical approach to issues of peace and justice over the last fifty years. His challenge lies in his criticism of capitalism, imperialism, and militarism, inviting Catholic activists and thinkers to undertake not just a reformist but a radical critique and alternative to these realities. The aim of this book is, for the first time, to make Berrigan’s thought and life available to the Catholic academic community, so that a fruitful interaction takes place. How does his work enlighten and challenge such a community? How can this community enrich and criticize his work? To these ends, the editors have recruited thinkers, scholars, thinker-activists already familiar with and sympathetic with Berrigan’s work and those who are less so identified. The result is a rich, receptive, and critical treatment of the meaning nd impact of his work. What kind of challenge does he present to academic business-as-usual in Catholic universities? How can the life and work of individual Catholic academics be transformed if such persons took Berrigan’s work seriously, theoretically and practically? Do Catholic universities need Berrigan’s vision to fulfill more integrally and completely their own mission? Does the self-knowing subject and theorist need to become a radical subject and theorist? In light of the world’s current social, political, economic, and environmental crises, doesn’t Berrigan’s call for a pacific and prophetic community of justice rooted in the Good News of the Gospel make compelling sense?
David A. Bell
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780197265383
- eISBN:
- 9780191760433
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197265383.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, European Early Modern History
This chapter examines the development of the ‘culture of war’ in Europe, focusing on France, from the Old Regime through the First Empire. It argues that before the Revolution, French aristocratic ...
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This chapter examines the development of the ‘culture of war’ in Europe, focusing on France, from the Old Regime through the First Empire. It argues that before the Revolution, French aristocratic elites saw warfare as an ordinary part of human existence — and indeed, if kept under proper control, a positive and desirable one. It then shows how this idea was challenged during the Enlightenment, by critics who saw warfare as extraordinary and aberrant, with some deeming it extraordinarily horrible, and others depicting it, at least potentially, as extraordinarily sublime and regenerative. The chapter discusses how these conflicting ideas helped to shape the actual practice and course of the revolutionary and Napoleonic wars, looking particularly at the question of why these wars proved so terribly difficult to control, restrain, and bring to an end.Less
This chapter examines the development of the ‘culture of war’ in Europe, focusing on France, from the Old Regime through the First Empire. It argues that before the Revolution, French aristocratic elites saw warfare as an ordinary part of human existence — and indeed, if kept under proper control, a positive and desirable one. It then shows how this idea was challenged during the Enlightenment, by critics who saw warfare as extraordinary and aberrant, with some deeming it extraordinarily horrible, and others depicting it, at least potentially, as extraordinarily sublime and regenerative. The chapter discusses how these conflicting ideas helped to shape the actual practice and course of the revolutionary and Napoleonic wars, looking particularly at the question of why these wars proved so terribly difficult to control, restrain, and bring to an end.
Priya Satia
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195331417
- eISBN:
- 9780199868070
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195331417.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History
This chapter describes the surveillance technology the British devised, initially in Iraq, as a result of their conspiracy obsessions. The panoptical ambitions of “air control” followed from wartime ...
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This chapter describes the surveillance technology the British devised, initially in Iraq, as a result of their conspiracy obsessions. The panoptical ambitions of “air control” followed from wartime experiences and the culture of British surveillance in the Middle East—the preoccupation with the region's inscrutability, lack of frontiers, multiplication of rumors and lies—all of which air control would theoretically turn to advantage. In theory, “terror” would enable it to minimize casualties. The chapter describes the regime's actual brutality, showing how cultural conceptions circulated by the agents—the chivalry of Bedouin, the tolerance of a biblical people—helped mute criticism of its inhumanity and inaccuracy, as did its cooperation with allegedly empathetic ground agents. Thus did aerial bombardment become a central part of British military practice. The RAF's dependence on the Middle East for its survival made it impossible for the British to leave Iraq even after Iraqi “independence.”Less
This chapter describes the surveillance technology the British devised, initially in Iraq, as a result of their conspiracy obsessions. The panoptical ambitions of “air control” followed from wartime experiences and the culture of British surveillance in the Middle East—the preoccupation with the region's inscrutability, lack of frontiers, multiplication of rumors and lies—all of which air control would theoretically turn to advantage. In theory, “terror” would enable it to minimize casualties. The chapter describes the regime's actual brutality, showing how cultural conceptions circulated by the agents—the chivalry of Bedouin, the tolerance of a biblical people—helped mute criticism of its inhumanity and inaccuracy, as did its cooperation with allegedly empathetic ground agents. Thus did aerial bombardment become a central part of British military practice. The RAF's dependence on the Middle East for its survival made it impossible for the British to leave Iraq even after Iraqi “independence.”
Hans Joas and Wolfgang Knöbl
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691150840
- eISBN:
- 9781400844746
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691150840.003.0005
- Subject:
- Sociology, Social Theory
This chapter shows that social theory's engagement with the phenomenon of war, which had already begun before the First World War, did not continue in any substantial way after 1918. War quickly ...
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This chapter shows that social theory's engagement with the phenomenon of war, which had already begun before the First World War, did not continue in any substantial way after 1918. War quickly vanished from the radar of those subjects in which social theories find their home. In Germany between the world wars, it was Carl Schmitt who provided the most provocative ideas on the problem of war; in France, it was Roger Caillois; and in the United States, it was initially political émigrés, like Hans Speier, who produced the first significant studies of militarism and “total war.” The chapter considers how the establishment of military sociology caused sociology in general, and sociological theory in particular, to turn away from war once again.Less
This chapter shows that social theory's engagement with the phenomenon of war, which had already begun before the First World War, did not continue in any substantial way after 1918. War quickly vanished from the radar of those subjects in which social theories find their home. In Germany between the world wars, it was Carl Schmitt who provided the most provocative ideas on the problem of war; in France, it was Roger Caillois; and in the United States, it was initially political émigrés, like Hans Speier, who produced the first significant studies of militarism and “total war.” The chapter considers how the establishment of military sociology caused sociology in general, and sociological theory in particular, to turn away from war once again.
Terence Zuber
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199250165
- eISBN:
- 9780191719554
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199250165.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
The existence of the Schlieffen plan has been one of the basic assumptions of 20th-century military history. It was the perfect example of the evils of German militarism: aggressive, mechanical, and ...
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The existence of the Schlieffen plan has been one of the basic assumptions of 20th-century military history. It was the perfect example of the evils of German militarism: aggressive, mechanical, and disdainful of both politics and of public morality. World War I began in August 1914 allegedly because the Schlieffen plan forced the German government to transform a Balkan quarrel into a World War by attacking France. In the end, the Schlieffen plan failed at the battle of the Marne. The Schlieffen plan has become ‘common knowledge’. Yet it has always been recognised that the Schlieffen plan included inconsistencies, which have never been satisfactorily explained. On the basis of newly discovered documents from German archives, this book presents a radically different picture of German war planning between 1871 and 1914, and concludes that, in fact, there never really was a ‘Schlieffen plan’.Less
The existence of the Schlieffen plan has been one of the basic assumptions of 20th-century military history. It was the perfect example of the evils of German militarism: aggressive, mechanical, and disdainful of both politics and of public morality. World War I began in August 1914 allegedly because the Schlieffen plan forced the German government to transform a Balkan quarrel into a World War by attacking France. In the end, the Schlieffen plan failed at the battle of the Marne. The Schlieffen plan has become ‘common knowledge’. Yet it has always been recognised that the Schlieffen plan included inconsistencies, which have never been satisfactorily explained. On the basis of newly discovered documents from German archives, this book presents a radically different picture of German war planning between 1871 and 1914, and concludes that, in fact, there never really was a ‘Schlieffen plan’.
PAUL LAITY
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199248353
- eISBN:
- 9780191714672
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199248353.003.07
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
As the international crisis intensified, issues of peace and war were pushed to the front of British politics and peace activists, or pacifists as they were increasingly known, increased in number. ...
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As the international crisis intensified, issues of peace and war were pushed to the front of British politics and peace activists, or pacifists as they were increasingly known, increased in number. In the years prior to World War I, the peace movement passed into a new and more powerful phase. The existing peace associations welcomed this increase in activity and, by means of a series of National Peace Congresses and the recently founded National Peace Council, achieved some success in marshalling it into a united campaign. This chapter discusses the formation of the Rationalist Peace Society, the Church of England Peace League, the Associated Councils of Churches for Fostering Friendly Relations between the British and German Peoples, and the Anglo-German Friendship Society; the emergence of the Norman Angell movement or angellism; the International Arbitration and Peace Association; the International Arbitration League; the Peace Society; naval armaments; and anti-militarism. The pre-war peace movement's influence on British foreign policy is also considered.Less
As the international crisis intensified, issues of peace and war were pushed to the front of British politics and peace activists, or pacifists as they were increasingly known, increased in number. In the years prior to World War I, the peace movement passed into a new and more powerful phase. The existing peace associations welcomed this increase in activity and, by means of a series of National Peace Congresses and the recently founded National Peace Council, achieved some success in marshalling it into a united campaign. This chapter discusses the formation of the Rationalist Peace Society, the Church of England Peace League, the Associated Councils of Churches for Fostering Friendly Relations between the British and German Peoples, and the Anglo-German Friendship Society; the emergence of the Norman Angell movement or angellism; the International Arbitration and Peace Association; the International Arbitration League; the Peace Society; naval armaments; and anti-militarism. The pre-war peace movement's influence on British foreign policy is also considered.
Bertrand Taithe
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195396447
- eISBN:
- 9780199979318
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195396447.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, History of Religion, World Modern History
Missionary language often borrowed from military tropes, most clearly in the common notion of religious workers as unarmed “soldiers of Christ.” While much could be said of the more traditional forms ...
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Missionary language often borrowed from military tropes, most clearly in the common notion of religious workers as unarmed “soldiers of Christ.” While much could be said of the more traditional forms of missionary militarism, expressed through the writings and occasional collaborations of priests and conquerors of empire, this chapter focuses on literal forms of militarism that took place in the circumstances of the conquest of the Sahara and the Congo at the end of the nineteenth century. These literal examples of missionary militarism exposed the irreconcilable differences between practice and ideology and the chasm between the pragmatic rule of empire and the fantasy of godly conquest.Less
Missionary language often borrowed from military tropes, most clearly in the common notion of religious workers as unarmed “soldiers of Christ.” While much could be said of the more traditional forms of missionary militarism, expressed through the writings and occasional collaborations of priests and conquerors of empire, this chapter focuses on literal forms of militarism that took place in the circumstances of the conquest of the Sahara and the Congo at the end of the nineteenth century. These literal examples of missionary militarism exposed the irreconcilable differences between practice and ideology and the chasm between the pragmatic rule of empire and the fantasy of godly conquest.
Alexander L. Fattal
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780226590509
- eISBN:
- 9780226590783
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226590783.001.0001
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Latin American Cultural Anthropology
Guerrilla Marketing argues that counterinsurgency and marketing have merged together in Colombia. More specifically the book analyzes a government program to persuade FARC guerrillas to defect from ...
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Guerrilla Marketing argues that counterinsurgency and marketing have merged together in Colombia. More specifically the book analyzes a government program to persuade FARC guerrillas to defect from the rebel movement while also rebranding the Colombian army as a humanitarian actor. This program in the Ministry of Defense has partnered with Lowe/SSP3, an advertising firm that has managed the brands of Mazda and RedBull in Colombia. The partnership pitches a new life to guerrilla fighters, one as consumer citizens and entrepreneurial subjects. Those who abandon the insurgency’s ranks are coaxed into informing on their former comrades, providing the military valuable strategic and tactical intelligence. The book develops the concept of brand warfare to describe the fusion of counterinsurgency and consumer culture into an affective assemblage that is key to understanding governance in the early twenty-first century. Guerrilla Marketing follows stories from the perspective of former and active guerrillas from the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), military officers, marketers, peace negotiators in Havana, and exiles living in unexpected places, such as rural Sweden. Testimonials, and their accompanying drawings by Colombian artist Lucas Ospina, separate the chapters. In its conclusion the book analyzes the implications for other war-torn countries, criticizing how Colombia has reframed demobilization in a way that weaponizes the peace-building ethos of the policy. The epilogue contemplates the book’s implications for Colombia’s post-peace accord future by analyzing the FARC’s own guerrilla marketing at its tenth and final conference as a guerrilla army.Less
Guerrilla Marketing argues that counterinsurgency and marketing have merged together in Colombia. More specifically the book analyzes a government program to persuade FARC guerrillas to defect from the rebel movement while also rebranding the Colombian army as a humanitarian actor. This program in the Ministry of Defense has partnered with Lowe/SSP3, an advertising firm that has managed the brands of Mazda and RedBull in Colombia. The partnership pitches a new life to guerrilla fighters, one as consumer citizens and entrepreneurial subjects. Those who abandon the insurgency’s ranks are coaxed into informing on their former comrades, providing the military valuable strategic and tactical intelligence. The book develops the concept of brand warfare to describe the fusion of counterinsurgency and consumer culture into an affective assemblage that is key to understanding governance in the early twenty-first century. Guerrilla Marketing follows stories from the perspective of former and active guerrillas from the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), military officers, marketers, peace negotiators in Havana, and exiles living in unexpected places, such as rural Sweden. Testimonials, and their accompanying drawings by Colombian artist Lucas Ospina, separate the chapters. In its conclusion the book analyzes the implications for other war-torn countries, criticizing how Colombia has reframed demobilization in a way that weaponizes the peace-building ethos of the policy. The epilogue contemplates the book’s implications for Colombia’s post-peace accord future by analyzing the FARC’s own guerrilla marketing at its tenth and final conference as a guerrilla army.
Konrad H. Jarausch
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195127799
- eISBN:
- 9780199869503
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195127799.003.01
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter deals with the Potsdam policy of demilitarization, which went beyond disarming the Wehrmacht and eventually led to a distancing from militarism.
This chapter deals with the Potsdam policy of demilitarization, which went beyond disarming the Wehrmacht and eventually led to a distancing from militarism.
James G. Patterson
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719076930
- eISBN:
- 9781781700822
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719076930.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
On Monday 19 September 1803, the most significant trial in the history of Ireland took place in Dublin. At the dock stood a twenty-five-year-old former Trinity College student and doctor's son. His ...
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On Monday 19 September 1803, the most significant trial in the history of Ireland took place in Dublin. At the dock stood a twenty-five-year-old former Trinity College student and doctor's son. His name was Robert Emmet and he was standing trial for heading a rebellion on 23 July 1803. The iconic power of Robert Emmet in Irish history cannot be overstated. Emmet looms large in narratives of the past, yet the rebellion which he led remains to be fully contextualised. This book repairs this omission and explains the complex of politicisation and revolutionary activity extending into the 1800s, detailing the radicalisation of the grass roots, their para-militarism and engagement in secret societies. Drawing on a range of sources, the book offers a comprehensive insight into a relatively neglected period of history.Less
On Monday 19 September 1803, the most significant trial in the history of Ireland took place in Dublin. At the dock stood a twenty-five-year-old former Trinity College student and doctor's son. His name was Robert Emmet and he was standing trial for heading a rebellion on 23 July 1803. The iconic power of Robert Emmet in Irish history cannot be overstated. Emmet looms large in narratives of the past, yet the rebellion which he led remains to be fully contextualised. This book repairs this omission and explains the complex of politicisation and revolutionary activity extending into the 1800s, detailing the radicalisation of the grass roots, their para-militarism and engagement in secret societies. Drawing on a range of sources, the book offers a comprehensive insight into a relatively neglected period of history.
Arthur Eckstein
Nishanta Rajakaruna (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520246188
- eISBN:
- 9780520932302
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520246188.001.0001
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, Archaeology: Classical
This study is the first to employ modern international relations theory to place Roman militarism and expansion of power within the broader Mediterranean context of interstate anarchy. The book ...
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This study is the first to employ modern international relations theory to place Roman militarism and expansion of power within the broader Mediterranean context of interstate anarchy. The book challenges claims that Rome was an exceptionally warlike and aggressive state—not merely in modern but in ancient terms—by arguing that intense militarism and aggressiveness were common among all Mediterranean polities from ca 750 B.C. onwards. The book explains that international politics in the ancient Mediterranean world was, in political science terms, a multipolar anarchy: international law was minimal, and states struggled desperately for power and survival by means of warfare. Eventually, one state, the Republic of Rome, managed to create predominance and a sort of peace. Rome was certainly a militarized and aggressive state, but it was successful not because it was exceptional in its ruthlessness, rather, it was successful because of its exceptional ability to manage a large network of foreign allies, and to assimilate numerous foreigners within the polity itself. This book shows how these characteristics gave Rome incomparably large resources for the grim struggle of states fostered by Mediterranean anarchy—and hence they were key to Rome's unprecedented success.Less
This study is the first to employ modern international relations theory to place Roman militarism and expansion of power within the broader Mediterranean context of interstate anarchy. The book challenges claims that Rome was an exceptionally warlike and aggressive state—not merely in modern but in ancient terms—by arguing that intense militarism and aggressiveness were common among all Mediterranean polities from ca 750 B.C. onwards. The book explains that international politics in the ancient Mediterranean world was, in political science terms, a multipolar anarchy: international law was minimal, and states struggled desperately for power and survival by means of warfare. Eventually, one state, the Republic of Rome, managed to create predominance and a sort of peace. Rome was certainly a militarized and aggressive state, but it was successful not because it was exceptional in its ruthlessness, rather, it was successful because of its exceptional ability to manage a large network of foreign allies, and to assimilate numerous foreigners within the polity itself. This book shows how these characteristics gave Rome incomparably large resources for the grim struggle of states fostered by Mediterranean anarchy—and hence they were key to Rome's unprecedented success.
Herbert Marcuse and Felix Gilbert
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691134130
- eISBN:
- 9781400846467
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691134130.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, Military History
This chapter discusses the significance of Prussian militarism for Nazi imperialism, arguing that the destruction of Prussian militarism was a crucial problem for the United Nations' psychological ...
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This chapter discusses the significance of Prussian militarism for Nazi imperialism, arguing that the destruction of Prussian militarism was a crucial problem for the United Nations' psychological warfare against Nazi Germany. The term “Prussian militarism” referred to a definite social and political complex in German society. This complex contained roughly geographical, economic, social, and ideological elements. The chapter first provides an overview of Prussia under German imperialism, under the Weimar Republic, and under Nazi regime before discussing the position of Prussian militarists in the Union of German Officers in Moscow.Less
This chapter discusses the significance of Prussian militarism for Nazi imperialism, arguing that the destruction of Prussian militarism was a crucial problem for the United Nations' psychological warfare against Nazi Germany. The term “Prussian militarism” referred to a definite social and political complex in German society. This complex contained roughly geographical, economic, social, and ideological elements. The chapter first provides an overview of Prussia under German imperialism, under the Weimar Republic, and under Nazi regime before discussing the position of Prussian militarists in the Union of German Officers in Moscow.
Camilla Fojas, Rudy P. Guevarra, and Nitasha Tamar Sharma (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- September 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780824869885
- eISBN:
- 9780824877859
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Hawai'i Press
- DOI:
- 10.21313/hawaii/9780824869885.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Race and Ethnicity
From the perspective of the U.S. continent, Hawai‘i is a land of aloha that enjoys all manner of peace and harmony, particularly among the races and for peoples of mixed heritage. It is a tourist ...
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From the perspective of the U.S. continent, Hawai‘i is a land of aloha that enjoys all manner of peace and harmony, particularly among the races and for peoples of mixed heritage. It is a tourist paradise where visitor, local and Native mingle without incident. Ethnic difference is celebrated as a sign of multicultural globalism that designates Hawai‘i as the crossroads of the Pacific. The contributors of this volume reimagine these ways of thinking about Hawai‘i as a model of racial and ethnic harmony. Beyond Ethnicity examines the dynamic between race and ethnicity to challenge the primacy of ethnicity and ethnic difference for examining difference in the islands. This original and thought-provoking volume poses questions about the role of race in the current political configuration of the islands and in so doing, challenges how we imagine and conceptualize race on the continent.Less
From the perspective of the U.S. continent, Hawai‘i is a land of aloha that enjoys all manner of peace and harmony, particularly among the races and for peoples of mixed heritage. It is a tourist paradise where visitor, local and Native mingle without incident. Ethnic difference is celebrated as a sign of multicultural globalism that designates Hawai‘i as the crossroads of the Pacific. The contributors of this volume reimagine these ways of thinking about Hawai‘i as a model of racial and ethnic harmony. Beyond Ethnicity examines the dynamic between race and ethnicity to challenge the primacy of ethnicity and ethnic difference for examining difference in the islands. This original and thought-provoking volume poses questions about the role of race in the current political configuration of the islands and in so doing, challenges how we imagine and conceptualize race on the continent.
Mark Harrison
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199575824
- eISBN:
- 9780191595158
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199575824.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, Military History
This introductory chapter places the First World War in the context of previous conflicts and sets the scene for the following chapters, with an overview of developments in British military medicine ...
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This introductory chapter places the First World War in the context of previous conflicts and sets the scene for the following chapters, with an overview of developments in British military medicine from around 1850 through to 1914. It also provides a historiographical orientation, showing how the aims and content of this book differ from existing scholarship on war and medicine. The book's main themes are set out and the importance of manpower and morale (both of soldiers and their families) is emphasized. It is argued that the growing prominence of medicine in war can only be understood in relation to public expectations; not just scientific advances or operational efficiency.Less
This introductory chapter places the First World War in the context of previous conflicts and sets the scene for the following chapters, with an overview of developments in British military medicine from around 1850 through to 1914. It also provides a historiographical orientation, showing how the aims and content of this book differ from existing scholarship on war and medicine. The book's main themes are set out and the importance of manpower and morale (both of soldiers and their families) is emphasized. It is argued that the growing prominence of medicine in war can only be understood in relation to public expectations; not just scientific advances or operational efficiency.
T. K. Wilson
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199583713
- eISBN:
- 9780191723056
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199583713.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter establishes a comparative framework for evaluating possible explanations for the striking discrepancy in conflict intensity between Ulster and Upper Silesia. It surveys the historical ...
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This chapter establishes a comparative framework for evaluating possible explanations for the striking discrepancy in conflict intensity between Ulster and Upper Silesia. It surveys the historical background and development of both conflicts. It considers the relative importance of factors such as the impact of the World War, militarism, class tensions, and international intervention, but these are not convincing as explanations for contrasts in conflict intensity. Finally, the chapter examines the importance of demographic structure: the balance of Irish nationalists and unionists in Ulster and of ‘Germans’ and ‘Poles’ in Upper Silesia. This approach inevitably raises the question of the nature of the boundaries separating these communal categories. It is argued that the ethno-linguistic boundary worked far less effectively to differentiate rival national movements in Upper Silesia, than did its ethno-religious equivalent in the north of Ireland.Less
This chapter establishes a comparative framework for evaluating possible explanations for the striking discrepancy in conflict intensity between Ulster and Upper Silesia. It surveys the historical background and development of both conflicts. It considers the relative importance of factors such as the impact of the World War, militarism, class tensions, and international intervention, but these are not convincing as explanations for contrasts in conflict intensity. Finally, the chapter examines the importance of demographic structure: the balance of Irish nationalists and unionists in Ulster and of ‘Germans’ and ‘Poles’ in Upper Silesia. This approach inevitably raises the question of the nature of the boundaries separating these communal categories. It is argued that the ethno-linguistic boundary worked far less effectively to differentiate rival national movements in Upper Silesia, than did its ethno-religious equivalent in the north of Ireland.
Abigail Williams
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199255207
- eISBN:
- 9780191719837
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199255207.003.0004
- Subject:
- Literature, 17th-century and Restoration Literature
This chapter pursues the story of Whig verse during the reign of William III (1689-1702), and examines the way in which Whig writers responded to the Revolution, and the militarism of William's ...
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This chapter pursues the story of Whig verse during the reign of William III (1689-1702), and examines the way in which Whig writers responded to the Revolution, and the militarism of William's reign. From 1688 onwards, the nature of party-political discourse changed significantly: the accession of William III brought many Whigs back into public life, and Whig poets became, largely, the defenders of the regime rather than its critics. This chapter explores some of the implications of the Revolution and the wars which followed, arguing that the Revolution presented two major new challenges for Whig writers: firstly, to legitimise the unconstitutional and unprecedented events of 1688-9, and secondly, to celebrate William's military campaign on the Continent.Less
This chapter pursues the story of Whig verse during the reign of William III (1689-1702), and examines the way in which Whig writers responded to the Revolution, and the militarism of William's reign. From 1688 onwards, the nature of party-political discourse changed significantly: the accession of William III brought many Whigs back into public life, and Whig poets became, largely, the defenders of the regime rather than its critics. This chapter explores some of the implications of the Revolution and the wars which followed, arguing that the Revolution presented two major new challenges for Whig writers: firstly, to legitimise the unconstitutional and unprecedented events of 1688-9, and secondly, to celebrate William's military campaign on the Continent.
Rebecca A. Adelman
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780823281671
- eISBN:
- 9780823284788
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fordham/9780823281671.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Media Studies
Figuring Violence catalogs the affects that define the latter stages of the war on terror and the imaginative work that underpins them. These affects—apprehension, affection, admiration, gratitude, ...
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Figuring Violence catalogs the affects that define the latter stages of the war on terror and the imaginative work that underpins them. These affects—apprehension, affection, admiration, gratitude, pity, and righteous anger—are far more pleasurable and durable than their predecessors. Hence, they are deeply compatible with the ambitions of a state embroiling itself in a perpetual and essentially unwinnable war. Surveying the cultural landscape of this sprawling conflict, Figuring Violence reveals the varied mechanisms by which these affects have been militarized. This book tracks their convergences around six types of beings: civilian children, military children, military spouses, veterans with PTSD and TBI, Guantánamo detainees, and military dogs. All of these groups have become preferred objects of sentiment in wartime public culture, but they also have in common their status as political subjects who are partially or fully unknowable. They become visible to outsiders through a range of mediated and imaginative practices that are ostensibly motivated by concern or compassion. However, these practices actually function to reduce these beings to abstracted figures and so make them easy targets for affective investment. This is a paradoxical and conditional form of recognition that eclipses the actual beings upon whom those figures are patterned, silencing their political subjectivities and obscuring their suffering. As a result, they are erased and rendered hypervisible at once. Figuring Violence demonstrates that this dynamic ultimately propagates the very militarism that begets their victimization.Less
Figuring Violence catalogs the affects that define the latter stages of the war on terror and the imaginative work that underpins them. These affects—apprehension, affection, admiration, gratitude, pity, and righteous anger—are far more pleasurable and durable than their predecessors. Hence, they are deeply compatible with the ambitions of a state embroiling itself in a perpetual and essentially unwinnable war. Surveying the cultural landscape of this sprawling conflict, Figuring Violence reveals the varied mechanisms by which these affects have been militarized. This book tracks their convergences around six types of beings: civilian children, military children, military spouses, veterans with PTSD and TBI, Guantánamo detainees, and military dogs. All of these groups have become preferred objects of sentiment in wartime public culture, but they also have in common their status as political subjects who are partially or fully unknowable. They become visible to outsiders through a range of mediated and imaginative practices that are ostensibly motivated by concern or compassion. However, these practices actually function to reduce these beings to abstracted figures and so make them easy targets for affective investment. This is a paradoxical and conditional form of recognition that eclipses the actual beings upon whom those figures are patterned, silencing their political subjectivities and obscuring their suffering. As a result, they are erased and rendered hypervisible at once. Figuring Violence demonstrates that this dynamic ultimately propagates the very militarism that begets their victimization.
CHUSHICHI TSUZUKI
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198205890
- eISBN:
- 9780191676840
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198205890.003.0013
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History, Political History
This chapter describes Japanese-style fascism. Japan's ultra-nationalism was deeply ingrained on all levels. Though the Miyazaki group remained faithful in their support of Chinese nationalism, it ...
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This chapter describes Japanese-style fascism. Japan's ultra-nationalism was deeply ingrained on all levels. Though the Miyazaki group remained faithful in their support of Chinese nationalism, it soon became clear that other Japanese nationalists, who were also expansionsists, came to regard Chinese nationalists as enemies. Gondo Seikyo and Tachibana Kozaburo, and Kita Ikki and his national socialism are discussed. In addition, the 26 February incident, proto-fascists and fascist societies before 1936, the role of the special higher police, universities under attack, and Minobe's ‘organ theory’ are reviewed. Next, the chapter explains the last vestiges of liberalism, national socialism, and the case of Tsuda Sokichi.Less
This chapter describes Japanese-style fascism. Japan's ultra-nationalism was deeply ingrained on all levels. Though the Miyazaki group remained faithful in their support of Chinese nationalism, it soon became clear that other Japanese nationalists, who were also expansionsists, came to regard Chinese nationalists as enemies. Gondo Seikyo and Tachibana Kozaburo, and Kita Ikki and his national socialism are discussed. In addition, the 26 February incident, proto-fascists and fascist societies before 1936, the role of the special higher police, universities under attack, and Minobe's ‘organ theory’ are reviewed. Next, the chapter explains the last vestiges of liberalism, national socialism, and the case of Tsuda Sokichi.
